Birinchi jahon urushidan keyin ittifoqchilar Islom davlatining barcha yerlarini egalladilar. Ularning asosiy maqsadi davlatni butunlay yo‘q qilish va keyin uning qayta tiklanmasligini ta’minlash edi. Islom davlatini yo‘q qilgach, ular uning yerlarining hech bir qismida qayta tiklanishiga yo‘l qo‘ymaslik uchun harakat qildilar. Ular Islom davlatining qaytib kelmasligini kafolatlash uchun bir necha reja tuzdilar va turli usullardan foydalandilar, hamda ular hozir ham shu maqsad yo‘lida ish olib bormoqdalar.

In the wake of the First World War, the allies occupied all the lands of the Islamic State. Their main aim was to destroy the State for good and then ensure that it would never rise again. Once they had destroyed the Islamic State, they set about making sure that the Islamic State could not be reestablished in any part of its lands. They designed several plans and used several methods to make certain that the Islamic State would never return to existence, and they are still working towards that objective.

Ushbu rejani puxta o'ylangan reja asosida, kofir mustamlakachi kuchlar musulmon yerlariga birinchi kunidanoq, ya'ni Islom dunyosini bosib olgan paytdan boshlab, o'z changalini mustahkamlashga kirishdilar. 1918 yilda ular hali ‘Usmoniylar davlati hukmronligi ostida bo'lgan mamlakatlarni egalladilar va 1922 yilgacha ularda harbiy hukmronlik o'rnatdilar. Ular ustidan mandat boshqaruvi yoki o'zini-o'zi boshqarish orqali o'z bo'g'ib turishlarini kuchaytirdilar. Keyin 1924 yil keldi. O'sha yili dushman, ayniqsa Britaniya, Islom davlatini tiklashga qaratilgan har qanday harakatlarni, to'g'ridan-to'g'ri yoki bilvosita bo'lishidan qat'i nazar, bostirish uchun ko'plab choralar ko'rdi.

Following a carefully designed plan, the disbelieving colonial powers set about strengthening their grip on the Muslim lands, from the very first day that they occupied the Islamic world. In 1918, they occupied the countries which were still under the rule of the ‘Uthmani State and established military rule within them until 1922. They concentrated their stranglehold over them through mandatory rule or self autonomy. Then came 1924. In that year, many steps were taken by the enemy, especially Britain, in order to quell any moves; whether directly or indirectly, aimed at reviving the Islamic State.

O‘sha yili Mustafa Kamol, kofir mustamlakachilarning to‘g‘ridan-to‘g‘ri bosimi ostida, Usmoniylar davlatidagi Xilofat tizimini bekor qildi va Turkiyani “demokratik” respublikaga aylantirdi. Shu tariqa u Xilofat sharpasini yo‘qotdi va u bilan birga Islom davlatining qayta tiklanishi uchun qolgan so‘nggi umid zarrasini ham barbod qildi. O‘sha yili al-Husayn ibnAli Hijozdan haydaldi va Xilofatga ko‘z tikkani uchun Kipr orolida qamoqqa tashlandi. Aynan o‘sha yili inglizlar o‘z hamkorlari orqali Qohirada o‘tkazilishi rejalashtirilgan Xilofat konferensiyasini bekor qilishga va uni muvaffaqiyatsizlikka mahkum etishga harakat qildilar. Yana o‘sha yili inglizlar Hindistonda tashkil etilgan Xilofat harakatini tarqatib yuborishga jiddiy kirishdilar, uning maqsadlari barbod bo‘lishi va yo‘nalishi millatchilik hamda mazhabparastlikka aylanishi uchun harakat qildilar. Shu yilning o‘zida, kofir mustamlakachilarning bosimi natijasida, al-Azhar olimlaridan ba’zilarining Dinni Davlatdan ajratishga chaqiruvchi, Islomda hukmronlik yoki boshqaruv uchun hech qanday asos yo‘q deb da’vo qiluvchi va Islomni hukm va Davlat haqida hech qanday asos va ta’limotga ega bo‘lmagan ilohiyot (Kahanuty) dini sifatida tasvirlovchi asarlari nashr etildi. Yana o‘sha yili va undan keyingi yili arab mamlakatlarida ikki mavzu atrofida sofistlar homiyligidagi munozaralar va bahslar markazga chiqdi: ikki ittifoqdan qaysi biri yaxshiroq — Arab ligasimi yoki Islom ligasimi? Gazeta va jurnallar aynan shu masalaga e’tibor qaratdi, holbuki ikkala ittifoq ham zararli ta’sir ko‘rsatgan edi va ularning mavjudligi Islom davlatini qayta tiklashga qaratilgan har qanday urinishga to‘siq bo‘lib turardi. Shunga qaramay, kofir mustamlakachilar asosiy masaladan, ya’ni Islom davlatidan e’tiborni chalg‘itish uchun bu munozarani keltirib chiqarishga muvaffaq bo‘ldilar. Shu harakatlar natijasida musulmon yurtlaridagi odamlarning ongi Xilofat va Islom davlati tushunchasidan uzoqlashtirildi.

