尽管如此,叛乱仍时起时伏,每当穆斯塔法·凯末尔即将落败时,英国人便被迫出手救援。这场叛乱起初颇为成功:年轻军官纷纷加入穆斯塔法·凯末尔的阵营,并表示愿意追随他。一些高级军官也加入了他,但条件是他不得损害哈里发制度。军官们加入之后,他聚集起了相当可观的兵力,随即便想组建政府。于是,他从锡瓦斯邀请了里法特帕夏。里法特帕夏早已受西方思想的诱惑,是欧洲人的狂热崇拜者。穆斯塔法·凯末尔还邀请了安卡拉地区的军队指挥官阿里·富阿德,此人是一位杰出的军事学者,也是最精明的政治家之一。

Nevertheless, the rebellion continued with ebbs and flows, and the British were forced to come to Mustafa Kemal’s rescue whenever he was about to fall. The rebellion was at first successful, for the young officers joined Mustafa Kemal and declared their readiness to follow him. Some of the high ranking officers also joined him, but on condition that he would not undermine the Khilafah. Once the officers joined, thus gathering a considerable force, he immediately wanted to set up a government. Hence, he invited Rif ’at Pasha from Sivas. Rif ’at Pasha had been seduced by the Western thoughts and was a great admirer of the Europeans. Mustafa Kemal also invited Ali Fuad, the army commander of the Ankara region, who was a brilliant military academic and one of the shrewdest politicians.

阿里·富阿德身边还有里法特·帕夏同行,此前他已辞去海军部长一职。

Ali Fuad was also accompanied by Rif ’at Pasha who had resigned from the Naval ministry.

会议在各位军官之间举行,由一名秘书负责为代表们记录会议纪要。穆斯塔法·凯末尔阐述了自己的观点,并解释了他的看法。所有人都同意他的意见,认为抵抗是唯一的希望。于是,他们制定了一项行动策略,概括来说就是:增加并组织面对士麦那的民兵,以阻挡和挫败希腊军队的推进。随后,以这些交战为基础,他们将在分裂的军队的废墟之上,重建一支强大而统一的国家正规军。

A meeting between the officers was held with a secretary assuming the role of writing the minutes for the delegates. Mustafa Kemal expressed his viewpoint and explained his opinions. Everyone agreed with him that resistance was the only hope. Hence, they designed a strategy to be executed, which was summarised as multiplying and organising the militias facing Izmir, in order to hinder and thwart the advance of the Greek forces. Then building up from these skirmishes, they would restructure a strong and unified national regular army, on the ruins of the divided armies.

同时还需要制定一项旨在领导抵抗运动的战略;于是他们一致同意,由福阿德负责指挥西部的部队,卡齐姆·库拉·巴基尔负责指挥东部的部队,穆斯塔法·凯末尔则指挥中部的部队。

It was also necessary to design a strategy aimed at leading the resistance; thus they agreed that Fuad would assume the command of the troops in the west, that Kathim Qura Bakir would assume the command of the troops in the east and Mustafa Kemal would command the troops in the centre.

穆斯塔法·凯末尔接着说：中央政府和苏丹都受制于敌人的影响，因此，我们应当在安纳托利亚建立一个临时政府。他话音刚落，众人便都为之一震，纷纷表示愤怒和不满。

Mustafa Kemal then went on to say : “The central government and the Sultan are under the influence of the enemies, hence, we ought to establish a temporal government here in Anatolia.” No sooner had he finished saying this than everyone flinched and expressed anger and resentment.

劳夫表示反对采取任何可能扰乱哈里发或其中央政府的措施。其他人也都反对穆斯塔法·凯末尔，并对他说：只要他在为国家服务、为国家牺牲，他们便信任他；但他们唯一的条件是，他不得采取任何损害苏丹权利或伤害其感情的行动。他们还一再强调，哈里发制度应当凌驾于一切之上，苏丹国不应受到任何损害。

Ra’uf expressed his opposition to the undertaking of any measure that could upset the Khaleefah or his central government. All the others also opposed Mustafa Kemal and said to him as long as he was serving the country and sacrificing in the way of the country, and that although they had trust in him, their only condition was that he refrained from undertaking any action that would undermine the Sultan’s rights or impair his feelings. They also stressed to him that the Khilafah should be above everything else and that the Sultanate should not come to any harm.

