Birinchi jahon urushidan keyin, sulh e'lon qilinib, ittifoqchilar keng g'alabaga erishgach, Usmonli davlati parchalanib, mayda davlatchalarga bo'lindi. Ittifoqchilar barcha arab yerlarini, ya'ni Misr, Suriya, Falastin, Transiordaniya va Iroqni davlatdan tortib olishdi, shunday qilib Usmonlilar qo'lida faqat Turkiya qoldi, u ham ittifoqchilar tomonidan bosib olingan edi. Britaniya harbiy kemalari Bosfor bo'g'ozini egallab oldi, Britaniya armiyasi poytaxt Istanbulning bir qismini, barcha Dardanel qal'alarini va butun Turkiya bo'ylab eng muhim strategik nuqtalarning ko'pchiligini egallab oldi.

In the wake of the First World War, after a truce had been declared and once allies had secured their sweeping victory, the ‘Uthmani State was destroyed and fragmented into small statelets. The allies seized all the Arab lands, Egypt, Syria, Palestine, TransJordan and Iraq, stripping them from the State so that all that remained in the hands of the ‘Uthmanis was Turkey, and even she had been invaded by the allies. British warships seized the Bosporus and the British army occupied parts of the capital, Istanbul, all the Dardanelle fortresses, and most of the strategic points throughout the whole of Turkey.

Shu orada fransuzlar ham Istanbulning bir qismini egallab olgan edi, ularning senegallik askarlari esa uning ko'chalarini to'ldirgan edi. Italiya armiyasi Birani va temir yo'llarni egallab oldi, ittifoqchi kuchlar esa politsiya, milliy gvardiya va portlarning boshqaruvini o'z qo'liga oldi. Ular barcha qal'alarni qurol-yarog'idan mahrum qilishdi va turk armiyasining bir qismini tarqatib yuborishdi. "Ittihod va taraqqiy" partiyasi tarqatib yuborildi, Jamol posho va Anvar posho ikkalasi ham mamlakatdan qochib ketishdi. Partiyaning qolgan a'zolari yashirin faoliyatga o'tishdi. Shundan so'ng, bosqinchi kuchlarning buyruqlarini bajarish uchun Tavfiq posho boshchiligida kuchli bo'lmagan hukumat tuzildi.

The French meanwhile had also occupied parts of Istanbul and their Senegalese soldiers filled its streets. The Italian army occupied Bira and the railways, and the allied forces took over the running of the police, the national guard and the ports. They stripped all the fortresses of their weaponry and discharged part of the Turkish army. The “Union and Progress Party” was dissolved and both Jamal Pasha and Anwar Pasha fled the country. The rest of its members went underground. A puppet government was then formed, headed by Tawfeeq Pasha, to execute the orders of the occupying forces.

Xalifa o'sha paytda Vahiduddin edi. U haqiqat bilan yuzma-yuz kelish va vaziyatni donolik bilan tuzatish kerakligini angladi. U parlamentni tarqatib yubordi va Bosh vazirlik lavozimini eng sadoqatli do'stlaridan biri Farid poshshoga topshirdi. Farid posho uning ittifoqchilarga nisbatan yumshoq siyosat yuritish rejasini qo'llab-quvvatladi, chunki urush tugagandan keyin mamlakat ayniqsa zaif edi va ittifoqchilar uni vayron qilishi mumkin edi. U o'z rejasini amalga oshirdi va bir muddat vaziyat shu holatda qoldi: ittifoqchilar hukmronlik qildi, Turkiya esa tinch holatda edi. Bu 1919 yilgacha davom etdi. O'sha yilda vaziyat o'zgara boshladi va ittifoqchilarning mavqei zaiflashdi. Italiya, Fransiya va Britaniya o'z ichki hayotida ularning barqarorligini xavf ostiga qo'yadigan bir qator inqirozlarga duch keldi va tez orada ular o'rtasida ixtiloflar paydo bo'ldi. Bu Istanbulda yaqqol namoyon bo'ldi: ular o'ljaga talashdilar, har biri harbiy lavozimlar va iqtisodiy imtiyozlarning eng katta ulushini istardi. Shu paytda Turkiya o'zining mavjudligini saqlab qolish uchun so'nggi imkoniyatni qo'lga kiritish holatida edi. Ittifoqchilar o'rtasida rozilik buzilib, ularning zaif tomonlari ochilgach, shunday bir nuqtaga yetildiki, ularning har biri turklarni bir-biriga qarshi qo'zg'ata boshladi va bu jarayonda turklarga yordam berdi.

The Khalifah at the time was Waheed al-Deen, he realised he had to face the reality and rescue the situation in a wise manner. He dissolved the parliament and assigned the Prime Minister’s post to one of his most faithful friends, Farid Pasha, who backed him in his policy of being lenient with the allies lest they destroy the country, which it was more than especially vulnerable to, now that the war had ended. He executed his plan and the situation remained as such for a while with the allies dominating and Turkey in a state of lull. This continued until 1919, when things began to change and the position of the allies weakened. A series of crises hit Italy, France and Britain at home, serious enough to threaten their internal stability, and soon differences emerged between them. This was evident in Istanbul, where they fought over the booty, each of them wanting the lion’s share of military positions and economic advantages. At this point, Turkey was in a position to seize a last chance and save her existence. Now that a rift had occurred between the allies and their weaknesses were revealed, a point was reached whereby each one of them began inciting the Turks against the other, and in the process they gave the Turks assistance.

Tinchlik konferensiyasi, ular rejalashtirgan, hali bo‘lib o‘tmagan edi va uning shartlari hali belgilanmagan edi. Shu sababli ufqda umid nuri paydo bo‘ldi va odamlar jiddiy qarshilik harakatini tashkil eta olishlariga ishona boshladilar. Istanbulda o‘nga yaqin yashirin uyushmalar tashkil etildi. Ularning maqsadi dushman nazoratidagi qurol va omborlarni qo‘lga kiritib, ularni mamlakat ichidagi yashirin tashkilotlarga yetkazish edi. Bu ishda ba’zi mansabdor shaxslar ham ishtirok etdi. Urush vazirligi o‘rinbosari Ismat, Bosh shtab boshlig‘i Favziy, ichki ishlar vaziri Fathiy va dengiz floti vaziri Ra’uf bu harakatlarga yordam berganlar qatorida edi. Shunday qilib, dushmanga yashirin qarshilik ko‘rsatish vazifasini shu maqsadda tuzilgan ko‘plab uyushmalar o‘z zimmasiga oldi; “Ittihod va taraqqiy” partiyasi ham yana faol bo‘lib ketdi. Bu harakatlarga harbiylarning bir qismi qo‘shildi va oxir-oqibat ular Mustafo Kamol boshchiligidagi yagona harakat ostida birlashdi. U ittifoqchilarga qarshi kurashish va ularni mamlakatdan haydash uchun harakat tashkil etdi hamda agar Xalifa qo‘shini uning yo‘lida to‘sqinlik qilsa, unga qarshi ham kurashishga va’da berdi.