In that year, Mustafa Kemal abolished the Khilafah System in the ‘Uthmani State due to direct pressure from the colonial disbelievers and turned Turkey into a ‘democratic’ republic. He thus destroyed the specter of the Khilafah and with it the last vestige of hope for the Islamic State to stage a comeback. In that year, al-Hussein ibn ‘Ali was expelled from Hijaz and imprisoned in Cyprus as he had an eye on the Khilafah. In the very same year, the British, through their collaborators, intervened to make sure that the Khilafah conference held in Cairo was called off and doomed to failure. Again, in that same year, the British worked hard to dissolve the Khilafah movement established in India, making sure that the movement’s ambitions were aborted and its tendency was transformed into a nationalist and sectarian one. Still in the same year, and following pressure from the colonial disbelievers, literature written by some of al-Azhar’s scholars calling for the separation of the Deen from the State, claiming that Islam does not contain any fundamentals for government or ruling, and portraying Islam as a theological (Kahanuty) religion with no basics or teachings about ruling and the State, was published. Yet again in that same year and the following one, some Sophist sponsored debates and arguments over two topics took center stage in the Arab countries: Which of the two leagues would be better, the Arab league or the Islamic league? Newspapers and magazines focused their attention on this issue, despite the fact that both leagues had a damaging effect and that their very existence presented an obstacle in the face of any attempt to reestablish the Islamic State. Nevertheless, the colonial disbelievers managed to bring about this debate in order to direct attention away from the real issue, which was the Islamic State. These moves, therefore, managed to distance the people’s minds in the Muslim lands away from the concept of the Khilafah and the Islamic State.

Mustamlakachi davlatlar ularni bosib olishdan oldin, turk yoshlari orasida millatchilik shiorlarini tarqata boshladilar. Ular Turkiyaning turk bo'lmagan xalqlarning ishlarini boshqarish yukini ko'tarib kelayotgani va endi ularni o'z taqdiriga tashlab qo'yish vaqti allaqachon kelganini da'vo qilardilar. Siyosiy partiyalar ham turk millatchiligini yoyishga harakat qildilar va Turkiyaning turk bo'lmagan davlatlardan mustaqilligini talab qildilar. Kofirlar xuddi shu g'oyalarni arab yoshlari orasida ham tarqatdilar va arab millatchiligini rag'batlantirdilar. Ular Turkiyani bosqinchi kuch sifatida ko'rsatdilar va arablarni turklar tomonidan bosib olinishdan xalos bo'lishga chaqirdilar. Shunga o'xshab, arab birligi va arab mustaqilligini talab qiluvchi siyosiy partiyalar tuzildi. Ular bir paytlar islomiy tushunchalar egallagan bo'shliqni tezda to'ldirdilar. Natijada turklar millatchilik asosida mustaqillikka erishdilar, arablar esa millatchilik asosidagi geografik hududda avtonomiyaga erishish yo'lida harakat qila boshladilar. Millatchilik va vatanparvarlik tushunchalari butun xalq orasida tez tarqaldi va musulmonlar aynan shu tushunchalar bilan faxrlana boshladilar.

Prior to their occupation the colonial powers began spreading nationalistic slogans amongst the Turkish youth by claiming that Turkey had been burdened with the running of the affairs of non-Turkish people and that it was high time she left those people to their own fate. Political parties also worked towards spreading Turkish nationalism and called for Turkey’s independence from the non-Turkish countries. The disbelievers spread the same concepts among Arab youths and encouraged Arab nationalism. They described Turkey as being an occupying force and called on the Arabs to rid themselves of being occupied by the Turks, and likewise, political parties calling for Arab unity and Arab independence were formed. They soon filled the vacuum which was once graced by Islamic concepts. Consequently, the Turks gained their independence on the basis of nationalism, and the Arabs began working towards achieving autonomy on a nationalist geographic basis. The concepts of nationalism and patriotism spread rapidly throughout the nation, and the Muslims prided themselves on these concepts.