在这种共识与坚持面前，穆斯塔法·凯末尔被迫让步，同意民众的意见。因此他宣布哈里发制度不会受到任何损害，并向他们给出了他们所要求的一切保证。随后，叛乱活动开始了。

In the face of this consensus and this persistence Mustafa Kemal was forced to back down and agree to the people’s opinion. Hence he declared that the Khilafah would not come to any harm and he gave them all the guarantees they wanted. Then the rebellious activity started.

然而，由于这场叛乱对于加入穆斯塔法·凯末尔一方的大多数人而言，实际上是反抗协约国占领者的起义，而对苏丹的反对只是名义上的；而对穆斯塔法·凯末尔本人及其少数追随者而言，这实际上是反对苏丹的叛乱，因此穆斯塔法·凯末尔不得不隐藏自己的真实意图，并保证不会伤害哈里发制度。于是，与协约国的冲突不可避免。

However, since the rebellion was to the majority of those who joined Mustafa Kemal a rebellion against the allied occupiers, and only nominally against the Sultan, and since it was in reality for Mustafa Kemal and a fistful of his supporters a rebellion against the Sultan, Mustafa Kemal was forced to conceal his intentions and gave his assurances that he would not harm the Khilafah. Therefore, clashes with the allies were inevitable.

在此时，发生了两件奇怪的事。

At this juncture two strange incidents took place :

英国人宣布，他们决心用更强的守军加固萨姆松，以防止叛军从海上到达该地并夺取锡瓦斯。穆斯塔法·凯末尔下令里法特不惜一切代价保卫萨姆松。他命令里法特抵抗英国人，阻止他们的部队登陆。于是，里法特服从命令，带领一百名穆斯林男子前往海港。一名英国上校已带着一支小部队抵达海港。然而，里法特及其部下进入城市，与这支部队相遇，但双方并未交战。随后，英国上校及其随行人员返回停泊在港内的英国军舰并离开。于是有人向众人宣布，英军已经心生畏惧，其指挥官意识到抵抗毫无希望，因此撤退了；就这样，他们宣称萨姆松已从英国占领下得以保全，锡瓦斯仍掌握在当地民众手中。

The British declared that they were determined to fortify Samsun with a stronger garrison to prevent the rebels from reaching it by sea and seizing Sevas. Mustafa Kemal ordered Rif ’at to defend Samsun at any cost. He ordered him to stand up to the British and prevent them from disembarking their troops. Hence, Rif ’at obeyed and headed towards the seaport accompanied by a hundred Muslim men. A British colonel had reached the seaport with a small force. However, Rif ’at and his troops entered the city and encountered this force but no fighting took place between them. Then the British colonel and those with him returned to the British ship that was anchored in the port and left. Then it was declared to everyone that the British force had become scared and that its commander realised that it was hopeless to resist so he retreated; thus they declared that Samsun was salvaged from the British occupation and that Sivas remained in the hands of the local people.

第二起事件发生在希腊人身上。英国人正在筹划让希腊人与土耳其人展开一系列小规模交战，以此激起当地民众的热情。英国人不愿让英国人的鲜血为此流淌，因为还有另一群人的鲜血可以用来实现其目的；于是希腊人被选作这些战斗中的替罪羊。这一事件的详细经过如下：希腊人不甘心停留在士麦那，士麦那总督又违背了留在士麦那的指令，于是希腊人转而谋取周边地区。率军的希腊指挥官向艾丁地区进军，部队刚一开动，便遭到密集的弹雨反复袭击。

The second incident occurred with the Greeks. The British were preparing the Greeks to engage the Turks in a host of skirmishes, which could evoke the fervour of the locals. The British were reluctant to allow British blood to be shed for this purpose since there was another blood that could be shed in order to achieve it’s aims; thus the Greeks were chosen as the scapegoats in these battles. The elaboration of this event was as follows : The Greeks would not settle for staying in Izmir and the governor of Izmir violated the instructions given to him to remain in Izmir; thus the Greeks moved to seize the neighbouring areas. The Greek commander heading his troops, marched towards the district of Aideen, and as soon as the army moved, a hail of bullets rained down on them repeatedly.