The peace conference, which they had been planning, had not yet taken place and its conditions not laid down. Therefore, a glimmer of hope appeared on the horizon and people began to believe that they could organize a serious resistance movement. More than ten secret associations were established in Istanbul. Their aim was to acquire weapons and depots under the control of the enemy and send them to secret organizations within the country. Some officials were also involved in this work. Ismat, a deputy in the War Ministry; Fawzi, the Chief of Staff; Fathi, the Interior Minister; and Ra’uf, Minister of the Navy were amongst those who helped these movements. Thus, the task of secretly resisting the enemy was taken up by the many associations formed with that purpose in mind; the “Union and Progress Party” also became very active again. These movements were joined by some of the military until eventually they came to be unified under one movement headed by Mustafa Kemal. He established a movement to fight the allies and expel them from the country and he vowed to fight the Khalifah’s army if it stood in his way.

Mustafa Kamolning bu yo‘ldagi muvaffaqiyati ajoyib edi. Markaziy hukumat va Istanbuldagi hokimiyat dushman nazorati ostida ekanini anglagach, u Anatoliyada milliy hukumat tuzishga qaror qildi. Shu maqsadda u Sivasda milliy konferensiya (miting) tashkil etdi, unda Turkiya mustaqilligini himoya qilish siyosati va vositalari muhokama qilindi. Konferensiya bir necha qarorlar qabul qildi va Mustafa Kamol boshchiligidagi ijroiya qo‘mita tuzildi. Konferensiya Sultonga murojaat qilib, Bosh vazir Faridni lavozimidan chetlatish hamda erkin parlament saylovlari o‘tkazishni talab qildi. Bunday bosim ostida Sulton konferensiya talablariga bo‘ysunishga majbur bo‘ldi: u Bosh vazirni lavozimidan ozod qilib, o‘rniga Ali Ridhoni tayinladi, so‘ngra yangi saylovlar o‘tkazilishini buyurdi. Konferensiya delegatlari mamlakatni qutqarishga qaratilgan dastur bilan guruh sifatida saylovlarda qatnashdilar va yangi parlamentda ulkan ko‘pchilikni qo‘lga kiritdilar.

Mustafa Kemal’s success in this quest was remarkable. Having realized that the central government and the authority in Istanbul were under the enemy’s control he decided to establish a national government in Anatolia. So he organized a national conference (rally) in Sywas, where the policies and means to safeguard Turkey’s Independence were discussed. The conference adopted a few resolutions and an executive committee was formed, to be headed by Mustafa Kemal. The conference sent a warning to the Sultan demanding the removal of Prime Minister Farid and the holding of free parliamentary elections. Under such pressure, the Sultan was forced to submit to the conferences’ demands, and so he dismissed the Prime Minister and appointed Ali Redha as his successor, then he ordered new elections to be held. The delegates from the conference entered the elections as a group with a manifesto designed to salvage the country and they achieved a sweeping majority in the new parliament.

Muvaffaqiyatlaridan so'ng ular Anqaraga o'tdilar va u yerda o'z shtab-kvartiralarini tashkil etdilar. U yerda ular yig'ilish o'tkazib, parlamentning Istanbulda yig'ilishini va Vakillar Kengashi tarqatib yuborilishini taklif qildilar, chunki uning a'zolari endi rasmiy deputatlarga aylangan edi. Biroq Mustafa Kamal bu ikki taklifga qat'iy qarshi chiqdi va dedi: "Parlamentning sadoqati va halolligi oydinlashmaguncha hamda uning siyosati ma'lum bo'lmaguncha Vakillar Kengashi davom etishi kerak. Poytaxtga ko'chish esa aqldan ozishning o'zi bo'ladi, chunki shunday qilsangiz, dushman marhamati ostida qolasiz. Ingliz hanuz mamlakatni boshqarmoqda, hokimiyat esa, shubhasiz, sizning ishlaringizga aralashadi va balki sizni hibsga oladi. Shuning uchun parlament mustaqil bo'lib qolishi uchun bu yerda, Anqarada yig'ilishi kerak." Mustafa Kamal o'z fikrini qat'iy himoya qilib, bunga tirishdi, ammo deputatlarni parlament majlislarini Anqarada o'tkazishga ko'ndira olmadi. Deputatlar belgilangan tartibda poytaxtga bordilar, Xalifaga sadoqatlarini bildirdilar va o'z ishlarini davom ettirdilar. Bu 1920-yil yanvar oyida bo'lgan.

After their success they moved on to Ankara and established their headquarters there where they held a meeting and proposed that the parliament should meet in Istanbul and their Council of Representatives should be dissolved since its members had now become official deputies. However, Mustafa Kemal strongly opposed these two proposals saying, “The Council of Representatives should continue until the parliament’s commitment and integrity is made clear and until its policy becomes known. As for the move to the capital, this would be sheer madness, for if you did this you would be under the mercy of the enemy. The British still control the country and the authorities will undoubtedly meddle in your affairs and perhaps arrest you. The parliament should therefore convene here in Ankara so that it remains independent.” Mustafa Kemal persisted and defended his opinion strongly, but failed to persuade the deputies to hold the parliament’s sessions in Ankara. The deputies duly went to the capital and expressed their loyalty to the Khalifah, and continued on with their work. This was in January 1920.

Xalifa o'z irodasini deputatlarga majburan o'tkazishga urinди, lekin ular qarshilik ko'rsatdilar va mamlakat huquqlarini himoya qilishga tayyorligini bildirdilar. Ittifoqchilarning bosimi ularga kuchayganda, ular Sivas konferensiyasida kelishib olingan ahdnoma uchun jamoatchilik fikrini safarbar qildilar. Ahdnoma shartlarni o'z ichiga olgan bo'lib, ularga muvofiq ular tinchlikni qabul qilishga tayyor edilar. Bu shartlarning eng muhimi shu edi: Turkiya belgilangan chegaralar doirasida erkin va mustaqil davlatga aylanishi kerak edi. Ittifoqchilar, ayniqsa inglizlar, xursand bo'lishdi, chunki aynan shunga ular intilib kelayotgan edilar. Bundan tashqari, ular bu natija turklarning o'zlaridan chiqishini xohlashgan edi.

The Khalifah tried to impose his will on the deputies but they resisted and showed their willingness to hold on to the country’s rights. When pressure from the allies mounted on them, they rallied public opinion for the covenant which they had agreed upon during the Sywas conference. The covenant included the conditions according to which they were prepared to accept peace. Most important of these conditions was that Turkey should become a free and independent state within specified borders. The allies, especially the British, rejoiced, for this was exactly what they had been aiming at. Moreover, they wanted it to come from the Turks themselves.