Mustamlaka kuchlari shu bilan cheklanib qolmadi, balki Islom tuzumi va Islom haqida noto'g'ri tushunchalarni tarqatishga o'tdi, Xilofatni papa va ruhoniylar hukmronligi sifatida ko'rsatdi. Bu shu darajaga yetdiki, musulmonlar "xalifa" so'zini tilga olishdan yoki xilofat tushunchasini e'lon qilishdan uyaladigan bo'lib qolishdi. Shu paytda musulmonlar orasida keng tarqalgan bir qarash paydo bo'ldi, ya'ni Islom davlatining qaror topishiga to'sqinlik qilgan qarash: xilofat so'zini har qanday e'lon qilish orqada qolganlik va qotib qolgan fikrlashdan dalolat beradi, shuning uchun uni hech qanday ma'lumotli inson aytmasligi kerak.

The colonial forces did not stop at that, but went further by spreading erroneous concepts about the Islamic ruling system and Islam, portraying the Khilafah as being a papal and priestly rule. This reached the point whereby the Muslims were embarrassed to mention the word Khalifah, or to proclaim the concept of the Khilafah. At this time there arose a popular conception Preventing the Establishment of the Islamic State amongst the Muslims that any proclamation of the word Khilafah was backward and pointed up rigidity, and that it should not be uttered by any educated person.

Aynan shu yuqori millatchilik tuyg'usi jamiyat ichida kuchayib borayotgan bir paytda kofirlar Islom Davlatini parchalab tashladilar. Uni mayda davlatchalarga bo'lib, mahalliy jamoalarni bu bo'linishlarni mustahkamlashga undadilar. Usmonli davlati bir nechta davlatga bo'lindi, ular quyidagilardir: Turkiya, Misr, Iroq, Suriya, Livan, Falastin, Sharqiy Iordaniya, Hijoz, Najd va Yaman. Bu davlatchalardagi siyosatchilar, ham hamkorlar, ham yaxshi niyatli kishilar, har bir mamlakatda konferensiyalar o'tkazib, mustaqillik talab qila boshladilar, ya'ni kofirlar tuzgan mamlakat uchun, boshqa davlatchalarni chetga surib, mustaqillik talab qildilar. Shu asosda Turkiya Respublikasi, shuningdek Iroq, Misr, Suriya va boshqa davlatlar tashkil etildi. Keyin Falastinda yahudiylar uchun milliy vatan tashkil etildi, so'ngra u mustaqil birlikka aylantirildi. Kofirlar uni Musulmon dunyosiga siyosiy ko'prikboshi sifatida ishlatdilar, musulmonlarning e'tiborini mustamlakachi kofirlardan, ya'ni Buyuk Britaniya, Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari va Fransiya kabi G'arb davlatlaridan chalg'itdilar, hamda u Islom Davlatining qaytishiga to'siq bo'ladigan omillardan biriga aylanishi uchun. Bu geografik vaziyat va umumiy manzara musulmonlarning hech qachon ozod bo'la olmasligini ta'minlash uchun loyihalangan edi.

It was amidst this highly nationalistic feeling, which had gathered momentum within society, that the disbelievers dismembered the Islamic State. Parceling it up into little statelets, and encouraging local communities to strengthen these divisions. The ‘Uthmani State was divided into several states, these being: Turkey, Egypt, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, East Jordan, Hijaz, Najd and Yemen. Politicians in these statelets, both the collaborators and those with good intentions, began to hold conferences in every country, demanding their independence, i.e. independence for the country that the disbelievers had founded to the exclusion of the other statelets. On this basis the State of Turkey was founded, as were the states of Iraq, Egypt, Syria etc. Then a national homeland for the Jews was founded in Palestine, which was then subsequently turned into an independent entity. It was used by the disbelievers as a political bridgehead to the Muslim World and to draw the attention of the Muslims away from the colonial disbelievers, i.e. the Western countries such as Britain, the United States and France, and for it to constitute one of the obstacles which stand in the way of the return of the Islamic State. This geographical situation and the general scene were both designed to ensure that the Muslims would never be able to liberate themselves.