因此,希腊军队惊恐万分,失去了镇定。他们向平民开火,土耳其人也以同样的方式还击。在这场混乱的战斗中,希腊人被击败,土耳其人将他们驱逐出去,并放火焚烧了希腊人的街区。希腊军队在人数增加、军事准备加强之后又卷土重来,他们接着占领了这座城市,并放火焚烧了土耳其人的街区。随后,他们开始残酷地屠杀平民,以减少土耳其人的数量,从而在士麦那成为多数。结果,每一个能够作战的土耳其人都拿起武器,奔向山区,开始与入侵者作战。

Accordingly, the Greek troops were shocked and panic stricken, and they lost their composure. They opened fire on the civilians, and the Turks replied in kind. As a result of this random fighting, the Greeks were vanquished and the Turks forced them away and set fire to the Greek district. The Greek army came back once their numbers had risen and once their military preparations had increased, and they in turn occupied the city and set fire to the Turkish district. Then they started savagely killing the civilians in order to reduce the number of Turks in order to become the majority in Izmir. As a result, every Turk who was able to fight took up arms, headed for the hills and started fighting the invaders.

这种游击战断断续续地持续着。由此,人们对英国人和希腊人的怨恨情绪被点燃,军官们开始聚集在穆斯塔法·凯末尔的旗帜之下,而他则派遣他们前往各村庄,以激发当地人的热情。这些消息被夸大后传到了首都,英国人假意向苏丹提出抗议。苏丹发给穆斯塔法·凯末尔的电报和召见令均无效果,因为他公然表现出不服从。作为回应,苏丹下令将其革职,并向所有军事和民政当局发出命令,不得服从穆斯塔法·凯末尔的指示。关于他被革职的消息在全国广播,苏丹还将他的名字从军官名单中删除,并威胁任何与他联系的人将被立即开除。对此,穆斯塔法·凯末尔向军官们下达指示,称如果他们被革职,不应停止工作,只需告知苏丹,新任命的军官未能赢得军队和人民的信任,因此他仍然处于失业状态。穆斯塔法·凯末尔连续数周不断地号召民众起来反抗,并竭尽全力挫败政府的措施,抵制其一切行动。

This guerrilla warfare went on sporadically. The feeling of resentment towards the British and the Greeks was triggered as a result, and the officers started rallying under the banner of Mustafa Kemal, and he for his part started sending them to the villages to kindle their fervour. The news of this was magnified and relayed to the capital and the British feigned their protest to the Sultan. The Sultan’s telegrams sent to Mustafa Kemal and his summons were to no avail, for he flagrantly displayed his disobedience. In response, the Sultan ordered his dismissal and issued orders to all the military and civilian authorities to disobey Mustafa Kemal’s instructions. News of his dismissal was broadcast all over the country and the Sultan struck off his name from the list of army officers and threatened anyone who contacted him with summary dismissal. Upon this Mustafa Kemal issued his instructions to the army officers, stating that in case they were dismissed, they should not stop working, provided they told the Sultan that the newly appointed officer did not gain the confidence of the army nor that of the people, and thus he remained unemployed. Mustafa Kemal continued for weeks to exhort the masses to rebel, and to exhaust all of his efforts to foil the governmental measures and to resist all of its moves.

1919年7月23日，几名男子聚集在美索不达米亚一个偏远地区的一座小建筑里，那里的样子很像一所乡村小学。这些代表是东部各省的代表，他们的构成颇为奇特，各色人等混杂在一起。

On 23rd July 1919, several men gathered in a tiny building similar to a village school, in a remote district of Mesapotamia. Those delegates were the deputies of the eastern provinces. They were of a strange mixture.