Shuni aytib o‘tish joizki, ‘Usmoniylar davlati Islom davlati sifatida o‘z vilayatlari deb hisoblagan barcha mamlakatlarning har biri Birinchi jahon urushidan so‘ng ittifoqchilar tomonidan ularga tuzilgan ahdnoma bilan ta’minlangan bo‘lib, unda ittifoqchilar alohida saqlab qolmoqchi bo‘lgan qismlarga mustaqillik e’lon qilingan edi. Shunday qilib, Iroqda Iroqning mustaqilligini o‘z ichiga olgan ahdnoma bor edi, xuddi Suriya, Falastin, Misr va boshqalarda bo‘lgani kabi. Shunday ekan, ittifoqchilar, ayniqsa inglizlar, bu turk millatchilik ahdnomasidan xursand bo‘lishlari tabiiy edi, chunki bu aynan ularning istagi edi: ‘Usmoniylar davlatini parchalab, uni mayda davlatchalarga bo‘lish, toki u yana bir kuchli davlat sifatida qayta tiklanmasin. Musulmonlar davlatini yo‘q qilish haqidagi orzulari endi amalga oshgandek tuyulardi.

It is worth mentioning here that all the countries which the ‘Uthmani State used to rule over as Wilayat in her capacity, as the Islamic State, had each had, in the wake of the First World War, a covenant drawn up for them by the allies and which proclaimed for them the independence of the part which the allies wanted to keep separate. Iraq, therefore, had a covenant comprising the independence of Iraq, as did Syria, Palestine, Egypt and so on. Thus, it was only natural for the allies, especially the British, to rejoice at this Turkish Nationalistic Covenant, for it was exactly what they wanted; the dismembering of the ‘Uthmani State and its division into statelets lest it return again as one strong State. Their dream of destroying the Muslims’ State looked as though it would now come to fruition.

Agar ittifoqchilar hamma joyda tuzishga muvaffaq bo‘lgan shartnomalar bo‘lmaganida, vaziyat boshqacha yo‘nalish olgan bo‘lar edi. Buning sababi shu ediki, Usmoniylar davlati yagona bir butunlik bo‘lib, o‘zining barcha viloyatlarini o‘z tarkibining bir qismi deb hisoblardi. U birlik (ya’ni federatsiya) tizimini qabul qilgan edi, ittihod (ya’ni konfederatsiya) tizimini emas, shuning uchun davlat siyosatida Hijoz yoki Turkiya o‘rtasida, shuningdek al-Quds okrugi bilan Iskandarun okrugi o‘rtasida hech qanday farq yo‘q edi. Ularning barchasi bitta yagona davlatning tarkibiga kirardi.

Had it not been for the covenants, which the allies managed to set up everywhere, the situation would have taken a different turn. The reason for this was because the ‘Uthmani State was a single entity which considered all of its Wilayat as part of it. It had adopted a system of Unity (i.e., a federation) and not Union (i.e., a confederation) and so there was no difference in the State’s policy between Hijaz or Turkey, nor between the district of al-Quds and the district of Iskandarona. All of them were part of one single State.

Bundan tashqari, urush tugagach, mag'lub bo'lgan davlatlarga qo'yilgan shartlar vaziyatni yanada murakkablashtirishi kerak edi. Chunki Turkiyaning mag'lubiyati Germaniyanikiga o'xshash edi, chunki ular urushda birga ittifoqchi bo'lgan edi va bir davlatga belgilangan tinchlik shartlari boshqasiga ham tatbiq etilishi kerak edi. Shunday ekan, agar Germaniya xalqi o'z yerining bir qarich qismidan ham ajralishga qarshi chiqqan va mamlakatining bo'laklarga bo'linishiga qarshi kurashgan bo'lsa, xuddi shunday munosabat 'Usmonli davlati uchun ham bo'lishi kerak edi va u hech qachon bo'laklarga ajratilmasligi lozim edi. Ittifoqchilar bu haqiqatlardan xabardor edilar va ularni hisobga oldilar. Biroq, 'Usmonlilarning o'zlari o'z mamlakatlarining bo'linishini so'raganlarida — bu talabni arablar ham, turklar ham ilgari surgan edi — ittifoqchilar bu imkoniyatdan darhol foydalanib, bunday harakatlarni qizg'in rag'batlantirdilar; ayniqsa, davlat markazida (Turkiyada), davlat ichidagi hokimiyatning ko'p qismi shu yerda paydo bo'lgan va shu yerda vakillik qilingan joyda.

In addition, the situation should have been further complicated by the conditions imposed on the defeated powers at war’s end. This was because the defeat of Turkey was similar to that of Germany, since they were allies in the war together, and the conditions of peace laid down on one country should have applied to the other. Thus, if the people of Germany resisted the idea of having to part with as much as a handspan of their land, and fought against their country being dismembered, so should have been the case for the ‘Uthmani State, and she too should never have been dismembered. The allies were aware of these realities and took them into account. However, when the ‘Uthmanis themselves requested their country to be dismembered, a request sought by Arabs and Turks alike, the allies leaped at the chance and ardently encouraged such moves; especially in the State’s center (Turkey) where most of the rule within the State originated and where it was represented.

Shuning uchun ittifoqchilar bu shartnomani o'zlarining yakuniy g'alabasi deb hisobladilar. Shartnoma e'lon qilingach, turklarga qarshilik ko'rsatish erkinligi berildi va ittifoqchilar o'z qo'shinlarini mamlakatning har bir burchagidan chiqarib keta boshladilar. Ingliz va frantsuz qo'shinlari mamlakatdan olib chiqildi. Shu bilan birga, turklar kuch to'play boshladilar. Qarshilik harakati shakllandi va oxir-oqibat xalifaga qarshi inqilobga aylandi, bu esa uni harakatni bostirish uchun qo'shin yuborishga majbur qildi. Qo'shin Ankaradan tashqari barcha xalq sultonning tomonida turguncha bu vazifani uddaladi; Ankara esa inqilobning markazi edi. Oxir-oqibat Ankaraning o'zi ham mag'lubiyat yoqasida qoldi. Xalifa qo'shinining oldida atrofdagi qishloqlar birin-ketin qulab, unga qo'shildi. Mustafa Kamol va u bilan birga bo'lganlar juda og'ir vaziyatda qoldilar, ammo Mustafa Kamol kurashni davom ettirishga qat'iy qaror qildi va millatchilarni ruhlantirdi. Ular javob berib, kuch to'pladilar. Turk viloyatlari va qishloqlarida ingliz qo'shini poytaxtni egallashi, millatchilarni hibsga olishi va parlament binosini zo'rlik bilan yopishi haqida mish-mishlar tarqaldi.

Therefore, the allies considered the covenant to be their final victory. The Turks were thus allowed the freedom of resistance, once it had been published, and the allies then began to pull their troops out from every corner of the land. The British and the French troops were removed from the country. Concomitantly, the Turks began gathering strength. A resistance movement was formed which eventually turned into a revolution against the Khalifah, thus forcing him to send in an army to crush the movement. This it managed to do until all the people stood by the Sultan except those in Ankara where the stronghold of the revolution was. Eventually, Ankara itself was on the brink of defeat. In the face of the Khalifah’s army, the surrounding villages fell one after the other and then joined it. Mustafa Kemal and those with him were placed in a very critical situation, but Mustafa Kemal was determined to fight on and so he incited the nationalists. They responded and gathered strength. Rumors were spread in the Turkish provinces and villages that the British army was about to occupy the capital, arrest the nationalists and shut down the house of parliament by force.