Kofirlar iqtisodiyotda kapitalistik tizimni, hukumatda esa demokratik tizimni joriy etishga kirishdilar. Ma'muriy va sud tizimlariga ham G'arb qonunlarini kiritdilar. Ular o'z madaniyatlarini va hayot haqidagi tushunchalarini tarqatdilar hamda o'z qarashlarini hayotga singdirish uchun jiddiy harakat qildilar, shunda ularning turmush tarzi musulmonlar qabul qilib, unga ergashadigan tarzga aylandi. Darhaqiqat, ular bu maqsadga erishdilar. Misrni sultonlikka aylantirdilar, keyin esa parlament monarxiyasi o'rnatildi. Iroqda parlament monarxiyasi tizimi o'rnatildi. Suriya va Livan respublikaga aylandi, Sharqiy Iordaniyada amirlik tashkil etildi, Falastin esa mandat boshqaruviga topshirildi, bu esa yahudiylar uchun parlament demokratik tizimining o'rnatilishi bilan yakunlandi. Falastinning qolgan qismi Sharqiy Iordaniyaga qo'shib yuborildi va parlament monarxiyasiga aylantirildi. Hijozda va Yamanda diktatorlik monarxiyalari o'rnatildi, Turkiyada esa prezidentlik respublikasi tuzildi. Afg'onistonga merosiy monarxiya joriy etildi. Mustamlakachi kofirlar Eronni imperiya tizimini saqlab qolishga undadilar, Hindiston esa mustamlaka bo'lib qoldi, oxir-oqibat u ikki davlatga bo'lindi. Shunday qilib, mustamlakachi kofirlar o'z tizimlarini musulmon yerlariga majbur qilishga muvaffaq bo'ldilar va shu yo'l bilan Islom hukmini qayta tiklash g'oyasi asta-sekin odamlarning ongidan so'na bordi.

The disbelievers set about implementing the Capitalist system in Economics and the Democratic system in Government. They also introduced Western laws in their Administrative and Judicial systems. They spread their culture and their concepts about life, and earnestly attempted to establish their viewpoint about life so that their way of life became the one that the Muslims adopted and followed. They have in fact succeeded in this quest. They turned Egypt into a Sultanate, then a parliamentary monarchy was established. In Iraq, a parliamentary monarchy system was established. Syria and Lebanon became republics and in East Jordan an emirate was established, while Palestine was put under mandatory rule which ended in the establishment of a parliamentary democratic system for the Jews. The remainder of Palestine was joined to East Jordan and turned into a parliamentary monarchy. In Hijaz and in Yemen, dictatorial monarchies were established, and in Turkey a presidential republic was formed. Afghanistan was fitted with a hereditary monarchy. The colonial disbelievers encouraged Iran to maintain the Imperial system while India remained a colony, until eventually it was divided into two states. The colonial disbelievers, therefore, managed to impose their system on Muslim land, and by so doing the concept of reestablishing the Islamic rule gradually waned in people’s minds.

Bundan tashqari, har bir mahalliy jamoa kofirlar o‘zi uchun o‘rnatgan tizimni saqlab qolishga undalgan va ular musulmon dunyosini tashkil etgan boshqa barcha davlatlardan to‘liq mustaqillikka erishish uchun harakat qilganlar. Shunday qilib, iroqlik Misrda chet ellik bo‘lib qoldi. Har bir mayda davlat hukmdorlari kapitalistik demokratik tizimni uning asoschilaridan ham ko‘proq himoya qilishga intilib qoldilar. Ular mustamlakachi kuchlar o‘zlari uchun o‘rnatgan tizim va konstitutsiyaning vakillari bo‘lib, uni kuzatib, qo‘riqlab turdilar.

Furthermore, each local community was encouraged to hold on to the system that the disbelievers had established for it and they worked towards achieving total independence from all other countries that comprised the Muslim world. Thus, an Iraqi became a foreigner in Egypt. The rulers of each statelet became more keen to safeguard the Capitalist democratic system than the founders of the system itself. They became surrogates, watching over and guarding the system and constitution that the colonial powers had set up for them.

Mustamlakachi kofir kuchlar G'arb qonunlarini to'g'ridan-to'g'ri musulmon yerlariga joriy etdi. Bundan oldin ular buni musulmon mamlakatlaridagi o'z hamkorlari orqali amalga oshirishga urinib ko'rgan edilar. Kofirlar G'arb qonunlarini kiritish uchun urinishlarini 19-asrning birinchi yarmida boshladilar. Ular Misr xalqini Shari'atni almashtirish maqsadida frantsuz fuqarolik qonunlarini qabul qilishga undashni boshladilar va bunga erishdilar; Misr 1883-yilda frantsuz sud tizimini joriy eta boshladi. Eski frantsuz fuqarolik qonuni tarjima qilinib, amalga kiritildi va u Misrda sudlarda Shari'atning o'rnini bosuvchi yangi qabul qilingan tizimga aylandi. Shunga o'xshash harakat 1856-yilda Usmonli davlatida G'arb qonunlarini joriy etish maqsadida boshlandi. Biroq bu harakat Misrdagidek oson kechmadi, chunki Xilofatning o'zi Usmonli davlatida joylashgan edi.