其中有前任议员、教长、高级公务员、库尔德部落首领和军官。大会以乌玛的名义开幕，议程第一项是大会主席的人选问题。一位代表起身说：尊敬的各位代表，能否就穆斯塔法·凯末尔是否适合主持这次会议发表意见？他明知穆斯塔法·凯末尔一生从未担任过东部任何省份的议员。这位代表被突然打断，穆斯塔法·凯末尔以压倒性多数被选为大会主席。大会历时十四天，讨论过程混乱而激烈。会上通过了大量决议，随后大会宣告结束。

Among them were former deputies, Sheikhs, senior civil servants, Kurdish tribal leaders and officers. The conference opened in the name of the Ummah, and the first item in the agenda was the issue of chairing the conference. One of the delegates stood up and said : “Could the honourable delegates give their opinion on whether Mustafa Kemal would be suitable to chair this meeting?” knowing that he had never in his life been a deputy over any of the eastern provinces. The deputy was abruptly interrupted and Mustafa Kemal was voted with an overwhelming majority as chairman of the conference. The conference lasted fourteen days and the discussions were conducted in a disorderly and agitated manner. A host of resolutions were adopted then the conference was wound up.

以下是部分决议如下:

Some of the resolutions were as follows :

乌玛是一个不可分割、不容分裂的整体,东部各个维拉耶特都决心抵抗任何形式的占领,并反对外国干涉。如果伊斯坦布尔政府拒绝站在民众一边,拒绝保护他们免受外国入侵,那么在局势已到达如此危急的地步时,除了呼吁另设一个临时政府来承担国家事务的管理之外,别无选择。代表们还明确宣布,他们仍然效忠哈里发瓦希德丁,他的宣誓效忠仍然约束着他们。会议还决定设立一个名为执行议会委员会的机构,其任务是执行大会通过的各项决议。穆斯塔法·凯末尔当选为该委员会主席,决议随即向全乌玛广播,并将副本寄往欧洲各国。随后决定召开锡瓦斯会议。

“The Ummah is a unit that is not subject to fragmentation or division, and all the eastern Wilayas are determined to resist any type of occupation and to stand up to foreign interference. If the Istanbul government refused to side with the people and to protect them from the foreign invasion, there will be no other option but to call for another interim government to shoulder the running of the country’s affairs, now that the situation has reached this critical point.” The delegates also declared unequivocally that they were still loyal to the Khalifah Wahid-ud-Deen and that his Baya’a was still on their necks. It had also been decided to establish an apparatus which was named the “Executive Parliamentary Committee”, and whose task was to execute the resolutions adopted by the conference. Mustafa Kemal was elected as Chairman of this committee and the resolutions were immediately broadcast to the Ummah and copies were despatched to the European countries. Then it was decided to hold the conference of Sivas.

然而,当伊斯坦布尔政府得知埃尔祖鲁姆会议的消息后,它发布了一份公告,并将其分发给所有报社;世界各地的报纸也对此作了报道。公告原文如下:安纳托利亚发生了一些动乱,期间举行了多次会议,旨在破坏体制并公然违反宪法。据称这些会议是合乎宪法和议会程序的,但实际上并非如此。因此,所有军事和民事当局都应彻底结束这一运动,并以最严厉的方式镇压这些叛乱分子。政府的这些传单送达了埃尔祖鲁姆的当局,他们回复安卡拉政府称:召开议会会议已成为迫切的需要,如果议会得以召开,就不必举行这类会议了。政府审视了自身的危急处境,意识到其解散议会的做法违反宪法,而且并未就重新选举作出安排。尽管如此,它还是着手采取了一系列紧急而果断的措施以平息叛乱。因此,它决定组建一支仅由表现出真诚忠诚的人员组成的军队。随后,这支军队被派往安纳托利亚。

当英国人得知这支军队的存在后,他们以盟国的名义阻止苏丹组建该军队,理由是停战条款中有一项规定要求遣散军队且不得重建。苏丹曾试图让自己有充分的自由去镇压叛乱,但盟国坚决阻止了他这样做。这里所说的"盟国",实际上指的是英国人,因为他们主宰着这个国家;代表盟国行事的,正是英国高级专员及其办公室,以及盟军总司令哈林顿。

When the British learnt of this army, they prevented the Sultan, on behalf of the allies, from forming the army, arguing that one of the clauses in the terms of the truce stipulated the disbandment of the troops, and their non-reformation. The Sultan attempted to give himself a free hand in crushing the rebellion but the allies categorically prevented him from doing so. When it is said the allies, it is meant in this context the British, for they dominated the country and it was the British High Commissioner and his office, together with Harrington, the Commander in Chief of the allied forces, who used to act on behalf of the allies.