Xalifa va uning hukumati bosqinchilikni qo'llab-quvvatlayotgani haqida mish-mishlar ham tarqatildi. Vaziyat tez orada o'zgardi. Odamlar xalifadan yuz o'gira boshladilar va jamoatchilik fikri Anqaradagi millatchilar tomon og'di. Erkaklar ham, ayollar ham Turkiyani himoya qilish uchun ko'ngillilar sifatida Anqara tomon yo'l oldilar. Ko'plab askarlar xalifaning qo'shinidan qochib, o'sha paytga kelib turklar uchun qahramonga va ularning umidlari ramziga aylangan Mustafo Kamol qo'shiniga qo'shildilar. Uning mavqei kuchaydi va mamlakatning deyarli butun hududi uning nazorati ostiga o'tdi. U milliy Vakillar kengashini saylash chaqiruvini e'lon qildi, bu kengash shtab-kvartirasi Anqarada bo'lishi kerak edi. Saylov o'tkazildi, yangi saylangan a'zolar yig'ilib, o'zlarini Milliy majlis deb atadilar. Ular o'zlarini qonuniy hukumat deb hisobladilar. Ular Mustafo Kamolni Vakillar kengashi raisi etib saylashdi. Anqara milliy hukumat markaziga aylandi va barcha turklar buni ma'qulladilar. Shundan so'ng Mustafo Kamol harakatga kelib, xalifa qo'shinidan qolganlarini tor-mor etdi va fuqarolar urushiga barham berdi. Keyin u yunonlarga qarshi kurashga e'tibor qaratdi va bir necha qonli janglar bo'lib o'tdi. Dastlab yunonlar ustunlikka ega edilar, ammo tez orada vaziyat Mustafo Kamol foydasiga o'zgardi.

Rumors about the Khalifah and his government supporting the occupation were also spread. The situation soon changed. People began deserting the Khalifah and public opinion shifted towards the nationalists in Ankara. Men and women drifted towards Ankara volunteering to defend Turkey. Many soldiers deserted the Khalifah’s army and joined the army of Mustafa Kemal, who by then had become a hero for the Turks and a symbol of their hopes. His position gathered strength and almost the entire country came under his control. He issued a leaflet calling for the election of a national Council of Representatives that would position Ankara as its headquarters. The election took place and the newly elected members convened, calling themselves the National Assembly. They considered themselves the legitimate government. They voted Mustafa Kemal as president of the Council of Representatives. Ankara became the center of the national government and all the Turks approved of it. Mustafa Kemal then moved and destroyed what remained of the Khalifah’s army, putting an end to the civil war. He then concentrated on fighting the Greeks, and several bloody battles ensued. The Greeks had the upper hand at first but soon the balance shifted in Mustafa Kemal’s favor.

1921 yilning avgust oyiga kelib, u Izmir va Turkiya qirg‘oqlarining boshqa qismlarini o‘sha paytda egallab olgan yunonlarga tezkor va muvaffaqiyatli hujum uyushtirdi. Sentyabr oyi boshida u Harrington bilan uchrashib, tafsilotlarni hal qilish uchun Ismatni chaqirtirdi. Ushbu uchrashuvda ittifoqchilar yunonlarni Tarees hududidan chiqarib yuborishga va Istanbul hamda butun Turkiyadan o‘z qo‘shinlarini olib chiqib ketishga kelishib oldilar. Mustafa Kamolning harakatlarini diqqat bilan kuzatsak, ittifoqchilar uning talablariga faqat unga evaziga islomiy boshqaruvni yo‘q qilishga va'da berilganidan keyingina rozi bo‘lganini xulosa qilishimiz mumkin. Bu, Milliy Majlis u erishgan g‘alabalar ortidan Turkiyaning kelajagi haqida u bilan muhokama qilganida yanada aniqroq bo‘ldi. U shunday javob berdi: “Men islomiy mamlakatlar ittifoqiga ham, ‘Usmonli xalqi ittifoqiga ham ishonmayman va bizning har birimiz istagan fikrni qabul qilishda erkindir. Biroq hukumat haqiqatlarga asoslangan, belgilangan va puxta ishlab chiqilgan siyosatga amal qilishi kerak. Bu siyosat yagona maqsadni ko‘zlaydi: mamlakatni va uning tabiiy chegaralar ichidagi mustaqilligini himoya qilish. Siyosatimizga hissiyotlar va xayollar ta’sir qilmasligi kerak, tushlar va afsonalarga esa la’nat bo‘lsin, ular o‘tmishda bizga og‘ir zarar yetkazgan.”

By August 1921, he launched a swift and successful attack on the Greeks who at the time occupied Izmir and other parts of the Turkish coasts. In the beginning of September, he sent for Ismat to meet Harrington and work out the details. At that meeting, the allies agreed to expel the Greeks from Tarees and to withdraw themselves from Istanbul and the whole of Turkey. If we closely followed Mustafa Kemal’s moves, we deduce that the allies agreed to his demands only when they secured a promise that he would destroy Islamic rule in return. This was made clearer when the National Assembly discussed with him the future of Turkey in the wake of the victories he had achieved. He replied, “I do not believe in a league of Islamic countries, nor in a league of the ‘Uthmani people, and each one of us is free to embrace any opinion he wishes. However, the government should adhere to a fixed and devised policy based on realities. A policy that carries one single objective, that is to protect the country and its independence within its natural borders. Sentiments and illusions should not affect our policy, and damn to the dreams and the myths, they have in the past cost us dearly.”.

Ushbu e'lon orqali u Turkiyaning mustaqilligini Islom ummati emas, balki Turk xalqining mamlakati sifatida asoslashni xohlagan. Ba'zi deputatlar va siyosatchilar undan yangi Turkiya hukumati qanday shakllanishi kerakligini so'radilar, chunki o'sha paytdagidek ikkita hukumatga ega bo'lish mumkin emas edi: vakolatli o'tish davri hukumati va poytaxtdagi, Xalifa va uning vazirlari boshchiligidagi rasmiy, ammo nominal hukumat, shtab-kvartirasi Anqarada bo'lgan. Siyosatchilar Kemaldan bu masala bo'yicha o'z fikrini aniq bayon etishni talab qildilar. U ularga javob bermadi va niyatlarini yashirdi. Buning o'rniga u xalq fikrini Xalifa Vahiduddinga qarshi qo'zg'ata boshladi va uni inglizlar hamda yunonlar bilan hamkorlikda ayblay boshladi. Xalq Xalifaga qarshi g'azablandi va xalq ko'tarinkiligi ortidan Mustafa Kamol Sulton va hukumat borasidagi rejasini bayon etish uchun Milliy Majlis yig'ilishini chaqirdi. U Vahiduddinni chetlatib, Xalifani hokimiyatdan mahrum etishga deputatlarni ko'ndira olishini oldindan bilar edi, ammo Xilofatga to'g'ridan-to'g'ri hujum qilishga jur'at eta olmadi, chunki bu islomiy tuyg'ularni qo'zg'atgan bo'lardi. Shu sababli u Xilofatni bekor qilmadi va masalaga to'g'ridan-to'g'ri yondashishdan qochdi. Buning o'rniga u ayyorlik bilan Xalifadan barcha vakolatlarni olib qo'yishni taklif qildi.