The colonial disbelieving powers implemented Western laws directly on Muslim land. Previously, they had attempted to implement them through their collaborators in the Muslim countries. The disbelievers initiated their attempts to introduce Western laws in the first half of the 19th century. They began encouraging people in Egypt to adopt French civil laws so as to replace the Shari’ah, succeeding in doing so and Egypt began implementing the French Judicial system in 1883. The old French civil law was translated and enacted, it became the newly adopted system in Egypt replacing the Shari’ah in the courts. A similar move began within the ‘Uthmani State in 1856 with the aim of introducing Western laws there. However, this move was not as easy as in Egypt because the Khilafah itself was based in the ‘Uthmani State.

Biroq, kofirlarning qat’iyati va ularning hamkorlarining javobi tufayli ular, fatvolar orqali, bu kufr qonunlari Islomga zid emas deb e’lon qilingan jazo kodeksi va yangi, islomiy bo‘lmagan huquqiy hamda tijorat qonunlarini joriy etishga muvaffaq bo‘ldilar. Kodifikatsiya tushunchasi shu tariqa ildiz otdi va Al Majalla (1868 yilda tranzaktsiyalar uchun qoida sifatida chiqarilgan, ko‘plab Madhhablarning zaif fikrlaridan tuzilgan va vaziyatni oqlagan kodeks) qonun sifatida qabul qilindi. Al Majalla qonun sifatida kodifikatsiya qilindi. Sud tizimi ikkiga bo‘lindi: 1) Shari’at qoidalaridan foydalanadigan Shar’iy sud; 2) fuqarolik sudi. Islom davlati esa a) G‘arb qonunlaridan foydalanardi, buni bu qonunlar Islomga zid emas deb bayon qilgan ayrim fatvolar oqlardi; b) G‘arb jarayonlariga taqlid qilgan holda qonun sifatida kodifikatsiya qilingan Shari’at qonunlaridan foydalanardi. Bu qonunga oid masala edi. Konstitutsiyaga kelsak, kodifikatsiya uchun yangi harakat bilan bir vaqtda davlat uchun yangi konstitutsiya loyihasini ishlab chiqish, manba sifatida Fransiya konstitutsiyasidan foydalanish harakatlari amalga oshirildi. Bu harakatlar 1878 yilda deyarli muvaffaqiyatga erishdi, ammo ularga qarshi qattiq turib, ularni to‘xtatib qo‘ygan musulmonlarning kuchli qarshiligi bundan mustasno edi. Biroq mustamlakachi kofirlarning qat’iyati, ularning hamkorlarining muvaffaqiyati va ularning madaniyatiga yoqib qolganlar tufayli konstitutsiya loyihasini ishlab chiqish harakati yana qayta paydo bo‘ldi va bu safar o‘z vazifasini muvaffaqiyatli bajardi. Konstitutsiya 1908 yilda qabul qilinib, yangi qonunchilik joriy etilgan holda amalga oshirildi. Arabiston yarim oroli va Afg‘oniston bundan mustasno, barcha musulmon yurtlari to‘g‘ridan-to‘g‘ri G‘arb qonunlari bilan boshqarila boshlandi. Shunday qilib, Shari’at qonunlari tark etildi, bu esa kufr hukmronligi o‘rnatilganini va Islom hukmronligi rad etilganini anglatardi.

However, due to the disbelievers’ persistence, and the response of their collaborators, they succeeded in introducing the penal code and new non- Islamic legal and commercial laws by securing Fatawa which stated that these Kufr laws did not contradict Islam. The concept of codification then took root and Al Majalla (Code issued in 1868 as a canon for transactions compiled from the weak opinions of many Madhahib, which justified the situation) was adopted as a law. Al Majalla was codified as law. The court system was divided into two: 1) a Shari’yah court, using Shari’yah rules. 2) civil court, The Islamic State using a.) Western laws, justified by some Fatawa stating that these laws did not contradict Islam. b.) Shari’ah laws after being codified as a law in imitating western process. This was concerning the law. As for the constitution, moves aimed at drafting a new constitution for the State, using the French constitution as its source, were made in conjunction with the movement for new codification. These moves nearly succeeded in 1878 except for the fierce resistance of the Muslims who stood up to them and stopped them in their tracks. However, the colonial disbelievers’ persistence, coupled with the success of their collaborators and those who were seduced by their culture, enabled the movement for the drafting of a constitution to emerge once more and this time succeeded in its task. The constitution was put into practice in 1908 with its adoption and implementation of the new legislation. All Muslims lands, with the exception of the Arabian Peninsula and Afghanistan, came to be directly governed by Western laws3. Thus, the Shari’ah laws were abandoned and this meant that Kufr rule was enforced and the rule of Islam discarded.