当苏丹意识到盟国坚决拒绝让他派遣特遣部队平息骚乱时，他询问他们认为谁能够结束这些骚乱。他坚持不懈地提出这一请求，直到他们回答说，他们采取的是中立立场，干涉土耳其内政超出了他们的权限。他们告诉他，如果他想统治这个国家，那么维护法律与秩序的责任只能由他一人承担。

When the Sultan realised that the allies were adamant in their refusal to allow him to send a task force to quell the disturbances, he requested their opinion as to who would be able to put an end to the disturbances. He strongly persisted in his request, until they answered him by saying that they were taking a neutral stand and that it was beyond their competence to interfere in Turkey’s domestic affairs. They told him that he alone was responsible for maintaining law and order if he wanted to rule over the country.

达玛德·法里德帕夏对英国人感到失望，苏丹便只得依靠自己的力量，于是策划在穆斯塔法·凯末尔从埃尔祖鲁姆前往锡瓦斯的途中将其逮捕。然而，这一阴谋未能得逞：穆斯塔法·凯末尔得知了这一计划，并采取了防范措施，改变了行程时间。士兵们聚集起来准备逮捕他，却没能在指定的地点找到他，因为他此前已经抵达锡瓦斯了。

Damad Farid Pasha felt let down by the British and the Sultan resorted to using his own means, so he plotted to have Mustafa Kemal arrested while on his way to Sivas from “Ardh-Rum”, but the plot failed because Mustafa Kemal was informed of the plot and managed to take precautions and change the time of his journey. The soldiers gathered to arrest him but failed to find him in the place designated to them, for he had reached Sivas before then.

随后,苏丹请加利布·贝伊(Ghalib Beik)——他是苏丹最主要的支持者之一——统率若干库尔德部落,进攻锡瓦斯城并逮捕大会的所有成员。然而他未能得逞。大会成员已从安纳托利亚各地赶至锡瓦斯。大会于1919年8月4日召开,由穆斯塔法·凯末尔主持。然而,他的主席身份遭到了反对。大会开始前不久,穆斯塔法·凯末尔最亲密的朋友之一劳夫·贝伊(Rauf Beik)来找他,说:"我们研究了大会主席一事,一致同意你无论如何都不应接受这一职务。" 大会在穆斯塔法·凯末尔的主持下召开时,有人起身反对他的专断行为,因为他未经投票就自己任命为大会主席。对此,穆斯塔法·凯末尔站起来为自己辩护。他的原话是:"我们今天不是在能够让我们相互争斗、彼此争论的会议上,否则帝国之星将会黯淡,其影响力也必然会消失殆尽。"这番动情的讲话产生了效果,他的支持者起身鼓掌欢呼;此后众人便对他的主席身份保持了沉默。投票进行时,宣布穆斯塔法·凯末尔获得了多数票。

Thereupon the Sultan asked Ghalib Beik, who was one of the Sultan’s greatest supporters, to head some of the Kurdish tribes and invade the city of Sivas, and arrest all the members of the conference. However he failed. The members of the conference had arrived to Sivas from all over Anatolia and the conference was held on 4th August 1919 and was chaired by Mustafa Kemal. However, his chairmanship was subject to objection. Shortly before the conference began, Ra’uf Beik, who was one of Mustafa Kemal’s closest friends, came to him and said : “We have looked into the chairmanship of the conference and consented that you should not accept it no matter what.” When the conference was convened under Mustafa Kemal’s chairmanship, some stood up and objected to his autocratic actions, for he had appointed himself chairman of the conference without a ballot. Upon this Mustafa Kemal stood up to defend himself. To quote from what he said : “We are not today in conferences which allow us to fight and dispute with each other, otherwise the star of the Empire would eclipse and her influence would be inevitably obliterated.” This emotional talk had its effect and his supporters stood to applaud and cheer him; then everyone kept quiet over his chairmanship. When the vote was taken, it was announced that Mustafa Kemal had gained a majority.