By this declaration, he wanted to forge the independence of Turkey on the basis of being a country for the Turkish people and not the Islamic Ummah. Some of the deputies and politicians asked him about how the government of the new Turkey should be shaped, for it would be inconceivable for her to have two governments as was the case at that time: a transitional government with power and Ankara as its headquarters and an official yet nominal government in the capital headed by the Khalifah and his ministers. The politicians insisted upon Kemal that he should clearly state his opinion about this issue. He did not answer them and concealed his intentions. Instead he began to incite public opinion against Khalifah Waheed al-Deen, accusing him of collaborating with the British and the Greeks. People were enraged against the Khalifah and amidst the public euphoria behind him, Mustafa Kemal called for a meeting of the National Assembly to outline his plan regarding the Sultan and the government. He had known all along that he was capable of convincing the deputies to remove Waheed al-Deen and strip the Khalifah of authority, but he could not be so daring as to risk a direct attack on the Khilafah, since this would have triggered Islamic sentiment. He did not therefore dissolve the Khilafah and avoided tackling the issue head on. Instead, he slyly suggested stripping the Khalifah of all power.

Shunday qilib, Saltanat bekor qilinishi va Vahiduddin chetlatilishi mumkin edi. Deputatlar buni eshitishi bilan dovdirab qolishdi va ular tasdiqlashga chaqirilgan taklifning xavfli oqibatlarini tezda anglab, avval mavzuni muhokama qilishga kirishdilar. Mustafa Kamol bunday muhokamadan juda ham xavotirga tushdi va qo'rqdi, shu sababli u o'rniga taklif bo'yicha ovoz berish (ovoz berish) o'tkazilishini so'radi. U o'zining shaxsiy tarafdorlari bo'lgan deputatlardan sakson nafarining qo'llab-quvvatlashiga erishdi.

Thus, the Sultanate could be dissolved and Waheed al-Deen removed. As soon as the deputies heard this they became speechless, and quickly realized the dangerous implications of the proposal which they had been asked to endorse and they moved to first debate the issue at hand. Mustafa Kemal was exceedingly apprehensive and fearful of such a debate, so he asked instead for a motion (vote) regarding the proposal to take place. He received the backing of eighty of the deputies, who were from among his personal supporters.

Biroq Milliy Majlis uning istagini qondirishni rad etdi va buning o‘rniga taklifni o‘rganish uchun huquqiy qo‘mitaga yubordi. Qo‘mita ertasi kuni yig‘ilganda Mustafo Kamol ham qatnashdi va voqealar rivojini diqqat bilan kuzatib bordi. Olimlar va huquqshunoslardan iborat qo‘mita masalani bir necha soat muhokama qildi va tez orada taklifning Shariat matnlariga zid ekanini angladi, chunki Islomda "diniy hokimiyat" va "dunyoviy hokimiyat" deb ataladigan narsa yo‘q, "Sultonat" va "Xilofat" esa bir narsadir. Dinni davlatdan ajratish tushunchasi Islomda mavjud emas va butun tarixi davomida hech qachon mavjud bo‘lmagan. Islomiy tuzum bor edi va davlat shu tuzumni amalga oshirardi. Shu sababli huquqiy qo‘mita bunday ajratish uchun hech qanday asos topa olmadi, shuningdek, masalani muhokama qilish uchun sabab topa olmadi, chunki islomiy matnlar bu masalada aniq va qat’iy (talqinga yo‘l qo‘ymaydigan). Shubhasiz, qo‘mita taklifni rad etdi.

However, the National Assembly refused to grant him his wish and alternatively referred the proposal to the legal committee to look into. When the committee convened the next day, Mustafa Kemal attended and watched the course of events closely. The committee, comprising of scholars and lawyers, debated the issue for a few hours and soon realized that the proposal violated the Shari’ah texts, since in Islam there is nothing called religious authority and temporal authority, “Sultana and Khilafah”, are one and the same. The concept of separating the Deen from the State does not exist in Islam and had never existed throughout its history. There was an Islamic System and the State implemented the System. Inevitably, the legal committee could not find any justification for such a separation nor could it find a reason for conducting a debate on the issue because the Islamic texts are clear-cut and decisive (not open to interpretation) about this issue. Not surprisingly, the committee rejected the proposal.

Lekin Mustafa Kamol Sultonlikni Xalifalikdan ajratish orqali Dinni Davlatdan ajratishga qat'iy qaror qilgan edi. Bu ittifoqchilarning maqsadlarini amalga oshirish, ya'ni Islom Davlatining qoldiqlarini uning o'z xalqi qo'li bilan yo'q qilish edi. G'arbliklarga taqlid qilishga undovchi mustamlakachi madaniyati uni, G'arbda cherkov davlatdan ajratilgani kabi, dunyoviy hokimiyatni ruhoniy hokimiyatdan ajratishga, shu tariqa Sultonlikni Xalifalikdan ajratishga olib keldi. Mustafa Kamol komissiyaning muhokamasi uning fikriga zid yo'nalishga ketayotganini anglagach, g'azabi qo'zib, o'rnidan sakrab turdi, jahl bilan stulga chiqib oldi va baqirib komissiya muhokamasini to'xtatdi: "Hurmatli janoblar! Usmonli Sulton xalqning hokimiyatini zo'rlik bilan egallab olgan, xalq uni yana zo'rlik bilan qaytarib olishga qaror qildi. Sultonlik Xalifalikdan ajratilib, tugatilishi kerak. Bu siz rozi bo'ladimi yoki yo'qmi, amalga oshadi, faqat shu jarayonda ba'zi boshlaringiz uzilib tushadi, xolos." U diktator kabi gapirdi, shundan so'ng komissiya yig'ilishi tarqaldi. Taklifni muhokama qilish uchun Milliy Majlis zudlik bilan chaqirildi.

However, Mustafa Kemal was determined to separate the Deen from the State by separating the Sultanate from the Khilafah, which was the fulfillment of the aims of the allies; the destruction of the remains of the Islamic State by the hands of its own people. His colonialist culture, which makes him imitate the Westerners in their separation of the temporal power from the spiritual one drove him to separate the Sultanate from the Khilafah, just as the Church had come to be separated from the state in the West. When Mustafa Kemal realized that the debate of the committee was taking a course different to his, he lost his temper and leaped off his seat, he stood on a chair fuming with rage and interrupted the debate of the committee by shouting, “Your excellencies! The ‘Uthmani Sultan has seized the authority of the people by force, and it is by force that the people have decided to regain it. The Sultanate must be separated from the Khilafah and dissolved, this shall take place whether you agree or not, all there is to it is that some of your heads will fall in the process.” He spoke like a dictator, then the meeting of the committee broke up. The National Assembly was immediately called for to meet and discuss the proposal.

