Tafsiri ya Qur'aan - Usūl At-tafsīr | Quran Course

Tafsiri ya Qur'aan - Usūl At-tafsīr | Quran Course

Ujumbe huu ulifunuliwa kwa lugha ya Kiarabu.

this message was revealed in the Arabic language.

Dola ya Kiislamu ilianzia katika Rasi ya Arabia, ikaenea kote humo, kisha ikasambaa upesi hadi nchi jirani za Afrika, Asia Ndogo, India na Asia. Kiarabu kikawa upesi si tu lugha ya Wahyi wa mwisho wa Uislamu, bali pia lugha rasmi ya himaya kubwa ya Kiislamu iliyojumuisha tamaduni na lugha mbalimbali. Baadhi ya watu tayari walikuwa wakizungumza Kiarabu, lakini wengi hawakuwa wakizungumza.

The Islaamic state arose in the Arabian peninsula, engulfed it, and quickly spread to the neighboring lands of Africa, Asia Minor, India, and Asia. Arabic soon became not only the language of the final revelation of Islaam, but also the official language of a vast Islaamic empire encompassing diverse cultures and languages. Some of the people already spoke Arabic, while most did not.

Hata hivyo, ndani ya kipindi kifupi sana, Uislamu na lugha ya Kiarabu zilienea kwa kasi miongoni mwa watu. Baadhi ya lugha za kigeni zilichukua maneno ya Kiarabu-Kiislamu, na wale waliozungumza lugha hizo wakaanza kuziandika kwa kutumia herufi za Kiarabu. Hatimaye, lugha nyingi kati ya hizi zilifunikwa au kubadilishwa na Kiarabu. Lugha ya Kikopti ya Wamisri na lugha ya Kiberber ya Waafrika Kaskazini ni mifano ya lugha za taifa zilizobadilishwa na Kiarabu, ilhali Kihausa, Kiajemi na Kimalei ni mifano ya lugha zilizochukua maneno mengi ya Kiarabu na kuandikwa kwa herufi za Kiarabu. Katika maeneo mengine, zilizuka lugha za biashara zilizoundwa kwa mchanganyiko wa lugha za kienyeji na maneno mengi ya Kiarabu, lakini hata lugha hizo ziliandikwa kwa herufi za Kiarabu. Hata hivyo, khalifa wa ‘Abbaasi alipodhoofika, watawala wa kijeshi wa Kiajemi na Kituruki waligawanya dola katika masultani kadhaa shindani. Kiajemi kilikuwa lugha ya serikali ya majimbo mengi kati ya haya.5

However, within a very short period, Islaam and Arabic spread rapidly among the people. Some foreign languages absorbed Arabic-Islaamic terms and those who spoke them began to write them in the Arabic script. Eventually, many of these languages were overshadowed or replaced by Arabic. The Coptic language of the Egyptians and Berber of the North Africans are some examples of the replacement of national languages by Arabic, while Hausa, Persian and Malay are examples of languages which absorbed large amounts of Arabic words and were written in Arabic script. In other areas, trading languages developed, made up of a mixture of local languages and large amounts of Arabic, but even these languages were written in Arabic script. However, when the ‘Abbaasid caliphate weakened, Persian and Turkish warlords carved the state into a number of competing sultanates. Persian was the language of government of many of these states.5

Hatimaye uongozi wa dola ya Kiislamu ulianguka mikononi mwa Wamongolia, na baadaye Waturuki. Ikaibuka aina ya utaifa wa kiutamaduni ambapo lugha ya Kituruki ikawa lugha rasmi ya dola, na lugha ya Kiarabu ikapunguzwa umuhimu wake, isipokuwa katika sherehe za kidini na katika shule za dini.6

Eventually leadership of the Muslim state fell into the hands of Mongols and, subsequently the Turks, a form of cultural nationalism arose in which the Turkish language became the official language of the state, and Arabic was deemphasized, except in religious ceremonies and religious schools.6

Hadithi maarufu ya Mtume (ﷺ),

The famous hadeeth of the Prophet (ﷺ),

Kwa hiyo, sehemu kubwa ya Waislamu iliendelea kushindwa kuelewa Kiarabu, ingawa wengi wao waliendelea kusoma na kutamka maandishi yake. Ili kujaza pengo hili, baadhi ya wanazuoni wa Kiislamu katika nchi hizi zisizozungumza Kiarabu walianza kutafsiri Qur’aan katika lugha zao za asili. Tafsiri ya kwanza inayojulikana ya aina hii ilifanywa na Shah ‘Abdul Qaadir wa Delhi (d. 1826 CE).9 Harakati hizi za kutafsiri zilianza kushika kasi katika nusu ya mwisho ya karne ya kumi na minane C.E.