穆斯塔法·凯末尔刚一当选主席,便站起身发表演讲。他首先明确表达了对苏丹的忠诚。随后大会正式开始,持续了好几天,会场充斥着喧嚷、激烈的辩论和大量的窃窃私语。接着,若干异议相继浮现。一位代表起身质问:大会的执行委员会无权宣称自己就是政府;如果欧洲人干预安纳托利亚的事务并将其全部占领,他们又将如何应对?他们从哪里筹集资金来支付军队的开支和雇员的薪水?另一位代表站起来说:美国没有殖民野心,她是唯一能够将土耳其从所陷入的危机僵局中拯救出来的国家。土耳其若要真正避免衰落和灭亡,唯一可行的道路就是投入美国的怀抱。随后,劳夫·贝伊、巴克尔·萨米·贝伊、卡西姆·库拉·巴基尔、里法特、阿里·富阿德以及三位帕夏站起身来,对这一主张表示赞同,并全心全意地为之辩护。又一位代表起身说:美国的委任统治并不会扼杀独立。通过它,我们便可以摆脱英国的保护国地位;而英国的保护国地位必将使土耳其沦为受辱的殖民地,并将其地位降至奴役的水平。大会就这样沿着这一方向进行下去,挫败了穆斯塔法·凯末尔的所有努力。经过这一番商议,大会通过了一系列决议,这些决议与在埃尔祖鲁姆通过的决议并无二致。然而,大会在与会者对穆斯塔法·凯末尔心怀不满的情况下结束了。 只有一位军长保住了自己的地位、没有将装备移交给盟军、也没有向他们投降的卡西姆·古拉·巴基尔帕夏，走到穆斯塔法·凯末尔面前，对他说：“帕夏啊，你的这一举动，以你的代理身份与对方联络，已经招致了批评。你可以想象，阁下，这样的行为和走上这样艰难的道路会带来怎样的后果。所以请允许委员会从现在起以它自己的名义发言。”因此，穆斯塔法·凯末尔离开会场时非常恼火。

No sooner was Mustafa Kemal elected chairman than he stood up to deliver a speech. He started by clearly voicing his loyalty to the Sultan, then the sessions of the conference started and went on for several days in an atmosphere of clamour, heated debates and a great deal of whispering. Then several objections surfaced and one of the deputies stood up to say : “The Executive Committee of the conference had no right to claim that it is the government; and what would they do if the Europeans interfered in the affairs of Anatolia and occupied it all? Where would they find the funds to pay the expenses of the troops and the salaries of the employees?” Another deputy stood up and said : “The United States have no colonialist ambitions, she is the only state who can save Turkey from the critical deadlock that she has fallen into. The only way that Turkey could follow if she were genuine about avoiding degeneration and extinction would be to throw herself into the embrace of America.” Then Ra’uf Beik, Bakr Sami Beik, Kathim Qura Bakir, Rif ’at, Ali Fu’ad and the three Pashas stood up and voiced their approval of this opinion and defended it wholeheartedly. Another deputy stood up and said : “The American mandate does not kill off independence. By this we can rid ourselves from the British protectorate; this British protectorate is going to turn Turkey into a humiliated colony and bring her standing down to the level of slavery.” The conference proceeded in this trend, foiling all of Mustafa Kemal’s endeavours, and after all these deliberations, the conference adopted a host of resolutions which did not differ from those adopted in “Ardh- Rum”. However, the conference was wound up with its members angry with Mustafa Kemal. Kathim Qura Bakir Pasha, who was the only army commander to retain his status and not to hand over his equipment to the allies and not to surrender to them, approached Mustafa Kemal and said to him : “The undertaking of communications on your behalf has raised criticism O Pasha, you can imagine, your excellency, the consequences of such an action and of treading such a difficult path. So please, let the Committee from now on speak on its own behalf.” Therefore, Mustafa Kemal was very annoyed when he left the conference.

