Bayan da Manzon Allah (ﷺ) ya rasu, sahabbai sun amince baki ɗaya su yi wa Khalifa mubaya'a domin ya maye gurbinsa (ﷺ) a matsayin shugaban ƙasa. Musulmi sun ci gaba da naɗa Khulafa har zuwa shekarar 1342 bayan Hijira, wato 1924 miladiyya. Haka kuma suna kiran wannan mutum da Amirul-Mu'minin ko kuma kawai Imam.

Once the Messenger of Allah (pbuh) died, the Sahabah unanimously agreed on giving the Bay’ah to the Khaleefah to replace him (pbuh) as the head of State. The Muslims continued appointing the Khulafah until the year 1342 Hijri, i.e. 1924 CE. They also called this man Amir al-Mu’mineen or just simply the Imam.

Babu wani Musulmi da ya zama Khaleefah ba tare da Ba'yah ba, kuma Daular Musulunci ta bi wannan ka'ida har zuwa kwanakin ƙarshe na mulkinta. Aiwatar da Ba'yah ta bambanta. A wasu lokuta, an yi wa Khaleefah Ba'yah kai tsaye. Wasu Khulafah sun bada shawarar wani mutum daban, ba danginsu ba. Wasu kuma sun mika mulki ga 'ya'yansu ko wasu 'yan iyalinsu. Wasu kuma sun bada shawarar fiye da mutum ɗaya daga cikin danginsu. Sai dai wannan shawarwarin ba ya isa ya mayar da mutum Khaleefah ba; dole ne ya karɓi Ba'yah kafin ya karɓi mulki. Babu wani Khaleefah da aka taɓa naɗawa ba tare da Ba'yah ba. Haka kuma karɓar Ba'yah ta bambanta. An karɓe ta daga Ahl al-Hall wal 'Aqd (manyan mutane masu fada a ji da daraja - a harshe, su ne waɗanda ke sassautawa da ɗaure); an karɓe ta kuma daga jama'a; a wasu lokuta kuma an karɓe ta daga Sheikh al-Islam (babban malamin addini). An sami wasu lokuta da aka yi cin zarafi wajen karɓar Ba'yah. Duk da haka, Ba'yah ɗin tana nan ingantacciya, ba kawai gadon matsayin Khaleefah, shugaban Khilafah, ba ne.

No Muslim becomes a Khaleefah without the Ba’yah and the Islamic State followed that rule until the last days of its reign. The application of the Ba’yah varied. In some cases, the Khaleefah was given the Ba’yah directly. Some Khulafah recommended another person other than their relatives. Some passed it on to their sons or other members of their family. And others recommended more than one person from his family. However, this recommendation was not enough to make them the Khaleefah, they had to receive the Ba’yah before taking office. No Khaleefah has ever been appointed without a Ba’yah. The giving of the Ba’yah also varied. It was taken from Ahl al-Hall wal ‘Aqd (prominent and distinguished figures - linguistically the people who loosen and bind); it was also taken from the people; and in some cases it was taken from Sheikh al-Islam (the leading scholar). There were certain instances where the taking of the Ba’yah was abused. However, it was still a valid Ba’yah and not simply a succession to the post of Khaleefah, head of the Khilafah.

Kowane Halifa yana nada mataimakansa, waɗanda a wasu lokuta na tarihi ake kira Wazirai (mataimaka). Halifa yana nada gwamnoni, Babban Alkali, Kwamandojin Sojoji da Shugabannin Sassan Gwamnati. Ta haka ne tsarin Daula ya kasance a kowane lokaci. Tsarin bai taɓa canjawa ba har sai da ƙasashen kafirai masu mulkin mallaka suka rushe Daular 'Uthmaniyya suka raba duniyar Musulunci zuwa ƙananan jihohi da yawa.

Each Khaleefah would appoint his assistants who were in some periods of history called Wazirs, (assistants). The Khaleefah would appoint the governors, the Chief Justice, the Army Commanders and the Heads of the State Department. This was how the structure of the State was constituted at all times. The structure never changed until the colonial disbelieving powers destroyed the ‘Uthmani State and divided the Islamic world into many statelets.