Davomida munozara Mustafa Kamol deputatlarning ko'pchiligi taklifga qarshi ekanini angladi, shuning uchun u o'z tarafdorlarini atrofiga yig'di va taklif bo'yicha qo'llarni bir marta ko'tarish orqali ovoz berishni talab qildi. Deputatlar bunga e'tiroz bildirib dedilar: "Agar ovoz berish mutlaqo zarur bo'lsa, bu har bir deputatning ismini chaqirish orqali amalga oshirilsin." Mustafa Kamol buni rad etdi va tahdid bilan baqirdi: "Milliy Majlis umumiy kelishuv bilan taklifni ma'qullashiga ishonchim komil, qo'llarni ko'tarish orqali ovoz berish esa yetarli bo'ladi." Taklif ovozga qo'yildi va faqat bir necha qo'l ko'tarildi. Biroq natija xuddi Milliy Majlis taklifni aniq ko'pchilik bilan qabul qilgandek e'lon qilindi. Deputatlar bundan hayratga tushdilar va ularning ba'zilari norozilik bildirib o'rinlaridan sakrab turdilar va baqirdilar: "Bu rost emas, biz rozi bo'lmadik!" Mustafa Kamolning tarafdorlari ularga qarshi baqirdilar va ularni to'xtatdilar, haqoratli so'zlar almashildi, so'ngra Milliy Majlis raisi Milliy Majlis saltanatni bekor qilishni aniq ko'pchilik bilan ma'qulladi, deb ovoz berish natijasini yana bir bor e'lon qildi. Majlis tanaffusga chiqdi. Mustafa Kamol tarafdorlari o'rab olgan holda konferensiya markazidan chiqib ketdi. Xalifa Vahiduddin bu haqida xabar olgach, mamlakatdan qochib ketdi va ko'p o'tmay uning jiyani Abdulmajid musulmonlarning xalifasi etib tayinlandi, ammo har qanday vakolatdan mahrum etildi. Mamlakat esa qonuniy hukmdorsiz qoldi.

Throughout the debate, Mustafa Kemal realized that the majority of the deputies were against the proposal, so he gathered his supporters around him and called for a vote on the proposal by raising hands once. The deputies objected to this and said, “If it is absolutely necessary to vote, let this take place by calling out the name of each deputy.” Mustafa Kemal rejected this and shouted out menacingly, “I am confident that the National Assembly will endorse the proposal by general consensus and it will be sufficient to take votes by raising hands only.” The proposal was put to the vote and only a few hands were raised. However, the result was declared as though the National Assembly had accepted the proposal by a clear majority. The deputies were stunned by this and some of them leaped from their seats protesting and shouting, “This is not true, we did not agree!” The supporters of Mustafa Kemal shouted back at them and restrained them, insults were exchanged then the President of the National Assembly declared the result of the vote once more stating that the National Assembly had approved by a clear majority the dissolution of the Sultanate. The meeting was adjourned. Mustafa Kemal left the conference center surrounded by his supporters. When Waheed al-Deen, the Khaleefah, received news of this he fled the country and soon after his nephew, ‘Abdul Majid, was nominated as the Khalifah of the Muslims, albeit stripped of any authority. The country, however, remained without a legitimate ruler.

Agar Saltanat Xilofatdan ajratilgan bo'lsa, unda qonuniy hukmdor kim edi? Mustafo Kamol butun vaqt davomida Saltanatni Xilofatdan ajratish uchun juda intilgan edi va buni Turkiya qabul qiladigan hukumat tuzilmasini oshkor qilmasdan amalga oshirdi. Saltanat bekor qilingach, yangi hukumat shaklini belgilash zarurati tug'ildi. Mustafo Kamol hukumat tuzib, konstitutsiyaviy hukumatning Prezidenti bo'ladimi, shu bilan birga Xalifani hokimiyatli shaxs sifatida saqlab qoladimi? Agar shunday bo'lsa, unda Saltanatni bekor qilish qarori dastlabki o'rinda samarasiz bo'lib qolmasmidi?

If the Sultanate was separated from the Khilafah, who then was the legal ruler? Mustafa Kemal had all along been very anxious to separate the Sultanate from the Khilafah, and he did so without revealing the structure of government which Turkey was to adopt. With the dissolution of the Sultanate it had become necessary to decide the format of the new government. Would Mustafa Kemal form the government and become the President of a constitutional government while keeping the Khalifah as the authoritative figure? If so, then would not the decision to dissolve the Sultanate have been ineffectual in the first place?

Mustafa Kamol hukumat tuzishdan bosh tortdi va niyatlarini oshkor qilmadi. O'zining kuchi va obro'siga tayanib, u xalq ustidan nazoratga ega bo'ldi va "Xalq partiyasi" deb nomlangan partiya tuzishga kirishdi. Uning maqsadi jamoatchilik fikrini o'ziga qaratish edi, chunki katta kuchiga qaramay, Vakillar Kengashidagi ko'pchilik saltanatning xilofatdan ajratilganidan keyin ham unga qarshi edi. Bu uni o'zi tuzishni niyat qilgan yangi hukumat shaklini, ya'ni Turkiyani o'zi Prezident bo'lgan respublika deb e'lon qilishni o'ylashga majbur qildi. U Milliy Majlisga qarshi tuhmat kampaniyasini boshladi, bu esa uyatli siyosiy inqirozga olib keldi va amaldagi hukumatning iste'foga chiqishiga sabab bo'ldi. Hukumat Milliy Majlisga iste'fo berdi va bu hokimiyat bo'shlig'ini yaratdi. Chuqurlashib borayotgan inqiroz ichida ba'zi deputatlar inqirozni hal qilish uchun Vakillar Kengashiga Mustafa Kamolni hukumat boshlig'i etib tayinlashni taklif qildilar. Avvaliga u bu lavozimga da'vogarligi yo'qligini ko'rsatdi, so'ngra rozi bo'lib, Milliy Majlisga murojaat qilish uchun minbarga chiqdi.

Mustafa Kemal refused to form a government and did not reveal his intentions. Backed up by his power and authority, through which he had control over the people, he went on to form a party which he called the “People’s Party”. His intention was to gain public opinion in his favor because despite his power, the sweeping majority in the Council of Representatives were still against him even after the declaration of the separation of the Sultanate from the Khilafah. This led him to consider disclosing the shape of the new government which he had decided to form, declaring Turkey to be a republic with himself as its President. He started by initiating a smear campaign against the National Assembly and this produced an embarrassing political crisis, thus leading to the resignation of the government in office. The government tendered its resignation to the National Assembly creating a power vacuum. Amidst the deepening crisis, some of the deputies suggested to the Council of Representatives that it should appoint Mustafa Kemal as the head of the government in order to solve the crisis. At first he pretended that he held no ambitions for the job, then he agreed and went up to the stand to address the National Assembly.