一方面,锡瓦斯会议的消息传到伊斯坦布尔时,情况却呈现出另一番面貌,仿佛这是穆斯塔法·凯末尔的一次胜利。伊斯坦布尔政府对会议的抵制也助长了这一印象。尽管这种抵制是由首相所作所为引发的:他阻止了会议与王宫之间的直接联系,又在加利布·贝伊率领库尔德部落企图逮捕代表时纵容默许。然而,这种抵制本身以及会议得以顺利举行这一事实,使事件呈现出另一种面貌。

This was on the one hand; on the other hand, news of the Sivas conference reached Istanbul in a different light, as if it were a victory to Mustafa Kemal. This was backed by the conference’s boycott of the Istanbul government. Although this boycott was triggered by what the Prime Minister had perpetrated, when he prevented direct contact between the conference and the palace, and also when Ghalib Beik headed the Kurdish tribes to arrest the delegates, this boycott in itself and the success in holding the conference had portrayed events in a different light.

此外,盟国即英国人建议伊斯坦布尔的官员与穆斯塔法·凯末尔达成和解。在这种气氛下,穆斯塔法·凯末尔早年在萨洛尼卡时期的密友之一,名叫阿卜杜勒-卡里姆,挺身而出,向哈里发提议充当他与穆斯塔法·凯末尔之间的调解人。他告诉哈里发,穆斯塔法·凯末尔始终忠于哈里发制度、忠于哈里发本人。他还表示,自己愿意劝说穆斯塔法·凯末尔达成和解。在这种反思的情绪下,苏丹瓦希德-乌德-丁同意穆斯塔法·凯末尔提出的要求,以彻底结束叛乱。随后,阿卜杜勒-卡里姆致电锡瓦斯,与穆斯塔法·凯末尔通话,后者同意结束叛乱,并要求解散达马德·法里德帕夏的政府,组建新议会以取代苏丹已经解散的议会。于是,苏丹瓦希德-乌德-丁同意了这一要求。

Furthermore, the allies, namely the British recommended to the officials in Istanbul to come to terms with Mustafa Kemal, and amidst this atmosphere, one of Mustafa Kemal’s closest friends, from the days of Salonika, and whose name was Abdul-Karim, came forward and proposed to the Khaleefah to act as a mediator between him and Mustafa Kemal. He told him that Mustafa Kemal had always been loyal to the Khilafah and to the Khaleefah, and to him personally. He also told him that he was ready to persuade him to come to terms. In the light of this reflective mood, Sultan Wahid-ud-Deen agreed with Mustafa Kemal propounding his demands to end the rebellion for good. Upon this Abdul-Karim telephoned Sivas and spoke to Mustafa Kemal, who agreed to end the rebellion and demanded the dismissal of Damad Farid Pasha’s government and the forming of a new parliament to replace the parliament that the Sultan had dissolved. Accordingly, Sultan Wahid-ud-Deen agreed to this.

在这些电话联络之后的第三天，即1919年11月2日，这些联络仅持续了一夜，法里德帕夏辞去了政府职务。他公开地对人们说，英国人让他失望了，过去他们曾支持他，后来却对他撒手不管。于是，战争大臣阿里·里达帕夏组建了新政府。这被视为穆斯塔法·凯末尔的一次胜利。

Three days after these telephone contacts had been made, lasting one night only, on 2nd November 1919, Farid Pasha resigned from the government. He talked openly to people and told them that he had been let down by the British, who in the past used to back him, but then they washed their hands of him. Thereupon Ali Ridha Pasha, the war minister, formed the new government. This was regarded as a victory for Mustafa Kemal.