Abubuwa da dama na cikin gida sun faru a cikin Daular Musulunci a tsawon tarihinta. Wannan gabaɗaya ba ya samo asali ne daga abubuwan waje ba, sai dai saboda rashin fahimtar Musulunci game da yanayin da ake ciki a lokacin. Waɗanda suka fassara lamarin daga baya sun yi ƙoƙarin canza halin da ake ciki bisa ga fahimtarsu. Kowannensu ya yi ƙoƙarin bayyana ra'ayinsa don gyara halin da ake ciki a lokacin. Duk da haka, waɗannan ra'ayoyi daban-daban har yanzu ana ɗaukarsu a matsayin na Musulunci¹.

Many internal events took place within the Islamic State throughout its history. This was generally not caused by alien factors, but instead due to a misunderstanding of Islam for the prevailing circumstances at the time. Those who later interpreted the situation attempted to change the status quo according to their own understanding. Each one of them attempted to exert an opinion to redress the existing state of affairs at the time. However, these different opinions were still considered Islamic1.

Saboda haka, irin wadannan sabani suna da alaka ne da Khaleefah da kansa a matsayin mutum, ba da mukamin Khaleefah ba. Misali, sabanin ya kasance game da wanda ya kamata ya zama Khaleefah, ba game da tsarin mulki ba. Sabanin ya takaita ga wasu cikakkun bayanai, don haka bai shafi asali ba, haka kuma bai shafi manyan tsare-tsare ba. Musulmai ba su taba sabani game da Littafi (Alkur'ani) da Sunnah ba. Sabani ya taso ne daga fahimtarsu ta Alkur'ani da Sunnah. Haka kuma, Musulmai ba su taba sabani game da nadin Khaleefah ba, sai dai game da wanda ya kamata ya cike wannan matsayi. Ba su taba sabani game da wajibcin aiwatar da Musulunci cikakke ba, ko game da isar da shi zuwa ga duniya baki daya. Dukkan Khulafa'i sun yi mulki bisa wannan tushe, suna aiwatar da dokokin Allah suna kuma kira mutane zuwa addinin Allah. Wasu daga cikinsu sun yi kuskure wajen aiwatar da dokokin Musulunci saboda rashin fahimtar su, wasu kuma sun yi kuskuren da gangan. Sai dai dukkansu sun aiwatar da Musulunci kawai, ba wani abu ba. Dukkansu sun gudanar da dangantakarsu da sauran kasashe, al'ummomi da kabilu bisa tushen Musulunci, da manufar isar da Sakon zuwa ga duniya baki daya.

Therefore, such differences were connected with the Khaleefah himself as a person, and not with the post of Khaleefah. For example, differences were about who should be Khaleefah and not about the ruling structure. Differences were restricted to some details and consequently, had nothing to do with the basics nor with the outlines. The Muslims never differed about the Book (Qur’an) and Sunnah. The differences arose out of their understanding of the Qur’an and Sunnah. Similarly, the Muslims never differed about the appointment of the Khaleefah, but on who should fill the position. They never differed about the obligation of implementing Islam comprehensively, nor about carrying it to the whole world. All of the Khulafah ruled on that basis, implementing Allah’s rules and inviting people to the Deen of Allah. Some of them actually misapplied the rules of Islam due to misunderstanding them, and some of them misapplied the rules deliberately. However, they all implemented Islam and nothing else. They all held their relations with other countries, peoples and nations on the basis of Islam and for the sake of carrying the Message to the whole world.

Saboda haka, rikice-rikicen cikin gida ba su taɓa shafar faɗaɗar fitintinun Musulunci ba da yaɗuwar Musulunci. Daular Musulunci ta ci gaba da cin nasara a wasu ƙasashe da manufar yaɗa Musulunci, tun daga farkonta har zuwa karni na goma sha ɗaya Hijira (karni na sha bakwai miladiyya). Ta ci Farisa, Indiya, Kaukasus (a Rasha) har ta kai iyakokin China, Rasha da Tekun Caspian a Gabas. Daular Musulunci ta ci Al-Sham a Arewa; Masar, Arewacin Afirka da Andalus (Sipaniya) a Yamma; haka kuma ta ci Anadoli (Turkiyya), Balkan, Kudancin da Gabashin Turai har suka Mai fassara - Akwai bambanci tsakanin ra'ayin Musulunci da Ra'ayin Musulunci. Ra'ayin Musulunci yana nufin ra'ayin shi ne kawai ra'ayin da ake da shi a kan al'amarin. Misali na Ra'ayin Musulunci shi ne cewa tsarin Al'ummah dole ne ya kasance cikin haɗin kai ba tare da rabuwa ba kamar iyakoki. Sai dai, ra'ayin Musulunci yana nufin ra'ayi ɗaya daga cikin ra'ayoyi da yawa da aka samo daga madogarar Musulunci. Misali na ra'ayin Musulunci su ne sharuɗɗan neman matsayin Khalifah.