Consequently, the vast majority of Muslims remained unable to understand Arabic, even though many of them continued to read and pronounce its script. In an attempt to fill this vacuum, some Muslim scholars in these non-Arabic speaking countries began to translate the Qur’aan into their local tongues. The earliest known translation of this type was by Shah ‘Abdul Qaadir of Delhi (d. 1826 CE).9 This movement to translation began to gather momentum around the latter part of the eighteenth century C.E.

Hata hivyo, tafsiri hizi hazikuwa tafsiri za mwanzo kabisa zilizofanywa kwenda lugha za kigeni. Kabla ya kuibuka kwa lugha za kisasa za Ulaya, Kilatini, lugha ya Dola Takatifu la Kirumi, ndiyo ilikuwa lugha ya utamaduni barani Ulaya. Kwa hiyo, tafsiri ya mwanzo iliyorekodiwa ilikuwa ya Kilatini. Ilifanywa kwa ajili ya Monasteri ya Cluny mwaka 1143, lakini haikuchapishwa hadi 1543 huko Basle na Bibliander.10 Tafsiri hii ya Kilatini baadaye ilitafsiriwa kwenda Kijerumani na Schweigger huko Bavaria mwaka 1616, kwenda Kifaransa na DuRyer huko Paris mwaka 1647, na kwenda Kirusi huko St. Petersburg mwaka 1776.11 Tafsiri ya kwanza ya Kiingereza, iliyofanywa na A. Ross, ilikuwa tafsiri tu ya tafsiri ya Kifaransa ya DuRyer, na ilichapishwa miaka michache baada ya ile ya DuRyer.12 Katika kipindi hiki, Maracci, mwungamaji wa Papa Innocent XI, alitoa tafsiri nyingine ya Kilatini mwaka 1698, ambayo ilijumuisha maandishi ya Kiarabu pamoja na nukuu kutoka mafafanuzi mbalimbali ya Kiarabu, zilizochaguliwa kwa makini na kupotoshwa, ili kuwapa Wazungu taswira mbaya kabisa ya Uislamu. Maracci alikuwa mtu mwenye elimu, na lengo lake lilikuwa wazi. Alijitolea kazi yake kwa Mfalme wa Dola Takatifu la Kirumi, Leopold I, na aliandika kitabu cha utangulizi kwa ajili yake kiitwacho, "Kukanusha Qur'ani."13

However, these were not the earliest translations made into foreign languages. Before the evolution of modern European languages, Latin, the language of the Holy Roman Empire, was the language of culture in Europe. Hence, the earliest recorded translation was into Latin. It was made for the Monastery of Cluny in 1143, but it was not published until 1543 at Basle by Bibliander.10 This Latin translation was subsequently translated into German by Schweigger in Bavaria in 1616, into French by DuRyer in Paris in 1647, and into Russian at St. Petersburg in 1776.11 The first English translation, by A. Ross, was merely a translation of DuRyer’s French translation, and was published a few years after DuRyer’s. 12 During this period, Maracci, a confessor to Pope Innocent XI, produced another Latin translation in 1698, which included the Arabic text as well as quotations from various Arabic commentaries, carefully selected and garbled, in order to give Europeans the worst possible impression of Islaam. Maracci was a learned man, and his agenda was clear. He dedicated his work to the Holy Roman Emperor, Leopold I, and wrote an introductory volume for it entitled, “Refutation of the Quran.” 13