U o'z nutqida deputatlarga shunday dedi: “Siz bu muhim soatda yordamga kelishim uchun meni chaqirdingiz. Biroq, bu og'ir vaziyat o'zingizning ishingiz natijasidir. Shuning uchun bu holat vaqtinchalik hodisa emas, balki hukumatimiz tizimidagi asosiy hukm xatosidir. Hozirda Milliy majlisning ikki vazifasi bor: qonun chiqaruvchi va ijro etuvchi. Har bir deputat har bir vazirlik qaroriga qo'shilishni va har bir hukumat idorasiga hamda vazir qabul qilgan har bir qarorga burnini tiqishni xohlaydi. Hurmatli janoblar, hech bir vazir o'z ishi va mas'uliyatini o'zlashtira olmaydi va bunday sharoitda lavozimni qabul qila olmaydi. Siz anglashingiz kerakki, bunday asosga qurilgan hukumatni tuzish mumkin emas va agar u tuzilgan taqdirda ham uni hukumat emas, balki betartib tartibsizlik deb atagan bo'lardingiz. Biz bu holatni tushunishimiz kerak. Shu sababli men Turkiyani saylangan Prezident boshchiligidagi respublikaga aylantirishga qaror qildim.” U nutqini tugatgach, ma'lum bo'ldiki, u allaqachon farmon tayyorlab qo'ygan bo'lib, unda Turkiya respublika deb e'lon qilinar va o'zi Turk respublikasining birinchi Prezidenti etib saylanardi. U o'zini mamlakatning qonuniy hukmdoriga aylantirdi.

In his speech he said to the deputies, “You have sent for me to come to the rescue at this critical hour. However, the critical situation is of your own doing. Therefore, this state of affairs is not a passing incident, but a fundamental error of judgment in the system of our government. The National Assembly has at the moment two functions, legislative and executive. Each deputy wants to take part in every ministerial decision and stick his nose into every government department and every decision made by a minister. Your excellencies, no minister can become familiar with his job and responsibility, and accept a post in such circumstances. You have to realize that a government founded on this basis is impossible to establish, and if it were established, you would not call it a government, but shambles, and we have to appreciate this state of affairs. Therefore, I have decided to turn Turkey into a republic, with an elected President.” Once he had finished his speech, it was soon realized that he had already prepared a decree, making Turkey a republic and electing himself as the first President of the Turkish republic. He turned himself into the lawful ruler of the country.

Lekin Mustafa Kamal o‘ylagandek ish yurishmadi. Birinchidan, turk xalqi musulmon, Mustafa Kamalning qilayotgan ishlari esa Islomga zid edi. Mustafa Kamal Islomni yo‘q qilmoqchi, degan tuyg‘u tarqaldi va bu Kamalning o‘z shaxsiy xatti-harakatlari bilan yanada kuchaydi. Shaxsiy hayotida u Islomni hech qo‘yar joyga qo‘ymas edi: Ilohiy Shari'at qoidalarining barchasini buzar, musulmonlar yuksak qadrlaydigan va muqaddas deb bilgan narsalarning hammasini masxara qilar edi. Ko‘p o‘tmay odamlar Ankaraning yangi hukmdorlari la'natlangan kofirlar ekanini anglab yetdi va xalifa ‘Abdulmajid atrofiga to‘plana boshladi. Ular unga hokimiyatni qaytarib berishga va uni haqiqiy hukmdor qilishga urinishdi, toki u bu murtadlardan xalos bo‘lsin. Mustafa Kamal o‘sib borayotgan xavfni sezdi va xalqning ko‘pchiligi uni zindiq va kofir deb ayblab, nafratlanayotganini tushundi. U bu masala ustida uzoq o‘yladi va natijada xalifaga va xilofatga qarshi tuhmat kampaniyasini kuchaytirdi, Milliy Majlis ruhini alanga oldirib, uni shunday qonun qabul qilishga va kuchga kiritishga majbur qildiki, respublikaga har qanday qarshilik va sultonni qo‘llab-quvvatlash xiyonat hisoblanib, o‘lim jazosiga tortilar edi. Shundan so‘ng Mustafa Kamal har bir yig‘ilishda, ayniqsa Milliy Majlisda xilofatning kamchiliklari haqida gapira boshladi. U xilofatni bekor qilish uchun zamin tayyorlay boshladi. Ba'zi deputatlar xilofatning diplomatik afzalliklarini aytib, bu xavfga qarshi chiqishdi, lekin ularga Mustafa Kamaldan keskin hujum bilan javob berildi. U Milliy Majlisga shunday dedi: “Agar xilofat, Islom va ruhoniylar uchun bo‘lmaganida, turk dehqonlari besh asr davomida jang qilib, halok bo‘lmasmidi? Turkiya o‘z manfaatlarini ko‘radigan va hindlar hamda arablarga e'tibor bermaydigan vaqt allaqachon kelgan. Turkiya musulmonlarni yetakchilik qilishdan voz kechishi kerak.”

However, things did not run as smoothly for Mustafa Kemal as he had wished. For one thing, the Turkish people are Muslim and what Mustafa Kemal did contradicts Islam. A feeling that Mustafa Kemal intended to destroy Islam spread, fueled by Kamal’s own personal actions. In his private life, he held Islam in contempt, violating all the Divine Shari’ah rules, mocking everything that Muslims hold in high esteem and sanctity. People soon realized that the new rulers of Ankara were damned Kafireen and they began to gather around the Khalifah ‘Abdul Majid. They attempted to hand him back the authority and make him the effective ruler so that he could get rid of these apostates. Mustafa Kemal sensed the growing danger and realized that the majority of the people despised him, accusing him of being a Zindiq and Kafir. He thought long and hard about the matter and as a result intensified his smear campaign against the Khalifah and the Khilafah, inciting the fervor of the National Assembly, until it adopted and enacted a law stating that any opposition to the republic and any siding with the Sultan would be considered an act of treachery, carrying the death penalty. Mustafa Kemal then began to talk about the disadvantages of the Khilafah at every meeting, especially the National Assembly. He started to prepare the ground to abolish the Khilafah. Some of the deputies countered this threat by speaking out about the diplomatic advantages of the Khilafah, they were met in turn by a fierce attack from Mustafa Kemal. He said to the National Assembly, “Was it not because of the Khilafah, Islam and the clergy, that the Turkish peasants fought and died for five centuries? It is high time Turkey looked after her own interests and ignored the Indians and the Arabs. Turkey should rid itself of leading the Muslims.”.

Mustafa Kamol xalifalikka qarshi tuhmat kampaniyasini davom ettirdi, uning turk xalqi uchun zararli tomonlarini ta'kidlab. U xalifaning o'zini ham qoralab, uni va uning tarafdorlarini haqiqiy xoinlar hamda Britaniya qo'g'irchoqlari sifatida ko'rsatdi. Mustafa Kamol shu bilan cheklanmadi, balki xalifalikni himoya qilganlarga qarshi terror kampaniyasini homiylik qildi. Xalifalikni ochiqdan-ochiq himoya qilish va dinni asrash zarurligini e'lon qilgan bir deputatga nisbatan uning munosabati shu bo'ldiki, u nutq so'zlashi kerak bo'lgan kechasi o'sha deputatni o'ldirish uchun odam yolladi. Shunday qilib, uning izdoshlaridan biri o'sha kecha Milliy Majlisdan uyiga qaytayotganda uni o'ldirdi. Boshqa bir deputat islomiy nutq so'zladi, shunda Mustafa Kamol uni chaqirtirib, yana og'iz ochsa, dorga osish bilan tahdid qildi.