Therefore, internal differences never affected the expansion of the Islamic conquests and the spreading of Islam. The Islamic State went on conquering other countries with the aim of spreading Islam, from its inception until the 11th century Hijri (17th century CE). It conquered Persia, India, Caucasia (in Russia) until it reached the frontiers of China, Russia and the Caspian sea to the East. The Islamic State conquered al-Sham to the North; Egypt, North Africa and Andalus (Spain) to the West; as well as conquering the Anadhoul (Turkey), the Balkans, Southern and Eastern Europe until they 1 Translator - There is a difference between an Islamic opinion and the Islamic opinion. The Islamic opinion means that the opinion is the only opinion for the issue. An example of the Islamic opinion is that the structure of the Ummah has to be united without any separation such as borders. However, an Islamic opinion means an opinion amongst many others derived from Islamic sources. An example of an Islamic opinion are the requirements for the post of Khalifah.

ya kai har Bahar Baki, tare da al-Qaram (Tsibirin Crimea) da Kudancin Ukraine. Rundunonin Daular Musulunci sun kai har ƙofofin birnin Vienna. Ba ta daina cin nasara a kan sauran ƙasashe ba, kuma ba ta yi kasala ba wajen isar da Saƙon Musulunci, sai da rauni ya shiga cikinta, kuma fahimtar da ba daidai ba ta Musulunci ta bayyana. Sai ta fara lalacewa cikin sauri har ta kai ga fara karɓar dokoki da ka'idoji daga wasu tsare-tsare baƙi ga Musulunci, tana tunanin cewa ba sa karya Shari'ah ba ne, a ƙarshe kuma aka hallaka ta.

reached the Black Sea, together with al-Qaram (Crimean Peninsula) and the South of the Ukraine. The armies of the Islamic State reached the very gates of Vienna. It never stopped conquering other countries nor did it relent from conveying the Message of Islam until weakness crept in and the misinterpretation of Islam became apparent. It then rapidly deteriorated to the point where it began adopting rules and legislation from other systems alien to Islam, thinking that they did not contravene the Shari’ah, and finally it was destroyed.

Ci gaba da wadatuwar Daular Musulunci ya yi daidai da ƙarfin hankalinta, ikonta na kirkire-kirkire, da Ijtihadinta da Qiyas (hujjar kwatance don cire hukunci daga nassoshin Musulunci). A karni na farko, cin nasarorinta sun faɗaɗa Daular sosai, Ijtihad kuma ya kai sabbin matakai yayin da Daular ta fuskanci sababbin matsaloli a ƙasashen da ta ci. Aiwatar da dokokin Shari'ah game da sababbin al'amuran da suka taso a Farisa, Iraƙi, al-Sham, Masar, Andalus, Indiya da sauran ƙasashe ya ƙarfafa mazauna waɗannan wurare su karɓi Musulunci. Wannan yanayi ya tabbatar da ingancin Ijtihad da aka yi da kuma kirkire-kirkiren Musulmi. Wannan ya ci gaba har zuwa karni na biyar bayan Hijira, sannan kirkire-kirkire da Ijtihad suka ragu, abin da ya haifar da lalacewar tsarin Daular.

The progress and prosperity of the Islamic State was commensurate to its intellectual strength, its creative ability and its Ijtihad and Qiyas (analogical reasoning for extracting a rule from the Islamic texts). In the first century, its conquests expanded the State vastly and Ijtihad reached new dimensions as the State faced new problems in the conquered lands. The application of the Shari’ah laws concerning new issues which arose in Persia, Iraq, al-Sham, Egypt, Spain, India and other countries encouraged the inhabitants to embrace Islam. This state of affairs confirmed the validity of Ijtihad which was performed and the creativity of the Muslims. This continued until the 5th century Hijri, and then the creativity and Ijtihad waned resulting in the deterioration of the State’s structure.