Miongoni mwa tafsiri za Kiingereza zilizosambazwa sana ni ile ya George Sale, iliyofanywa mwaka 1734. Sale alitafsiri kutoka tafsiri ya Kilatini ya Maracci, na akajumuisha maelezo yake yenye upendeleo pamoja na utangulizi wake. Mifano mingine ni ile ya Rev. J.M. Rodwell, iliyochapishwa mwaka 1876, ambamo sura ziliwekwa katika mpangilio wa takriban wa kihistoria, na ile ya Profesa E.H. Palmer, iliyochapishwa mwaka 1876.15

Among the most widely circulated English translations was that of George Sale, made in 1734. Sale translated from Maracci’s Latin version and included his biased notes and introduction. 14 Other examples are that of Rev. J.M. Rodwell, published in 1876, in which the chapters were placed in a rough chronological order, and that of Professor E.H. Palmer, published in 1876.15

Hata hivyo, tafsiri hizi zote zilionyesha upendeleo mkubwa dhidi ya Uislamu, iwe katika matini zao zilizotafsiriwa au katika utangulizi na maelezo ya chini ya ukurasa. Kwa sababu hiyo, baadhi ya wanazuoni wa Kiislamu wa India walianza kazi ngumu ya kutafsiri maana ya Qur’aan kwa Kiingereza kwa usahihi. Wa kwanza kufanya hivyo alikuwa Dkt. Muhammad ‘Abdul Hakeem Khan wa Patiala mwaka 1905. Kwa bahati mbaya, tafsiri hii ilifuatiwa mwaka 1917 na ile ya mwanazuoni wa Kiahmadiyya Maulvi Muhammad ‘Alee, ambayo inaakisi mawazo ya madhehebu ya Kiahmadiyya, yasiyo ya kweli ya Kiislamu. Kutokana na shughuli kubwa ya kimishenari ya madhehebu hilo, tafsiri yao imefurahia usambazaji mpana sana Magharibi hadi hivi karibuni. Mwaka 1919, Mirza Hairat wa Delhi pia alichapisha tafsiri, na tafsiri ya Hafiz Ghulam Sarwar ilichapishwa mwaka 1929. Hata hivyo, hakuna hata moja kati ya hizi mbili iliyowahi kusomwa sana.16

However, all of these translations contained a strong anti-Islaamic bias, either in their translated texts or in their introductions and footnotes. Consequently some Muslim scholars of India began the formidable task of accurately rendering the Qur’aan’s meaning in English. The first to do so was Dr. Muhammad ‘Abdul Hakeem Khan of Patiala in 1905. Unfortunately, this translation was followed in 1917 by that of the Ahmadee scholar Maulvi Muhammad ‘Alee, which reflects the ideas of the Ahmadeeyah psuedo-Islaamic sect. Due to the strong missionary activity of the sect, their translation has, until recently, enjoyed a very wide circulation in the West. In 1919, Mirza Hairat of Delhi also published a translation, and Hafiz Ghulam Sarwar’s translation was published in 1929. However, neither of these was ever widely read.16

Mwaka 1930, mwanazuoni wa Kiingereza wa lugha ya Kiarabu, Muhammad Marmaduke Pickthall, alitoa tafsiri ya kwanza ya Kiingereza iliyofanywa na Mwislamu aliyesilimu. Mwanazuoni huyu alijaribu kile alichokiita "tafsiri karibu sawa neno kwa neno," na aliweka maelezo machache sana ya chini ya ukurasa.17 Hata hivyo, tafsiri yake imekuwa ya pili kwa kupokelewa sana miongoni mwa Waislamu. Labda tafsiri ya Kiingereza inayosomwa zaidi ni ile ya ‘Abdullaah Yusuf ‘Ali, iliyochapishwa kwa mara ya kwanza huko Lahore mwaka 1934. Hii ni tafsiri huru kiasi, ambamo mwandishi, aliyepata elimu ya kazi za kale za Kiingereza, alijaribu kutengeneza kazi bora ya kifasihi inayonasa uzuri wa asili. Alitoa muhtasari na maelezo mengi ya chini ya ukurasa ambayo, katika matukio kadhaa, yalijumuisha maoni yasiyo ya kawaida, kama si ya uzushi. Kamati iliundwa nchini Saudi Arabia mwaka 1980 ili kutoa tafsiri ya Kiingereza inayoaminika ya Qur’aan. Walichagua tafsiri ya ‘Abdullaah Yusuf ‘Ali kuwa bora zaidi iliyopatikana, wakibainisha "mtindo wake wa hali ya juu sana wa kifasihi, uteuzi wa maneno karibu na maana ya maandishi asili, pamoja na maelezo na tafsiri za kitaalamu."18 Hata hivyo, walitambua kuwa ilikuwa na kasoro kubwa, kwa hiyo walirekebisha tafsiri yake hapa na pale na kufanya marekebisho makubwa ya maelezo yake ili kuondoa makosa yake dhahiri zaidi. Toleo hili lililorekebishwa lilichapishwa na King Fahd Qur’aanic Printing Press huko Madeenah mwaka 1985.