Kufr ning Musulmonlar ustidan hukmronligini mustahkamlashiga yordam bergan omil shu bo‘ldiki, mustamlakachilar o‘z strategiyalarini Islom davlatining ta’lim siyosatini o‘zgartirishga asoslagan edilar. Ular musulmonlar uchun yangi o‘quv dasturini ishlab chiqdilar. Bu o‘quv dasturining maqsadi G‘arb shaxsiyatiga ega bo‘lgan, ya’ni hayot ishlarini tartibga solishga kapitalistik/dunyoviy qarashga ega kishilarni tayyorlash edi. Islomiy universitetlardagilar ham shu jumladan, bu dasturlar bugungi kunda ham butun musulmon dunyosidagi barcha davlatlarda amal qilmoqda. Natijada, bu ta’lim dasturlarining xavfsizligini ta’minlaydigan ko‘plab o‘qituvchilarimiz bor. Ular nufuzli lavozimlarni egallab, kofirlarning istaklarini amalga oshirmoqdalar. Ta’lim siyosati ikki asosga qurilgan edi.

What helped the rule of Kufr to strengthen its grip over the Muslims was the fact that the colonialists had based their strategy on changing the Islamic State’s education policy. They designed a new educational program for the Muslims. The objective of this curriculum was to produce individuals with a Western personality, i.e., someone with a capitalistic/secular outlook to regulating life’s affairs. These programs, including those in Islamic universities, are still in force today throughout all the countries of the Muslim world. As a result, we have many teachers that ensure the safety of these educational programs. They take up influential posts, carrying out the wishes of the disbelievers. The education policy was founded on two principles.

Birinchi tamoyil din (Deen)ni dunyoviy hayot ishlaridan ajratish edi, bu esa tabiiy ravishda dinni davlatdan ajratishga olib keladi. Bu chora, shuningdek, yosh musulmonlar Islom davlatini qayta tiklashga qarshi kurashishlari uchun mo'ljallangan edi, chunki bu ular ta'lim olgan asosga zid kelardi.

The first principle was to separate the Deen from the temporal affairs of life, which would naturally lead to the separation of the Deen from the State. This measure was also designed to ensure that young Muslims would fight off the re-establishment of the Islamic State as it would contradict the basis upon which they had been educated.

3 Tarjimon - Bu 1952-yilda bu kitob nashr etilgunga qadar to'g'ri edi. Ammo hozirda barcha musulmon yurtlari G'arb qonunlari bilan boshqarilmoqda.

3 Translator - This was true until 1952 when this book was published. However, now all Muslims lands are governed by Western laws.

Ikkinchi tamoyil shundan iborat edi: mustamlakachi kofirning shaxsiyatini yosh musulmonlar uchun asosiy taqlid manbai qilish. Bu esa ularning ongini uning madaniyati va bilimlari bilan singdirishni osonlashtirar edi. Bunday yo'l kofirni hurmat qilishni talab qilar edi. U uni ulug'lashni, mustamlakachi kofir bo'lishiga qaramay, unga taqlid qilish va u bilan do'st bo'lishga intilishni anglatar edi. Shuningdek, musulmonlarni xor ko'rish va pisand qilmaslikni, shu tariqa ularni undan uzoqlashtirishni ham talab qilar edi. Unga nisbatan namoyon bo'ladigan nafrat hissi hech kimning undan biror narsa olishiga yoki o'rganishiga to'sqinlik qilar va tabiiy ravishda ularni Islom davlatini qayta tiklashga qarshi kurashishga majbur qilar edi.

The second principle was to make the personality of the colonial disbeliever the main source of emulation for young Muslims. This would then readily facilitate their minds to be imbued with his culture and information. Such a move entailed giving respect to the Kafir. It entailed glorifying him, and an attempt to emulate and befriend him, despite the fact that he was a colonial disbeliever. It also entailed holding the Muslims in contempt and disdain so that he was kept away from him. The feelings of disgust displayed towards him thus prevented anyone taking or learning anything from him and naturally compelled them to fight the reestablishment of the Islamic State.