A cikin wannan lokaci, yaƙe-yaƙen Salibiyya sun faru, kuma sun shagaltar da Musulmai na wani lokaci har suka fito da nasara. Bayan haka, Mamluks sun zo suka yi mulki a kan Dawlar Musulunci, kuma sun ba da ƙaramin kulawa ga ɓangaren ilimi, don haka gibin ilimi ya faɗaɗa kuma tunanin siyasa ya tsaya cik. Mamayar Tatar da ta biyo baya ta haifar da asarar littattafai masu yawa da aka jefa a cikin kogin Tigris, kuma halakar wannan dukiyar ilimi mai girma ta zama kamar an zuba gishiri a kan raunuka. Cutar ilimi da waɗannan abubuwan suka haifar ta taimaka wajen tsayawar Ijtihadi. Neman hukunce-hukunce sababbi game da sababbin matsalolin da suka taso an takaita shi ga bayar da Fatawa da karkatarwa da kuskuren fassara nassoshi.

During this time, the crusades occurred and they preoccupied the Muslims for a time until they emerged victorious. Following this, the Mamluks came and ruled over the Islamic State, and they paid little attention to the intellectual aspects, so the intellectual abyss expanded and the political thinking stultified. The subsequent invasion of the Tartars resulted in the loss of a great number of books thrown into the Tigris river and the destruction of this considerable intellectual heritage only served to rub salt into the wounds. The intellectual ailment which these factors engendered, contributed to the stagnation of Ijtihad. The search for new verdicts concerning new issues that arose was restricted to the issuing of Fatawa and the twisting and misinterpretation of the texts.

Sakamakon haka, matakin ilimi da na siyasa na Daula ya ci gaba da faɗuwa ƙasa. Sai daular 'Usmaniyyawa ta zo ta karɓi mulki. Sun maida hankali kan ƙarfin soji, suka ci Istanbul (Constantinople) da yankin Balkan, suka mamaye Turai cikin ban mamaki, har suka zama ƙasa mafi jagoranci. Duk da haka, wannan bai ɗaga matakin ilimi ba. Ƙarfin soji bai samu goyon bayan farfaɗowar ilimi ba, sakamakon haka ƙarfin sojin Daula ya ɓace kullum har ya ƙare gaba ɗaya. Sai dai, ta ɗauki Saƙon Musulunci, kuma ta yaɗa Musulunci cikin nasara, domin mutanen yankunan da aka ci sun karɓi Musulunci, kuma sun zama miliyoyin Musulmi har zuwa yau.

As a result, the intellectual and political level of the State spiraled downward. Then came the ‘Uthmanis and they assumed power. They concentrated on military might and conquered Istanbul (Constantinople) and the Balkans and they stormed Europe in a spectacular manner, making them the leading state. However, this did not lift the intellectual level. The military might was not backed up by an intellectual revival and this resulted in the military power of the State evaporating by the day until it completely vanished. In any case though, it did carry the Message of Islam and it managed to spread Islam successfully, for the people of the conquered lands embraced Islam and they accounted for millions who are Muslim to this day.

Abubuwa biyu ne suka taimaka wajen ba wasu Khulafa'u da gwamnoni damar tafiyar da al'amura ta hanyar da ta raunana haɗin kan Daular da ƙarfinta. Su ne:

Two factors contributed to give some Khulafah and governors the ability to run the affairs in a manner which impaired the unity and might of the State. Those factors are:

1) Kasancewar akwai ra'o daban-daban da yawa (wajen fahimtar Hukuncin Shari'a a wasu al'amura), da kuma.

1) The existence of many different opinions (in understanding the Hukm Sharii in some issues), and.

2) Jinkirin Khalifa wajen karɓar wasu takamaiman dokoki masu alaƙa da tsarin siyasa, duk da cewa an karɓi wasu a fannoni kamar tattalin arziki.

2) The reluctance of the Khaleefah to adopt some specific rules related to the political system though adoption occurred in other areas such as economics.