因此,穆斯塔法·凯末尔通过一份传单向乌玛宣布,民族主义者的执行委员会已承认以阿里·里达为首的新政府,并无条件地支持该政府。他还赞扬陛下苏丹仁慈地颁布了他尊贵的敕令,并罢免了达马德·法里德帕夏的政府。

Hence, Mustafa Kemal declared to the Ummah through a leaflet that the Executive Committee of the nationalists had recognised the new government headed by Ali Ridha and that it supported him unconditionally. He also praised his Excellency the Sultan for being gracious enough to dictate his honourable ordinance and dismiss the government of Damad Farid Pasha.

因此,穆斯塔法·凯末尔脱颖而出成为胜利者,因为他成功地以一个人人都深信不疑的理念聚集了民众,即把协约国赶出国土,使国家摆脱被占领的噩梦。他设法在他们心中唤起了反抗占领、采取行动对抗占领的可能性。因此,他成为了大众希望的对象,也赢得了军官们的钦佩,尽管他们都对他对哈里发的意图心存疑虑,并认为这些意图有悖于他们所神圣看待的事物,因为哈里发一职在他们看来是神圣不可侵犯的。

Therefore, Mustafa Kemal emerged as the winner, because he succeeded in gathering people around him on the basis of an idea that everyone was convinced of, that is the expulsion of the Allies from the country and her liberation from the nightmare of their occupation. He managed to evoke in them the possibility of fighting occupation and of undertaking actions against it. Hence, he became the object of the masses’ hope and the army officers’ admiration, although they all harboured doubt about his intentions towards the Khaleefah, and they considered these intentions to be against their sanctification, because the post of the Khaleefah was to them a sanctity.

因此，民众的希望寄托于穆斯塔法·凯末尔能够与哈里发达成和解，使神圣的哈里发职位得以保全，并借此驱逐占领者的敌人。尤其是在英国人被阻止占领萨姆松、希腊人遭到抵抗之后，人们感受到了抵抗占领者的可能性。于是他们紧抓这一希望，认为穆斯塔法·凯末尔是实现这一希望的英雄，而他们在哈里发身上看不到这种可能性。

Hence, people’s hope was for Mustafa Kemal to come to terms with the Khaleefah, so that the sanctified post of the Khaleefah remained intact and so that they could achieve the expulsion of the occupying enemies. This was especially so after sensing through the preventing of the British from occupying Samsun and the fighting of the Greeks, the possibility of resisting the occupiers. Thus they clung to that hope for which they deemed Mustafa Kemal to be its hero, and they could not see in the Khaleefah this possibility.

因此，所有人的目光都投向了穆斯塔法·凯末尔。大多数民众无法辨别政治活动的复杂性及其影响范围，普通人难以理解这些，而如果军官们不从事政治活动，他们同样难以理解。因此，他们未能察觉英国的这些把戏。他们也不熟悉国际关系，因此无法理解英国为何坚持要剥夺其盟友的战利品，哪怕这意味着把这些战利品交给战败国或让战败国保有，以便国际力量均势对英国有利，以便英国继续保持领先地位。他们也不知道，意大利或法国占领土耳其海岸线的任何部分，都会削弱英国在东方的影响力以及其在地中海的力量。因此，他们不允许这些国家夺取任何东西。民众也无法看清，英国并非凭借自身力量、也非公开行动，而是通过煽动他人、施展手段与欺骗，才把意大利人和法国人赶走的。

Therefore, all eyes were on Mustafa Kemal. The majority of people could not discern the complexities of political activity and its reaches, and it was difficult for the ordinary man to comprehend them, and also difficult for the military officers if they did not undertake political activities. Hence, they failed to perceive these British games. They were also not familiar with international relations, thus they could not appreciate the British persistence to deprive her allies from the spoils, even if this meant giving them or keeping them in the hands of the vanquished state, so that the international balance of power remained in Britain’s favour and so that they remained the leading power. They did not also know that Italy’s or France’s occupation of any part of the Turkish coastline would undermine the British influence in the east and their forces in the Mediterranean. Thus they did not allow them to take anything. The people also could not discern that Britain did not remove the Italians and the French away by her own force, nor by overt actions, but by inciting others and through manoeuvres and deceit.