Mustamlakachilar o‘quv dasturi, ular tuzgan va qattiq nazorat qilgan dastur, yetarli emas deb hisobladilar. Ular bundan ham narigi qadamni tashlab, o‘zlarining mustamlakachilik tamoyillariga asoslangan missionerlik maktablarini tashkil etdilar. Bundan tashqari, madaniy markazlarga noto‘g‘ri siyosiy yo‘nalishlarni tarqatish vazifasi yuklatildi. Natijada, bu turli “ta’lim” markazlaridagi intellektual muhit ummatni uni Islom davlatini qayta tiklash haqida o‘ylashdan chetga tortadigan va bu maqsad yo‘lida ish olib borishga to‘sqinlik qiladigan madaniyat bilan oziqlantirilishiga olib keldi.

The colonialists felt that the school syllabus, which they had designed and closely monitored, was not enough. They went further by establishing missionary schools based on their colonialist principles. In addition, cultural centers were tasked with the spreading of misguided political orientations. Consequently, the intellectual atmosphere in these various “learning” centers led to the Ummah being fed with the culture that led her away from thinking about reestablishing the Islamic State and prevented her from working towards that cause.

Dindan hayotning ishlarini ajratish tushunchasi ziyolilar orasida keng tarqaldi. Jamiyatning qolgan qismida bu din bilan siyosatni yoki kundalik ishlarini tartibga solishni ajratish shaklida namoyon bo‘ldi. Natijada ba’zi ziyolilar musulmonlarning tanazzulga yuz tutishining sababi ularning dinga bog‘liqligi ekanini da’vo qildilar va ularning tiklanishiga yagona yo‘l millatchilik orqali bo‘lishini ta’kidladilar. Boshqalar esa musulmonlarning tanazzulga uchrashi sababi axloqning yo‘qligi ekanini aytdilar. Birinchi yo‘nalishda millatchilik siyosiy partiyalari tashkil etildi, ular o‘zlarining islomiy asosga ega ekanini da’vo qildilar. Bu faqat mustamlakachilarning hiylasi edi. Ikkinchi yo‘nalishda axloq, va’z-nasihat hamda ma’naviy irshod asosida bir necha guruhlar tuzildi. Ular shaxsning axloqiy kamolotiga ishlashni boshladilar va siyosat bilan shug‘ullanmadilar. Islom davlatini qayta tiklash harakatlarida aynan shu partiya va tashkilotlarning mavjudligi samarali to‘siq bo‘lib chiqdi. Ular musulmonlarning fikrini chalg‘itdi. Bundan tashqari, bu partiyalar Islomga zid bo‘lgan mustamlakachilik asosida tashkil etilgan edi va shu sababli ular bilixtiyor Islom davlatining qayta tiklanishiga to‘sqinlik qildilar.

Separating the Deen from life’s affairs became a widespread concept amongst intellectuals. For the rest of society, it was manifested as a separation of the Deen from politics, or the regulation of their daily affairs and concerns. As a result, some of the intellectuals claimed that the cause behind the decline of the Muslims was their attachment to the Deen and they claimed that the only path to their revival would be through nationalism. Others claimed that the cause behind the Muslims’ decline was the absence of morals. On the first count, nationalistic political parties were established, claiming that they had an Islamic basis. This was merely a colonialist ploy. On the second count, several groups were formed on the basis of morals, preaching and spiritual guidance. These began to work towards moral excellence of the individual, and not to get involved in politics. It was the presence of these parties and organizations that proved to be the effective obstacle in the efforts made to reestablish the Islamic State. They distracted the minds of the Muslims. In addition, these parties were also established on a colonialist basis that contradicts Islam, and because of this they inadvertently prevented the reestablishment of the Islamic State.