Duk da haka, wannan al'amari bai shafi ko ya jefa wanzuwarsa cikin hatsari ba. Misali, ikon gwamnoni ya kasance na gama-gari, kuma an ba su iko mai yawa na wajibi wanda ya ba su damar wakiltar Khaleefah a batutuwa da dama. Wannan ya haifar da wani jin girman kai a wasu gwamnoni, har ya kai ga kusan cin gashin kansu da zama masu mulki da kansu. Sun wadatu kawai da yi wa Khaleefah mubaya'a da yi masa addu'a a Jum'ah, da kuma fitar da kuɗi mai ɗauke da sunansa, da sauran al'amura marasa muhimmanci. Duk da haka iko ya kasance da ƙarfi a hannunsu, kuma hakan ya mayar da waɗannan Wilayat (yankuna) zuwa ƙananan jihohi masu cin gashin kansu zuwa wani mataki; misali, Hamdaniyyun da Saljuqawa da sauransu. Sai dai wannan iko mai yawa da aka ba Wali ba shi ne kaɗai sanadin rugujewar Daula zuwa ƙananan jihohi ba.

However, this factor did not affect or endanger its existence. As an example, the rule of the governors was general and they were given wide mandatory powers enabling them to deputize on behalf of the Khaleefah over many issues. This developed in some governors a sense of supremacy, becoming almost independent and autonomous. They simply contented themselves with giving the bay’ah to the Khaleefah and praying for him at Jum’uah, as well as issuing currency bearing his name, and other trivial issues. The authority remained firmly within their grasp and this turned those Wilayat (regions) into semi-independent statelets; for example, Hamdaniyeen and the Saljuqs and others. However, this wide mandatory power given to the Wali was not by itself the cause of the State disintegrating into statelets.

Misali, ikon gwamnatin ‘Amr ibn al-‘As a kan Masar tana da ikon wajibi mai fadi, haka ma ta Mu’awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan a kan al-Sham, kuma wadannan gwamnoni ba su taba rabuwa da Khilafah ba. Sai dai a lokacin da Khulafa’ suka yi rauni suka amince da halin da ake ciki daga bangaren Wulaa’, wannan al’amari ya samu tushe, kowace Wilayah kuma ta fara aiki kamar kasa mai cikakken iko, duk da cewa dukkanta na ci gaba da zama wani bangare na Dawla guda daya kuma karkashin tsarin mulki guda daya. Duk da haka, Dawla ta ci gaba da tsayawa a matsayin hadin kai guda daya, inda Khaleefah ke nada Wulaa’ tare da cire su a koyaushe. Komai karfin Wali, bai taba kuskura ya balle a hukumance daga mulkin Khaleefah ba. Dawlar Musulunci ba ta taba zama kawancen Wilayat ba a kowane lokaci, ko a lokacin da Wulaa’ suka fi samun ‘yancin kai. Ta ci gaba da zama Dawla daya mai Khaleefah daya, wanda shi ne kadai hukumar da ke da ikon wajibi a kan dukkan Dawlar, har kananan kauyuka.

As an example, the governership of ‘Amr ibn al-‘As over Egypt had wide mandatory power, as was that of Mu’awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan’s over al-Sham and these governors never separated themselves from the Khilafah. However, when the Khulafah weakened and accepted the status quo from the Wulaa’, this trend took root and each Wilayah acted like a state of its own even though they remained part of a single State and under one system of government. Despite all of this the State still remained intact, a single unity, where the Khaleefah always appointed and removed Wulaa’. No matter how powerful a Wali became, he never dared to disassociate officially from the rule of the Khaleefah. The Islamic State was never at any time a confederation of Wilayat, even at the height of the independence enjoyed by the Wulaa’. It always remained one State with one Khaleefah who was the only body with mandatory powers engulfing the whole State, including the small villages.

Game da batun Khilafah a Andalus (Spain) da kuma kafuwar Daular Fatimiyyah a Masar, waɗannan batutuwa sun bambanta da batutuwan gwamnoni. Dangane da Andalus, gwamnonin sun karɓi iko a kan Wilayah kuma suka ayyana 'yancin kai, amma wali a can ba a taɓa ba shi Ba'yah a matsayin Khaleefah ga dukkan Musulmai ba. Sai dai daga baya ya ɗauki taken Khaleefah na mutanen wannan Wilayah, amma ba bisa dukkan Musulmai ba. Khaleefah na Musulmai ya ci gaba da kasancewa guda ɗaya, kuma mulki na gare shi. A wannan yanayi, Wilayar Andalus an ɗauke ta a matsayin Wilayah da ba ta ƙarƙashin ikon Khaleefah. Haka kuma ya kasance ga Iran a zamanin mulkin 'Uthmaniyyah, domin babu Khaleefah a can, amma Iran Wilayah ce a waje da mulkin Khaleefah. Dangane da Fatimiyyah a Masar kuwa, Isma'iliyyah ce ta kafa ta, wanda ƙungiya ce da ba ta Musulunci ba.