Mustafa Kemal pursued his smear campaign against the Khilafah, highlighting its disadvantages to the Turkish people. He also smeared the Khalifah himself by portraying him and his supporters as the real traitors and as British puppets. Mustafa Kemal did not stop there, but went on to sponsor a terror campaign against those who championed the Khilafah. His reaction towards one of the deputies who openly declared the obligation of holding onto the Khilafah and safeguarding the Deen was to hire someone to kill him the very night that he was meant to speak. So one of his followers assassinated him that night while he was on his way back home from the National Assembly. Another deputy delivered an Islamic speech, so Mustafa Kemal summoned him and threatened him with hanging if he opened his mouth again.

Mustafa Kamol dahshat sochdi hamma joyda. Vaqt o'tib, u Istanbul hokimiga Xalifaning Juma namozi vaqtidagi kortejini o'rab turgan marosim va tantanali ko'rinishni kamaytirishni buyurdi. U shuningdek Xalifaning maoshini eng kam darajaga tushirdi va o'z tarafdorlarini undan yuz o'girishga da'vat etdi. Mustafa Kamolning ba'zi mo''tadil tarafdorlari buni ko'rganda, ularning islomiy his-tuyg'ulari yana kuchayib ketdi va Xilofatning bekor qilinishidan qo'rqishdi. Ular Mustafa Kamolga o'zini musulmonlarning Xalifasi etib tayinlash fikrini taklif qilishdi. U bu taklifni qat'iy rad etdi. Keyin uning huzuriga ikki delegatsiya keldi: biri Misrdan, ikkinchisi Hindistondan. Ular uni musulmonlarning Xalifasi etib tayinlashni so'rab, takror-takror iltijo qilishdi, ammo befoyda bo'ldi. Mustafa Kamol shu paytga kelib Xilofatga zarba berib, uning qo'ng'iroq chalinishi va yakuniy zarbasi uchun yo'l tayyorlab bo'lgan edi.

Mustafa Kemal spread terror everywhere. In time, he ordered the Governor of Istanbul to scale down the protocol and ceremonial display that surrounds the Khalifah’s cortege during Salat ul Jumu’ah. He also cut down the Khalifah’s salary to the minimum and exhorted his followers to desert him. When some of Mustafa Kemal’s moderate supporters witnessed this, their Islamic feelings began to run high again and they feared the annulment of the Khilafah. They proposed to Mustafa Kemal the idea of appointing himself as Khalifah over the Muslims. He flatly refused. Then he was visited by two delegations, one from Egypt and the other from India, asking him to appoint himself as Khalifah of the Muslims, pleading with him repeatedly but to no avail. Mustafa Kemal had by now prepared the way to ring the death knell and deal his final blow to the Khilafah.

Kemal tomonidan xorijliklarga, dushmanga va ularning sobiq ittifoqchisi deb hisoblangan Xalifaga nisbatan nafrat va hurmatsizlik xalq, qurolli kuchlar va Milliy Majlis orasida tarqatildi. Xorijliklarga nisbatan nafrat tuyg'usini qo'zg'atish faqat Xalifani ularning ittifoqchisi deb ayblash uchun mo'ljallangan hiyla edi. Jamoatchilik fikri unga tomon o'zgarib, Xalifaga qarshi kayfiyat avj olganida, Mustafa Kemal 1924-yil 3-martda Milliy Majlisga Xilofatni bekor qilish hamda Xalifani lavozimidan chetlatib, haydash to'g'risida taklif kiritdi va shu tariqa Dinni Davlatdan rasman ajratdi.

Hatred and contempt for foreigners, the enemy and their supposed ally the Khalifah was spread by Kemal amongst the people, the armed forces and the National Assembly. Inciting the feeling of hatred towards foreigners was merely a ploy intended to accuse the Khalifah of being their ally. When public opinion had shifted towards him and with feelings against the Khalifah running high, Mustafa Kemal presented to the National Assembly on March 3rd, 1924 a motion stating the annulment of the Khilafah and the removal and expulsion of the Khalifah, thereby formally separating the Deen from the State.

U deputatlarga taklifni taqdim etganda aytgan so‘zlari quyidagicha edi: “Tahdid ostidagi respublikani qanday narx evaziga himoya qilish va uni mustahkam ilmiy asosga qurish kerak? Xalifalik va “Ahl ul Uthmon”ning merosi barham topishi kerak, qadimiy diniy sudlar va ularning qonunlari zamonaviy sudlar va zamonaviy qonunlar bilan almashtirilishi kerak, ruhoniylar maktablari dunyoviy davlat maktablariga o‘rin bo‘shatishi kerak.” Shundan so‘ng u dinga va o‘zi “diniy odamlar” deb atagan kishilarga hujum qildi. Haqiqiy diktatorlik hokimiyatini namoyon etib, u taklifni o‘zi qabul qildi va hech qanday muhokamasiz Milliy Majlisning tasdig‘ini oldi. So‘ng u Istanbul gubernatoriga buyruq yubordi: Xalifa Abdulmajid ertasi kuni tong otguncha Turkiyani tark etishi kerak. Gubernatorning o‘zi bir guruh politsiyachi va askarlar bilan yarim tunda Xalifa saroyiga bordi. Ular uni aravaga chiqishga majbur qilishdi va faqat bir chamadon kiyim-kechak va oz miqdorda pul olishga ruxsat berib, uni chegaragacha kuzatib qo‘yishdi.

Some of the words which he said when he presented the motion to the deputies were as follows, “At what cost should the threatened republic be safeguarded and be established on a strong scientific basis? The Khalifah and the legacies of “Ahl ul Uthman” must go, the ancient religious courts and their laws must be replaced by modern courts and modern laws, the schools of the clergy must give way to secular government schools.” He then went on to attack the Deen and what he called religious men. Displaying real dictatorial authority, he adopted the motion himself and secured the National Assembly’s approval without any debate. He then sent an order to the Governor of Istanbul stating that the Khalifah, ‘Abdul Majid, should leave Turkey before dawn the following day. The Governor himself, went with a group of policemen and soldiers to the Khalifah’s Palace at midnight. They forced him to get into a cart and escorted him to the border not allowing him to take more than one suitcase containing some clothing and a little money.

Mana shunday qilib Mustafa Kamol Islom davlatini va Islom tizimini bekor qildi va uning o'rniga kapitalistik davlat va kapitalistik tizim o'rnatdi. Islom davlatini yo'q qilish orqali u kofirlarning Salib yurishlaridan beri ko'rgan orzusini amalga oshirdi.

This is how Mustafa Kemal abolished the Islamic State and the Islamic System, and in its place established a Capitalist state and a Capitalist system. By destroying the Islamic State, he fulfilled the dream of the disbelievers which they had nurtured ever since the Crusades.