Yangi qabul qilingan siyosiy dasturlarni himoya qilish uchun yangi qonunlar loyihalari tuzildi. Ayrim qonunlar islomiy siyosiy partiyalar va harakatlarning tashkil etilishini taqiqlash uchun chiqarildi. Siyosiy partiya va harakatlarga demokratik tizimni majburiy qiluvchi hamda ularning a'zolikni hech qanday muayyan mazhab bilan cheklamasligini belgilovchi bandlar kiritilgan qonunlar ham bor edi. Bu shuni anglatardiki, islomiy Davlat qayta tiklanib qolmasligi uchun musulmon mamlakatlarda har qanday islomiy guruh yoki partiyani tuzish qonunga xilof bo'lib qoldi. Musulmonlarning xayriya tashkilotlari yoki shunga o'xshash boshqa tashkilotlardan tashqari, biron-bir partiya yoki harakat tuzish huquqi yo'q edi. Ularga Islom asosida siyosiy faoliyat bilan shug'ullanish man etilgan edi. Joriy etilgan qonunlarning ba'zilari islomiy siyosiy partiyalar tuzishni jiddiy jinoyat deb hisoblab, uni jazolanadigan qilib qo'ygan edi. Shunday qilib, qabul qilingan qonunlar yordamida musulmon dunyosida targ'ib qilingan siyosiy dasturlar islomiy Davlatning qayta tiklanishiga to'sqinlik qilishga qaratilgan edi.

To safeguard the newly adopted political programs, new laws were drafted. Some laws were enacted to bar the establishment of Islamic political parties and movements. There were laws that included certain clauses which imposed a democratic system on political parties and movements, and specified that they should not restrict their membership to any particular sect. This meant that it became against the law to establish any Islamic groups or parties in Muslim countries lest the Islamic State should be reborn. Muslims had no right to establish any party or movement except charity organizations or other similar organizations. They were restricted from indulging in political work on the basis of Islam. Some of the laws that were introduced considered establishing Islamic political parties a serious crime that deserved punishment. The political programs propagated in the Muslim world, with the help of the adopted laws, were therefore, focused on preventing the reestablishment of the Islamic State.

Mustamlakachilar shu bilan cheklanib qolmadilar, balki musulmonlarni arzimas masalalar bilan band qilishga o'tdilar, maqsadlari ularni Islom davlati haqida o'ylashdan chalg'itish edi. Ular islomiy konferensiyalarni rag'batlantirdilar, bu konferensiyalar asosiy ishdan, ya'ni islomiy da'vatdan va Islom davlati soyasi ostida islomiy turmush tarzini qayta tiklashdan chalg'itish vazifasini o'tadigan edi. Bunday konferensiyalar musulmonlar uchun o'z noroziliklarini chiqarib tashlashning samarali yo'li bo'lib xizmat qilar, kishining islomiy hissiyotlarini yo'naltirish uchun xavfsiz chiqish yo'lini ta'minlardi. Bu konferensiyalarda qarorlar qabul qilinar, gazetalarda e'lon qilinar va radiostantsiyalarda ma'lum qilinar, ammo hech qachon amalga oshirilmas edi.

The colonialists did not stop there but went on to occupy the Muslims with trivial matters, aiming to distract them from thinking about the Islamic State. They encouraged Islamic conferences which served as a diversion from the real work, i.e. the Islamic call and the resumption of the Islamic way of life under the umbrella of the Islamic State. Such conferences served as an effective way for the Muslims to vent their frustrations and provided a safety valve to channel one’s Islamic emotions. Decisions would be made at these conferences, published in the newspapers, and announced on radio stations, but never executed.

Yozuvchilar va ma'ruzachilarga ham Islom davlatini xavf sifatida taqdim etish rag'batlantirildi. Ular Islomda hukmronlik tizimi yo'q, degan tushunchani targ'ib qilishdi. Mustamlakachilik qarashlarini o'zida aks ettirgan kitoblar va maqolalar, Muslimlarni yo'ldan ozdirish, ularni dinlaridan chalg'itish va Islom hayot tarzini o'sha din qoidalari asosida qayta tiklashga intilishdan uzoqlashtirish maqsadida, ba'zi yollangan musulmonlar tomonidan yozilib, nashr etildi.

Writers and lecturers were also encouraged to present the Islamic State as a threat. They promoted the concept that Islam does not contain a ruling system. Books and essays, written by some hired Muslims, were published carrying these colonialist concepts in order to lead the Muslims astray, divert them from their Deen, and from working towards the resumption of the Islamic way of life according to the rules of that Deen.

Islomiy Davlat yo'q qilinganidan beri mustamlakachilar uning qayta tiklanishiga to'siqlar qo'yishda davom etmoqdalar. Ular avvalo uni yer yuzidan yo'q qilganlaridan keyin, uning yana paydo bo'lishini oldini olishga o'z kuch-harakatlarini jamladilar.

Since destroying the Islamic State, the colonialists have persevered in their bid to place obstacles in the way of the re-establishment of the Islamic State. They have concentrated their efforts to prevent its formation again after first having abolished it from the face of the earth.