As for the issue concerning the Khilafah in Spain and the birth of the Fatimid State in Egypt, these are different from the issues of the governors. In the case of Spain, the governors actually took over the Wilayah and declared independence, but the Wali there was never given Ba’yah as a Khaleefah for all Muslims. However, later he carried the title of Khaleefah of the people of that Wilayah, but not over all the Muslims. The Khaleefah of the Muslims remained one and the ruling belonged to him. The Wilayah of Spain in that situation was regarded as a Wilayah which was not under the authority of the Khaleefah. This was also the case for Iran during the ‘Uthmani rule, as there was no Khaleefah there, but Iran was a Wilayah outside the rule of the Khaleefah. As for the Fatimids in Egypt, it was established by the Ismailis, which is a non-Islamic sect.

因此,他们的行为不能被视为合法的行为,他们的政权也不能被视为伊斯兰政权。他们与阿拔斯哈里发并存,也不能被视为存在多个哈里发,因为法蒂玛政权并不是合法的哈里发。那是这一派别策划的一场政变企图,旨在将伊斯兰国改造成受其错误理解支配的国家。因此,伊斯兰国始终保持为一个不可分割的整体,从未分裂成多个国家,尽管曾有一些基于特定理解夺取统治权的企图,但这些企图均告失败,国家依然保持统一。

Therefore, their action cannot be considered a legitimate one and their state cannot be considered Islamic one. Their presence along with the presence of the Abbasid Khilafah cannot be considered a presence of multiple Khilafah since the Fatimids was not a legitimate Khilafah. It was a coup attempt orchestrated by this sect to change the Islamic State to one that is controlled by their false understanding. Therefore, the Islamic State remained one unit without division, it was never divided into states, although there were some attempts to capture the rule based on specific understanding. These attempts failed and the State remained One.

Daular Musulunci ta kasance guda ɗaya, ba a raba ta ba; ba ƙungiyar jihohi ba ce. Abin da ya faru shi ne yunƙuri da dama na kwace mulki, da burin aiwatar da wata fahimta ta musulunci game da mulki. Waɗannan yunƙuri sun ƙare a ƙarshe, sai Khilafah ta koma ƙarƙashin hukuma guda ɗaya. Hujjar haɗin kan Daular Musulunci duk da kasancewar yanayin mulki da yawa za a iya tabbatar da ita cikin sauƙi ta hanyar lura da cewa a wancan lokaci Musulmi na iya tafiya daga wata Wilayah zuwa wata. Daga Gabas zuwa Yamma, duk inda Musulunci ya yi mulki, ba tare da a tambaye shi asalinsa ba kuma ba tare da an takura masa ba, domin ƙasar Musulunci ƙasa ɗaya ce.

The Islamic State remained one and undivided, it was not a group of states, what took place was a host of attempts to seize power with a desire to implement a certain Islamic understanding of ruling. These attempts eventually came to an end and the Khilafah reverted to a single entity. The proof of the unity of the Islamic State despite the existence of numerous ruling situations can easily be demonstrated by considering that the Muslim could travel at that time from one Wilayah to another. From East to West, wherever Islam reigned, without being asked about his origins and without being restricted, for the Islamic domain was one single land.

Haka ne Dawlatul Islam ko yaushe ta hada Musulmi karkashin hukuma daya, kuma ta ci gaba da kasancewa haka. Ta kasance mai karfi da wadata har sai da dakarun kafirai masu mulkin mallaka suka rushe ta a matsayin kasa a shekarar 1924, lokacin da suka kawar da Khilafah a hannun Mustafa Kamal.

This is how the Islamic State has always united Muslims under one jurisdiction and remained as such. It remained strong and prosperous until the colonial disbelieving forces destroyed it as a State in 1924 when they abolished the Khilafah at the hands of Mustafa Kamal.