In 1930, the English scholar of Arabic, Muhammad Marmaduke Pickthall, produced the first English translation by a Muslim convert. This scholar attempted what he termed an “almost literal translation” and included very few explanatory footnotes.17 Nevertheless, his translation has become the second most widely received among Muslims. Perhaps the most widely read English translation is that of ‘Abdullaah Yusuf ‘Ali, first published in Lahore in 1934. This is a rather free translation, in which the author, who received an education in the English classics, attempted to make a literary masterpiece capturing the beauty of the original. He provided summaries and profuse footnotes which, in a number of instances, included very unorthodox, if not heretical, opinions. A committee was formed in Saudi Arabia in 1980 to produce a reliable English translation of the Qur’aan. They chose ‘Abdullaah Yusuf ‘Ali’s as the best available, noting its “highly elegant style, a choice of words close to the meaning of the original text, accompanied by scholarly notes and commentaries.” 18 They recognized, however, that it had serious flaws, so they revised his translation here and there and made substantial revisions of his notes to remove his most glaring errors. This revised edition was published by the King Fahd Qur’aanic Printing Press in Madeenah in 1985.

Profesa Muhammad Taqi-ud Din Al-Hilali na Daktari Muhammad Muhsin Khan, wote wa Chuo Kikuu cha Kiislamu cha Madina, walichapisha Tafsiri ya Maana za Qur'ani Tukufu mwaka 1985. Ni jaribio la kufupisha tafsiri za at-Tabaree, al-Qurtubee na Ibn Katheer kwa kuingiza nyongeza za ziada kwenye mabano ndani ya maandishi yaliyotafsiriwa. Maneno mengi ya Kiarabu, kama faasiqoon, abraar, haneef, yameandikwa kwa herufi za Kilatini, huku maelezo ya maana zake yakiwekwa baada yake kwenye mabano. Maelezo mengi ya chini ya ukurasa yanajumuisha hadithi kutoka Saheeh al-Bukhaaree zinazohusiana na aya zinazofafanuliwa. Kazi hii ina mambo mengi yenye manufaa, lakini imeharibiwa na nyongeza zinazojirudia zinazovuruga mtiririko wa sentensi, na hivyo kuifanya lugha yake kuwa nzito na isiyo nadhifu. Pia, kwa sababu maelezo yameingizwa katikati ya sentensi, wasomaji wasiojua kusoma Kiarabu wanaweza kudhani kwamba maelezo hayo ya ziada ni sehemu ya asili ya maandishi. Kwa mfano, aya ya 157 ya Suratu An-Nisaa inakanusha madai kwamba Yesu alisulubiwa:

Professor Muhammad Taqi-ud Din Al-Hilali and Dr. Muhammad Muhsin Khan, both of the Islaamic University of Madeenah, published their Interpretation of the Meanings of the Noble Qur'an in 1985. It is an attempt to summarize the commentaries of at-Tabaree, al-Qurtubee and Ibn Katheer by inserting additional material in parentheses into the translated text. Many Arabic terms, such as faasiqoon, abraar, haneef, are transliterated, with explanations of their meanings inserted after them in parentheses. Most of the footnotes consist of hadeeths from Saheeh al-Bukhaaree relevant to the verses they annotate. There is much that is useful in this work, but it is marred by repetitive insertions that disrupt sentence flow, making it linguistically clumsy. Also, because commentary is inserted into the flow of the sentences, readers unable to read Arabic may understand the added commentary to be an integral part of the original text. For instance, verse 157 of Soorah an-Nisaa’ refutes the claim that Jesus was crucified: