Bayan Yakin Duniya ta Farko, bayan an ayyana tsagaita wuta da kuma bayan kawancen kasashe sun samu nasara mai girma, an rushe Daular 'Usmaniyya aka kuma raba ta zuwa kananan jihohi. Kawancen sun kwace duk kasashen Larabawa, wato Masar, Siriya, Falasdin, Transjordan da Iraki, suka cire su daga hannun Daular, har ta kai ba abin da ya rage a hannun 'Usmanawa sai Turkiyya, ita ma kawancen sun mamaye ta. Jiragen yakin Birtaniya sun kwace Bosporus, sojojin Birtaniya kuma suka mamaye sassan babban birnin, Istanbul, da dukkan kagarun Dardanelle, da mafi yawan muhimman wurare a dukkan Turkiyya.

In the wake of the First World War, after a truce had been declared and once allies had secured their sweeping victory, the ‘Uthmani State was destroyed and fragmented into small statelets. The allies seized all the Arab lands, Egypt, Syria, Palestine, TransJordan and Iraq, stripping them from the State so that all that remained in the hands of the ‘Uthmanis was Turkey, and even she had been invaded by the allies. British warships seized the Bosporus and the British army occupied parts of the capital, Istanbul, all the Dardanelle fortresses, and most of the strategic points throughout the whole of Turkey.

A hakika, Faransawa sun mamaye wasu sassan Istanbul, kuma sojojinsu na Senegal sun cika titunan birnin. Sojojin Italiya sun mamaye Bira da layukan dogo, sannan dakarun kawancen suka karbi ragamar 'yan sanda, da rundunar tsaron kasa, da tashoshin jiragen ruwa. Sun kwace dukkan kagarun da makamansu, kuma sun sallami wani bangare na sojojin Turkiyya. An rusa "Jam'iyyar Hadin Kai da Ci Gaba", sannan Jamal Pasha da Anwar Pasha duka sun gudu daga kasar. Sauran mambobinta kuwa sun boye a karkashin kasa. Daga baya aka kafa wata gwamnatin tsana, karkashin jagorancin Tawfeeq Pasha, domin aiwatar da umarnin dakarun mamayar.

The French meanwhile had also occupied parts of Istanbul and their Senegalese soldiers filled its streets. The Italian army occupied Bira and the railways, and the allied forces took over the running of the police, the national guard and the ports. They stripped all the fortresses of their weaponry and discharged part of the Turkish army. The “Union and Progress Party” was dissolved and both Jamal Pasha and Anwar Pasha fled the country. The rest of its members went underground. A puppet government was then formed, headed by Tawfeeq Pasha, to execute the orders of the occupying forces.

Khalifan a lokacin shi ne Waheed al-Deen, ya fahimci cewa dole ne ya fuskanci gaskiyar lamari, ya kuma ceto halin da ake ciki ta hanya mai hikima. Ya rushe majalisar dokoki, ya kuma ba da mukamin Firayim Minista ga ɗaya daga cikin amintattun abokansa, Farid Pasha, wanda ya goyi bayansa a manufarsa ta sassauci ga ƙawayen, don kada su lalata ƙasar, wadda ta fi kowane lokaci rauni, yanzu da yaƙin ya ƙare. Ya aiwatar da shirinsa, kuma yanayin ya ci gaba haka na wani lokaci, ƙawayen na mulki, Turkiyya kuma tana cikin yanayin natsuwa. Haka ya ci gaba har zuwa shekarar 1919, lokacin da al'amura suka fara canzawa, matsayin ƙawayen kuma ya raunana. Jerin rikice-rikice ya sauka a Italiya, Faransa da Birtaniya a cikin gidajensu, masu tsanani har suka yi barazana ga kwanciyar hankalinsu na cikin gida, kuma ba da daɗewa ba suka fara samun sabani a tsakaninsu. Wannan ya bayyana a Istanbul, inda suka yi faɗa a kan ganima, kowannensu yana son rabon zaki na mukaman soja da fa'idojin tattalin arziki. A wannan lokaci, Turkiyya tana cikin halin kama dama ta ƙarshe da ceton wanzuwarta. Yanzu da sabani ya faru tsakanin ƙawayen kuma raunin su ya bayyana, aka kai ga matsayin da kowannensu ya fara tunzura Turkawa a kan ɗayan, kuma a cikin wannan tsari suka ba Turkawa taimako.

The Khalifah at the time was Waheed al-Deen, he realised he had to face the reality and rescue the situation in a wise manner. He dissolved the parliament and assigned the Prime Minister’s post to one of his most faithful friends, Farid Pasha, who backed him in his policy of being lenient with the allies lest they destroy the country, which it was more than especially vulnerable to, now that the war had ended. He executed his plan and the situation remained as such for a while with the allies dominating and Turkey in a state of lull. This continued until 1919, when things began to change and the position of the allies weakened. A series of crises hit Italy, France and Britain at home, serious enough to threaten their internal stability, and soon differences emerged between them. This was evident in Istanbul, where they fought over the booty, each of them wanting the lion’s share of military positions and economic advantages. At this point, Turkey was in a position to seize a last chance and save her existence. Now that a rift had occurred between the allies and their weaknesses were revealed, a point was reached whereby each one of them began inciting the Turks against the other, and in the process they gave the Turks assistance.

Konferensin zaman lafiya, wadda suke shirin gudanarwa, ba ta riga ta gudana ba, kuma ba a riga an tsara sharuddanta ba. Saboda haka, wani ƙaramin haske na bege ya bayyana a sararin sama, mutane kuma suka fara yin imani cewa za su iya shirya wata ingantacciyar ƙungiyar tsayayya. An kafa ƙungiyoyin sirri sama da goma sha a Istanbul. Manufarsu ita ce samun makamai da ɗakunan ajiya da ke ƙarƙashin ikon abokan gaba, da aika su zuwa ƙungiyoyin sirri da ke cikin ƙasar. Wasu jami'ai ma sun shiga cikin wannan aiki. Ismat, mataimakin minista a Ma'aikatar Yaƙi; Fawzi, Shugaban Hafsoshi; Fathi, Ministan Cikin Gida; da Ra'uf, Ministan Ruwa, na cikin waɗanda suka taimaka wa waɗannan motsi. Ta haka, aikin tsayayya da abokan gaba a ɓoye ya koma hannun ƙungiyoyi da yawa da aka kafa da wannan manufa; "Jam'iyyar Haɗin Kai da Ci Gaba" ma ta sake yin aiki sosai. Wasu daga cikin sojoji sun shiga waɗannan motsi, har a ƙarshe aka haɗa su waje ɗaya a ƙarƙashin motsi guda wanda Mustafa Kemal ya jagoranta. Ya kafa motsi don yaƙar ƙawayen nan da korarsu daga ƙasar, kuma ya yi alƙawarin yaƙar sojojin Khalifah idan sun tsaya a hanyarsa.

The peace conference, which they had been planning, had not yet taken place and its conditions not laid down. Therefore, a glimmer of hope appeared on the horizon and people began to believe that they could organize a serious resistance movement. More than ten secret associations were established in Istanbul. Their aim was to acquire weapons and depots under the control of the enemy and send them to secret organizations within the country. Some officials were also involved in this work. Ismat, a deputy in the War Ministry; Fawzi, the Chief of Staff; Fathi, the Interior Minister; and Ra’uf, Minister of the Navy were amongst those who helped these movements. Thus, the task of secretly resisting the enemy was taken up by the many associations formed with that purpose in mind; the “Union and Progress Party” also became very active again. These movements were joined by some of the military until eventually they came to be unified under one movement headed by Mustafa Kemal. He established a movement to fight the allies and expel them from the country and he vowed to fight the Khalifah’s army if it stood in his way.

Nasarar da Mustafa Kemal ya samu a wannan aiki abin mamaki ne. Bayan da ya fahimci cewa gwamnatin tsakiya da hukuma a Istanbul suna karkashin ikon abokan gaba, sai ya yanke shawarar kafa gwamnatin kasa a Anatoliya. Saboda haka ya shirya taron kasa (gangami) a Sywas, inda aka tattauna manufofi da hanyoyin kare 'yancin kan Turkiyya. Taron ya amince da wasu kudurori, aka kuma kafa kwamitin zartarwa, wanda Mustafa Kemal zai jagoranta. Taron ya aika gargadi ga Sarkin yana neman a cire Firayim Minista Farid da a gudanar da zabukan majalisa cikin 'yanci. Karkashin irin wannan matsin lamba, Sarkin ya tilasta mika wuya ga bukatun taron, don haka ya sallami Firayim Minista ya nada Ali Redha a matsayin magajinsa, sannan ya umarci a gudanar da sabbin zabuka. Wakilan taron sun shiga zaben a matsayin kungiya guda da wani kundin manufofi da aka tsara don ceto kasar, kuma sun samu rinjaye mai yawa a sabuwar majalisar.

Mustafa Kemal’s success in this quest was remarkable. Having realized that the central government and the authority in Istanbul were under the enemy’s control he decided to establish a national government in Anatolia. So he organized a national conference (rally) in Sywas, where the policies and means to safeguard Turkey’s Independence were discussed. The conference adopted a few resolutions and an executive committee was formed, to be headed by Mustafa Kemal. The conference sent a warning to the Sultan demanding the removal of Prime Minister Farid and the holding of free parliamentary elections. Under such pressure, the Sultan was forced to submit to the conferences’ demands, and so he dismissed the Prime Minister and appointed Ali Redha as his successor, then he ordered new elections to be held. The delegates from the conference entered the elections as a group with a manifesto designed to salvage the country and they achieved a sweeping majority in the new parliament.

Bayan nasarar da suka samu, sun ci gaba zuwa Ankara suka kafa hedikwatarsu a can, inda suka yi taro suka gabatar da shawarar cewa majalisar dokoki ta yi zamanta a Istanbul, kuma Majalisar Wakilansu ta wargaje tunda membobinta yanzu sun zama wakilan hukuma. Sai dai Mustafa Kemal ya nuna matuƙar adawa da wadannan shawarwari guda biyu, yana cewa, "Majalisar Wakilai ta ci gaba da zama har sai an bayyana amincin majalisar dokoki da kuma gaskiyarta, har sai an san manufarta. Amma batun komawa babban birni, wannan hauka ne kawai, domin idan kuka yi haka za ku kasance ƙarƙashin jin ƙan abokin gaba. Turawan Ingila har yanzu suna iko da ƙasar, kuma hukumomi babu shakka za su shiga harkokinku, watakila har su kama ku. Don haka ya kamata majalisar dokoki ta taru a nan Ankara domin ta kasance mai cin gashin kanta." Mustafa Kemal ya ci gaba da nacewa, yana kare ra'ayinsa sosai, amma ya kasa shawo kan wakilai su gudanar da zaman majalisar a Ankara. Wakilan dai suka tafi babban birni, suka bayyana biyayyarsu ga Khalifa, suka ci gaba da aikinsu. Wannan ya kasance a watan Janairu na shekarar 1920.

After their success they moved on to Ankara and established their headquarters there where they held a meeting and proposed that the parliament should meet in Istanbul and their Council of Representatives should be dissolved since its members had now become official deputies. However, Mustafa Kemal strongly opposed these two proposals saying, “The Council of Representatives should continue until the parliament’s commitment and integrity is made clear and until its policy becomes known. As for the move to the capital, this would be sheer madness, for if you did this you would be under the mercy of the enemy. The British still control the country and the authorities will undoubtedly meddle in your affairs and perhaps arrest you. The parliament should therefore convene here in Ankara so that it remains independent.” Mustafa Kemal persisted and defended his opinion strongly, but failed to persuade the deputies to hold the parliament’s sessions in Ankara. The deputies duly went to the capital and expressed their loyalty to the Khalifah, and continued on with their work. This was in January 1920.

Khalifa ya yi ƙoƙarin ɗora ra'ayinsa a kan 'yan majalisa, amma sun yi tsayin daka, suka nuna shirinsu na riƙe haƙƙoƙin ƙasar. Lokacin da matsin lamba daga ƙawaye ya ƙaru a kansu, sai suka tara ra'ayin jama'a don yarjejeniyar da suka cimma a taron Sywas. Yarjejeniyar ta ƙunshi sharuɗɗan da suka shirya karɓar zaman lafiya a ƙarƙashinsu. Mafi muhimmanci daga cikin waɗannan sharuɗɗa shi ne cewa Turkiyya ta zama ƙasa mai 'yanci da cikakken 'yancin kai cikin iyakokin da aka ƙayyade. Ƙawaye, musamman Ingilishawa, sun yi murna, domin wannan shi ne ainihin abin da suke burin cimmawa. Bugu da ƙari, sun so ya fito daga Turkawa kansu.

The Khalifah tried to impose his will on the deputies but they resisted and showed their willingness to hold on to the country’s rights. When pressure from the allies mounted on them, they rallied public opinion for the covenant which they had agreed upon during the Sywas conference. The covenant included the conditions according to which they were prepared to accept peace. Most important of these conditions was that Turkey should become a free and independent state within specified borders. The allies, especially the British, rejoiced, for this was exactly what they had been aiming at. Moreover, they wanted it to come from the Turks themselves.

Ya kamata a ambata a nan cewa dukkan ƙasashen da Daular 'Uthmaniyya ta yi mulkinsu a matsayin Wilayat, a matsayinta na Daular Musulunci, kowace daga cikinsu tana da yarjejeniya da aka shirya mata bayan Yakin Duniya na Farko daga kawancen ƙasashen Allies, wadda ta yi shelar 'yancin kan ɓangaren da kawancen ƙasashen suke son ajiyewa daban. Don haka Iraƙi tana da yarjejeniyar da ta ƙunshi 'yancin kan Iraƙi, haka ma Siriya, Falasɗinu, Masar da sauransu. Saboda haka, abu ne kawai na al'ada ga ƙasashen Allies, musamman Birtaniya, su yi murna da wannan Yarjejeniyar Kishin Ƙasa ta Turkiyya, domin hakan ne ainihin abin da suke so: raba Daular 'Uthmaniyya da kuma rarraba ta zuwa ƙananan jihohi, don kada ta sake dawowa a matsayin ƙasa guda mai ƙarfi. Mafarkinsu na lalata Daular Musulmi kamar yana gab da cika.

It is worth mentioning here that all the countries which the ‘Uthmani State used to rule over as Wilayat in her capacity, as the Islamic State, had each had, in the wake of the First World War, a covenant drawn up for them by the allies and which proclaimed for them the independence of the part which the allies wanted to keep separate. Iraq, therefore, had a covenant comprising the independence of Iraq, as did Syria, Palestine, Egypt and so on. Thus, it was only natural for the allies, especially the British, to rejoice at this Turkish Nationalistic Covenant, for it was exactly what they wanted; the dismembering of the ‘Uthmani State and its division into statelets lest it return again as one strong State. Their dream of destroying the Muslims’ State looked as though it would now come to fruition.

Da ba don yarjejeniyoyin da ƙawayen suka samu damar kafawa a ko'ina ba, al'amura da sun ɗauki wata hanya daban. Dalilin haka shi ne Daular 'Usmaniyya ta kasance guda ɗaya wadda ke ɗaukar dukkan wilayoyinta a matsayin wani ɓangare nata. Ta karɓi tsarin Haɗin kai (wato tarayya) ba tsarin Ƙungiya ba (wato ƙungiyar ƙasashe masu zaman kansu), don haka babu wani bambanci a manufofin Daular tsakanin Hijaz ko Turkiyya, ko tsakanin gundumar Al-Quds da gundumar Iskandarona. Dukkansu suna cikin Daula guda ɗaya.

Had it not been for the covenants, which the allies managed to set up everywhere, the situation would have taken a different turn. The reason for this was because the ‘Uthmani State was a single entity which considered all of its Wilayat as part of it. It had adopted a system of Unity (i.e., a federation) and not Union (i.e., a confederation) and so there was no difference in the State’s policy between Hijaz or Turkey, nor between the district of al-Quds and the district of Iskandarona. All of them were part of one single State.

Haka kuma yanayin da ake ciki ya kara rikicewa saboda sharuɗɗan da aka sanya wa ƙasashen da aka ci da yaƙi a ƙarshen yaƙin. Wannan ya faru ne saboda shan kayen Turkiyya yayi kama da na Jamus, tun da su abokan juna ne a yaƙin, kuma sharuɗɗan zaman lafiya da aka sanya wa ɗayan ya kamata su shafi ɗayan. Don haka, idan mutanen Jamus sun ƙi yarda su rabu da ko da tsayin hannu ɗaya na ƙasarsu, kuma sun yi yaƙi domin kada a raba ƙasarsu, to haka ya kamata ya kasance ga Daular ‘Uthmaniyya, kuma ita ma bai kamata a raba ta ba. Ƙawayen sun san waɗannan gaskiyar kuma sun yi la'akari da su. Duk da haka, sa'ad da ‘Uthmaniyawa da kansu suka nemi a raba ƙasarsu, buƙatar da Larabawa da Turkawa duka suka nema, ƙawayen sun yi maraba da wannan dama, suka kuma ƙarfafa irin waɗannan matakai da ƙwazo; musamman a tsakiyar Daular (Turkiyya) inda yawancin mulkin cikin Daular ya samo asali kuma inda aka wakilce ta.

In addition, the situation should have been further complicated by the conditions imposed on the defeated powers at war’s end. This was because the defeat of Turkey was similar to that of Germany, since they were allies in the war together, and the conditions of peace laid down on one country should have applied to the other. Thus, if the people of Germany resisted the idea of having to part with as much as a handspan of their land, and fought against their country being dismembered, so should have been the case for the ‘Uthmani State, and she too should never have been dismembered. The allies were aware of these realities and took them into account. However, when the ‘Uthmanis themselves requested their country to be dismembered, a request sought by Arabs and Turks alike, the allies leaped at the chance and ardently encouraged such moves; especially in the State’s center (Turkey) where most of the rule within the State originated and where it was represented.

Saboda haka, ƙawancen ƙasashen suka ɗauki yarjejeniyar a matsayin nasararsu ta ƙarshe. Don haka aka bai wa Turkawa 'yancin yin tsayayya, da zarar an bayyana ta, sai ƙawayen suka fara janye sojojinsu daga kowane kusurwar ƙasar. An cire sojojin Birtaniya da na Faransa daga ƙasar. A lokaci guda, Turkawa suka fara tara ƙarfi. An kafa wani motsi na tsayayya wanda daga bisani ya zama juyin-juya-hali a kan Khalifah, lamarin da ya tilasta masa aika da runduna don murkushe motsin. Wannan ya yi nasara har sai da dukkan mutane suka tsaya tare da Sarkin Musulmi, sai dai mutanen Ankara inda cibiyar juyin-juya-halin take. Daga ƙarshe, Ankara kanta ta kusa faɗawa cikin shan kaye. A fuskantar rundunar Khalifah, ƙauyukan da ke kewaye suka faɗi ɗaya bayan ɗaya, sannan suka shiga cikinta. Mustafa Kemal da waɗanda ke tare da shi sun shiga wani mawuyacin hali, amma Mustafa Kemal ya ƙudurta ci gaba da yaƙi, sai ya tada kishin ƙasa a cikin 'yan kishin ƙasa. Suka amsa kiransa suka tara ƙarfi. Jita-jita ta bazu a larduna da ƙauyukan Turkiyya cewa sojojin Birtaniya na shirin mamaye babban birnin, kama 'yan kishin ƙasa, da rufe majalisar dokoki da ƙarfi.

Therefore, the allies considered the covenant to be their final victory. The Turks were thus allowed the freedom of resistance, once it had been published, and the allies then began to pull their troops out from every corner of the land. The British and the French troops were removed from the country. Concomitantly, the Turks began gathering strength. A resistance movement was formed which eventually turned into a revolution against the Khalifah, thus forcing him to send in an army to crush the movement. This it managed to do until all the people stood by the Sultan except those in Ankara where the stronghold of the revolution was. Eventually, Ankara itself was on the brink of defeat. In the face of the Khalifah’s army, the surrounding villages fell one after the other and then joined it. Mustafa Kemal and those with him were placed in a very critical situation, but Mustafa Kemal was determined to fight on and so he incited the nationalists. They responded and gathered strength. Rumors were spread in the Turkish provinces and villages that the British army was about to occupy the capital, arrest the nationalists and shut down the house of parliament by force.

An kuma yada jita-jita cewa Khalifa da gwamnatinsa suna goyon bayan mamayar. Ba da daɗewa ba yanayin ya canja. Mutane suka fara barin Khalifa, ra'ayin jama'a kuma ya koma ga 'yan kishin ƙasa a Ankara. Maza da mata suka rinka tafiya zuwa Ankara suna ba da kansu don kare Turkiyya. Sojoji da yawa suka bar sojojin Khalifa, suka shiga rundunar Mustafa Kemal, wanda a lokacin ya zama jarumi ga Turkawa kuma alamar burinsu. Matsayinsa ya ƙara ƙarfi, kusan dukkan ƙasar ta shiga ƙarƙashin ikonsa. Ya fitar da takarda yana kira da a zaɓi Majalisar Wakilai ta ƙasa wadda za ta sa Ankara ta zama cibiyarta. An yi zaɓen, sabbin mambobin da aka zaɓa suka taru, suka kira kansu Majalisar Ƙasa. Sun ɗauki kansu a matsayin gwamnati halastacciya. Suka zaɓi Mustafa Kemal a matsayin shugaban Majalisar Wakilai. Ankara ta zama cibiyar gwamnatin ƙasa, dukkan Turkawa kuma suka amince da hakan. Mustafa Kemal sai ya yi gaba ya murkushe abin da ya rage na sojojin Khalifa, ya kawo ƙarshen yakin basasa. Sannan ya mayar da hankali kan yaƙi da Girkawa, aka yi yaƙe-yaƙe masu zubar da jini da dama. Girkawa sun fi ƙarfi da farko, amma ba da daɗewa ba daidaito ya karkata zuwa ga Mustafa Kemal.

Rumors about the Khalifah and his government supporting the occupation were also spread. The situation soon changed. People began deserting the Khalifah and public opinion shifted towards the nationalists in Ankara. Men and women drifted towards Ankara volunteering to defend Turkey. Many soldiers deserted the Khalifah’s army and joined the army of Mustafa Kemal, who by then had become a hero for the Turks and a symbol of their hopes. His position gathered strength and almost the entire country came under his control. He issued a leaflet calling for the election of a national Council of Representatives that would position Ankara as its headquarters. The election took place and the newly elected members convened, calling themselves the National Assembly. They considered themselves the legitimate government. They voted Mustafa Kemal as president of the Council of Representatives. Ankara became the center of the national government and all the Turks approved of it. Mustafa Kemal then moved and destroyed what remained of the Khalifah’s army, putting an end to the civil war. He then concentrated on fighting the Greeks, and several bloody battles ensued. The Greeks had the upper hand at first but soon the balance shifted in Mustafa Kemal’s favor.

A watan Agusta 1921, ya kaddamar da wani hari mai sauri kuma mai nasara a kan Helenawa waɗanda a wannan lokaci suke mamaye Izmir da wasu sassan gabar tekun Turkiyya. A farkon watan Satumba, ya aika a kira Ismat domin ya gana da Harrington da kuma tsara cikakkun bayanai. A wannan taro, ƙawayen sun amince su kori Helenawa daga Tarees da kuma janye kansu daga Istanbul da duk sauran Turkiyya. Idan muka bi motsin Mustafa Kemal sosai, za mu fahimci cewa ƙawayen sun amince da buƙatunsa ne kawai lokacin da suka tabbatar da alkawarin cewa zai rushe mulkin Musulunci a madadin haka. Wannan ya ƙara bayyana lokacin da Majalisar Ƙasa ta tattauna da shi game da makomar Turkiyya bayan nasarorin da ya samu. Ya amsa da cewa, "Ba na imani da ƙungiyar ƙasashen Musulunci, ko da ƙungiyar mutanen 'Uthmani, kuma kowannenmu yana da 'yancin rungumar duk ra'ayin da yake so. Duk da haka, ya kamata gwamnati ta bi tsayayyiyar manufa da aka tsara bisa hakikanin abubuwa. Manufar da take da manufa guda ɗaya, wato kare ƙasar da 'yancinta cikin iyakokinta na halitta. Ji da mafarkai bai kamata su shafi manufarmu ba, kuma la'anar mafarkai da tatsuniyoyi, sun cutar da mu sosai a baya."

By August 1921, he launched a swift and successful attack on the Greeks who at the time occupied Izmir and other parts of the Turkish coasts. In the beginning of September, he sent for Ismat to meet Harrington and work out the details. At that meeting, the allies agreed to expel the Greeks from Tarees and to withdraw themselves from Istanbul and the whole of Turkey. If we closely followed Mustafa Kemal’s moves, we deduce that the allies agreed to his demands only when they secured a promise that he would destroy Islamic rule in return. This was made clearer when the National Assembly discussed with him the future of Turkey in the wake of the victories he had achieved. He replied, “I do not believe in a league of Islamic countries, nor in a league of the ‘Uthmani people, and each one of us is free to embrace any opinion he wishes. However, the government should adhere to a fixed and devised policy based on realities. A policy that carries one single objective, that is to protect the country and its independence within its natural borders. Sentiments and illusions should not affect our policy, and damn to the dreams and the myths, they have in the past cost us dearly.”.

Ta wannan sanarwa, yana so ya kafa 'yancin kan Turkiyya a bisa tushen cewa ƙasa ce ta mutanen Turkawa, ba ta Ummar Musulunci ba. Wasu daga cikin 'yan majalisa da 'yan siyasa sun tambaye shi game da yadda gwamnatin sabuwar Turkiyya za ta kasance, domin ba zai yiwu ta kasance tana da gwamnatoci biyu kamar yadda lamarin yake a wancan lokaci ba: wata gwamnatin riƙo mai iko wadda hedikwatarta take Ankara, da kuma wata gwamnati ta hukuma amma ta suna a babban birni wadda Khalifah da ministocinsa ke jagoranta. 'Yan siyasan sun matsa wa Kemal lamba cewa ya bayyana ra'ayinsa a fili game da wannan batu. Bai amsa musu ba, ya ɓoye niyyarsa. Maimakon haka sai ya fara tada ra'ayin jama'a a kan Khalifah Waheed al-Deen, yana zarginsa da haɗin baki da Birtaniyya da Girkawa. Jama'a suka yi fushi da Khalifah, kuma a cikin farin cikin jama'a da ke goyon bayansa, Mustafa Kemal ya kira taron Majalisar Ƙasa don zayyana shirinsa game da Sarki da gwamnati. Tun farko ya san cewa yana iya shawo kan 'yan majalisa su cire Waheed al-Deen su kwace wa Khalifah iko, amma ba zai iya zama mai ƙarfin hali har ya hadarin kai hari kai tsaye a kan Khilafah ba, domin hakan zai tada jijiyar tausayin Musulunci. Don haka bai rushe Khilafah ba, kuma ya guje wa magance matsalar kai tsaye. Maimakon haka, cikin dabara ya ba da shawarar a kwace wa Khalifah dukkan iko.

By this declaration, he wanted to forge the independence of Turkey on the basis of being a country for the Turkish people and not the Islamic Ummah. Some of the deputies and politicians asked him about how the government of the new Turkey should be shaped, for it would be inconceivable for her to have two governments as was the case at that time: a transitional government with power and Ankara as its headquarters and an official yet nominal government in the capital headed by the Khalifah and his ministers. The politicians insisted upon Kemal that he should clearly state his opinion about this issue. He did not answer them and concealed his intentions. Instead he began to incite public opinion against Khalifah Waheed al-Deen, accusing him of collaborating with the British and the Greeks. People were enraged against the Khalifah and amidst the public euphoria behind him, Mustafa Kemal called for a meeting of the National Assembly to outline his plan regarding the Sultan and the government. He had known all along that he was capable of convincing the deputies to remove Waheed al-Deen and strip the Khalifah of authority, but he could not be so daring as to risk a direct attack on the Khilafah, since this would have triggered Islamic sentiment. He did not therefore dissolve the Khilafah and avoided tackling the issue head on. Instead, he slyly suggested stripping the Khalifah of all power.

Bu ma'ana, za a iya soke Sarautar Sultan a cire Waheed al-Deen. Da zarar 'yan majalisar sun ji haka sai suka yi shiru, kuma nan da nan suka fahimci hadarin da ke cikin wannan shawara da aka nemi su amince da ita, sai suka yi gaggawar fara tattaunawa kan batun da ke gaba. Mustafa Kemal ya ji tsoro sosai kuma ya firgita da irin wannan muhawara, don haka sai ya nemi a yi kuri'a (zabe) kan shawarar a maimakon haka. Mutum tamanin daga cikin 'yan majalisar, wadanda ke cikin magoya bayansa na kansa, suka goyi bayansa.

Thus, the Sultanate could be dissolved and Waheed al-Deen removed. As soon as the deputies heard this they became speechless, and quickly realized the dangerous implications of the proposal which they had been asked to endorse and they moved to first debate the issue at hand. Mustafa Kemal was exceedingly apprehensive and fearful of such a debate, so he asked instead for a motion (vote) regarding the proposal to take place. He received the backing of eighty of the deputies, who were from among his personal supporters.

Amma Majalisar Dokoki ta ƙi amincewa da buƙatarsa, sai ta miƙa shawarar ga kwamitin shari'a domin ya yi nazari a kanta. Lokacin da kwamitin ya taru washegari, Mustafa Kemal ya halarta ya kuma kula sosai da yadda al'amura ke gudana. Kwamitin, wanda ya ƙunshi malamai da lauyoyi, ya tattauna batun na tsawon 'yan sa'o'i, kuma ba da daɗewa ba suka fahimci cewa shawarar ta saɓa wa nassoshin Shari'a, domin a Musulunci babu abin da ake kira ikon addini da ikon duniya; "Sultana" da "Khilafah" abu ɗaya ne. Ra'ayin raba Addini da Dawla bai wanzu a Musulunci ba, kuma bai taɓa wanzuwa ba a tarihinsa gaba ɗaya. Akwai Tsarin Musulunci, kuma Dawla ce ke aiwatar da Tsarin. Babu makawa, kwamitin shari'a bai samu wata hujja ga irin wannan rabuwa ba, haka kuma bai samu dalilin gudanar da muhawara a kan batun ba, domin nassoshin Musulunci a bayyane suke kuma masu yanke hukunci (ba sa buƙatar fassara) a kan wannan batu. Ba abin mamaki ba ne, kwamitin ya ƙi amincewa da shawarar.

However, the National Assembly refused to grant him his wish and alternatively referred the proposal to the legal committee to look into. When the committee convened the next day, Mustafa Kemal attended and watched the course of events closely. The committee, comprising of scholars and lawyers, debated the issue for a few hours and soon realized that the proposal violated the Shari’ah texts, since in Islam there is nothing called religious authority and temporal authority, “Sultana and Khilafah”, are one and the same. The concept of separating the Deen from the State does not exist in Islam and had never existed throughout its history. There was an Islamic System and the State implemented the System. Inevitably, the legal committee could not find any justification for such a separation nor could it find a reason for conducting a debate on the issue because the Islamic texts are clear-cut and decisive (not open to interpretation) about this issue. Not surprisingly, the committee rejected the proposal.

Amma Mustafa Kemal ya kudurta raba Addini da Gwamnati ta hanyar raba Sarauta da Khilafah, wanda shi ne cika manufofin ƙawayen (Allies); lalata ragowar Daular Musulunci ta hannun mutanenta. Al'adarsa ta mulkin mallaka, wadda ta sa shi koyi da Yammacin duniya wajen raba ikon duniya da na ruhi, ta tura shi raba Sarauta da Khilafah, kamar yadda aka raba Coci da gwamnati a Yamma. Lokacin da Mustafa Kemal ya fahimci cewa muhawarar kwamitin tana tafiya ta wata hanya dabam da tasa, sai ya fusata, ya yi tsalle daga kujerarsa, ya tsaya a kan kujera yana husuma, ya katse muhawarar kwamitin yana ihu, "Ya ku mai girma! Sarkin Usmaniyya ya kwace ikon mutane da ƙarfi, kuma da ƙarfi ne mutane suka yanke shawarar karɓe shi. Dole ne a raba Sarauta da Khilafah a kuma rushe ta, wannan zai faru ko kun amince ko ba ku amince ba, abin da ya rage shi ne wasu daga cikin kawunanku za su fāɗi a cikin wannan aikin." Ya yi magana kamar mai mulkin kama-karya, sannan taron kwamitin ya watse. Nan take aka kira Majalisar Ƙasa ta taru don tattaunawa da wannan shawara.

However, Mustafa Kemal was determined to separate the Deen from the State by separating the Sultanate from the Khilafah, which was the fulfillment of the aims of the allies; the destruction of the remains of the Islamic State by the hands of its own people. His colonialist culture, which makes him imitate the Westerners in their separation of the temporal power from the spiritual one drove him to separate the Sultanate from the Khilafah, just as the Church had come to be separated from the state in the West. When Mustafa Kemal realized that the debate of the committee was taking a course different to his, he lost his temper and leaped off his seat, he stood on a chair fuming with rage and interrupted the debate of the committee by shouting, “Your excellencies! The ‘Uthmani Sultan has seized the authority of the people by force, and it is by force that the people have decided to regain it. The Sultanate must be separated from the Khilafah and dissolved, this shall take place whether you agree or not, all there is to it is that some of your heads will fall in the process.” He spoke like a dictator, then the meeting of the committee broke up. The National Assembly was immediately called for to meet and discuss the proposal.

A yayin muhawarar, Mustafa Kemal ya fahimci cewa mafi yawan 'yan majalisa suna adawa da shawarar, don haka ya tara magoya bayansa a kusa da shi ya kira a kada kuri'a kan shawarar ta hanyar ɗaga hannu sau ɗaya. 'Yan majalisar sun ƙi amincewa da hakan, suka ce, "Idan ya zama dole a kada kuri'a, a yi ta hanyar kiran sunan kowane ɗan majalisa." Mustafa Kemal ya ƙi wannan, ya yi ihu cikin barazana, "Na tabbata Majalisar Dokoki ta Ƙasa za ta amince da shawarar ta hanyar yarjejeniya ta gaba ɗaya, kuma zai isa a kada kuri'a ta ɗaga hannu kawai." An kada kuri'ar kan shawarar, sai kuma 'yan hannu kaɗan ne suka tashi. Duk da haka, an bayyana sakamakon kamar yadda Majalisar Dokoki ta Ƙasa ta amince da shawarar da rinjaye bayyananne. 'Yan majalisar sun yi mamaki da wannan, wasu daga cikinsu suka yi tsalle daga kujerunsu suna zanga-zanga suna ihu, "Wannan ba gaskiya ba ne, ba mu amince ba!" Magoya bayan Mustafa Kemal suka mayar musu da ihu suka riƙe su, aka yi musayar zagi, sannan Shugaban Majalisar Dokoki ta Ƙasa ya sake bayyana sakamakon kuri'ar, yana cewa Majalisar Dokoki ta Ƙasa ta amince da rushe Sarautar Daular Usmaniyya da rinjaye bayyananne. An tashi taron. Mustafa Kemal ya bar cibiyar taron kewaye da magoya bayansa. Sa'ad da Waheed al-Deen, Khalifan, ya samu labarin haka, sai ya gudu daga ƙasar, kuma jim kaɗan bayan haka aka naɗa ɗan ɗan'uwansa, 'Abdul Majid, a matsayin Khalifan Musulmi, amma an cire masa duk wani iko. Ƙasar, duk da haka, ta ci gaba da zama ba tare da halaltaccen shugaba ba.

Throughout the debate, Mustafa Kemal realized that the majority of the deputies were against the proposal, so he gathered his supporters around him and called for a vote on the proposal by raising hands once. The deputies objected to this and said, “If it is absolutely necessary to vote, let this take place by calling out the name of each deputy.” Mustafa Kemal rejected this and shouted out menacingly, “I am confident that the National Assembly will endorse the proposal by general consensus and it will be sufficient to take votes by raising hands only.” The proposal was put to the vote and only a few hands were raised. However, the result was declared as though the National Assembly had accepted the proposal by a clear majority. The deputies were stunned by this and some of them leaped from their seats protesting and shouting, “This is not true, we did not agree!” The supporters of Mustafa Kemal shouted back at them and restrained them, insults were exchanged then the President of the National Assembly declared the result of the vote once more stating that the National Assembly had approved by a clear majority the dissolution of the Sultanate. The meeting was adjourned. Mustafa Kemal left the conference center surrounded by his supporters. When Waheed al-Deen, the Khaleefah, received news of this he fled the country and soon after his nephew, ‘Abdul Majid, was nominated as the Khalifah of the Muslims, albeit stripped of any authority. The country, however, remained without a legitimate ruler.

Idan an raba Sarautar Sultan da Khilafah, to wane ne shugaba na halal? Mustafa Kemal ya kasance yana matukar son raba Sarautar Sultan da Khilafah, kuma ya yi hakan ba tare da bayyana irin tsarin gwamnati da Turkiyya za ta karɓa ba. Da rushewar Sarautar Sultan ya zama wajibi a yanke shawara kan tsarin sabuwar gwamnati. Shin Mustafa Kemal zai kafa gwamnati ya zama Shugaban gwamnatin tsarin mulki, yayin da yake ci gaba da riƙe Khalifa a matsayin mai iko? In haka ne, to ashe shawarar rushe Sarautar Sultan ba za ta kasance marar tasiri tun farko ba?

If the Sultanate was separated from the Khilafah, who then was the legal ruler? Mustafa Kemal had all along been very anxious to separate the Sultanate from the Khilafah, and he did so without revealing the structure of government which Turkey was to adopt. With the dissolution of the Sultanate it had become necessary to decide the format of the new government. Would Mustafa Kemal form the government and become the President of a constitutional government while keeping the Khalifah as the authoritative figure? If so, then would not the decision to dissolve the Sultanate have been ineffectual in the first place?

Mustafa Kemal ya ki kafa gwamnati kuma bai bayyana manufofinsa ba. Yana goyon bayan ikonsa da mulkinsa, wanda ta hanyarsa yake da iko a kan jama'a, sai ya ci gaba da kafa wata jam'iyya wadda ya kira "Jam'iyyar Jama'a". Manufarsa ita ce ya samu goyon bayan jama'a a gare shi, domin duk da ikonsa, mafi yawan 'yan Majalisar Wakilai har yanzu suna adawa da shi, koda bayan an sanar da raba Sarautar Sarkin Musulmi da Khalifanci. Wannan ya sa ya yi tunanin bayyana tsarin sabuwar gwamnatin da ya yanke shawarar kafawa, wato ayyana Turkiyya a matsayin jamhuriya tare da kansa a matsayin Shugabanta. Ya fara da yada farfaganda ta batanci ga Majalisar Dokoki ta Kasa, wanda hakan ya haifar da wata matsala ta siyasa mai kunya, har ta kai ga murabus din gwamnatin da take kan mulki. Gwamnatin ta mika takardar murabus dinta ga Majalisar Dokoki ta Kasa, lamarin da ya haifar da gibin mulki. Cikin wannan rikici da ke kara tsananta, wasu daga cikin 'yan majalisa sun ba Majalisar Wakilai shawarar ta nada Mustafa Kemal a matsayin shugaban gwamnati domin warware rikicin. Da farko ya yi kamar ba shi da burin wannan mukami, sannan ya amince, ya hau dandali ya yi jawabi ga Majalisar Dokoki ta Kasa.

Mustafa Kemal refused to form a government and did not reveal his intentions. Backed up by his power and authority, through which he had control over the people, he went on to form a party which he called the “People’s Party”. His intention was to gain public opinion in his favor because despite his power, the sweeping majority in the Council of Representatives were still against him even after the declaration of the separation of the Sultanate from the Khilafah. This led him to consider disclosing the shape of the new government which he had decided to form, declaring Turkey to be a republic with himself as its President. He started by initiating a smear campaign against the National Assembly and this produced an embarrassing political crisis, thus leading to the resignation of the government in office. The government tendered its resignation to the National Assembly creating a power vacuum. Amidst the deepening crisis, some of the deputies suggested to the Council of Representatives that it should appoint Mustafa Kemal as the head of the government in order to solve the crisis. At first he pretended that he held no ambitions for the job, then he agreed and went up to the stand to address the National Assembly.

Ya ce a cikin jawabinsa ga 'yan majalisa, "Kun aiko da ni in zo in kawo agaji a wannan lokaci mai tsanani. Duk da haka, wannan mawuyacin hali da kuke ciki kanku kuka jawo shi. Saboda haka, wannan yanayi ba wani al'amari ne na wucin gadi ba, illa kuskuren hukunci na asali a tsarin gwamnatinmu. Majalisar Dokoki ta kasa tana da ayyuka biyu a yanzu, na yin doka da na zartarwa. Kowane dan majalisa yana so ya shiga cikin kowane shawarar minista kuma ya saka hanci a cikin kowace ma'aikatar gwamnati da kowace shawara da minista ya yanke. Ya ku manyan jami'ai, babu wani minista da zai iya saba da aikinsa da alhakinsa, ya karbi mukami a irin wannan yanayi. Dole ne ku fahimci cewa gwamnatin da aka kafa bisa wannan tushe ba za a iya kafa ta ba, kuma idan aka kafa ta, ba za ku kira ta gwamnati ba, illa rikici, kuma dole ne mu fahimci wannan yanayi. Saboda haka, na yanke shawarar mayar da Turkiyya jamhuriya, da shugaban kasa zababbe." Da ya kammala jawabinsa, sai aka gane nan da nan cewa ya riga ya shirya doka, wadda ta mayar da Turkiyya jamhuriya tare da zabar kansa a matsayin shugaban farko na jamhuriyar Turkiyya. Ya mayar da kansa mai mulki na halal na kasar.

In his speech he said to the deputies, “You have sent for me to come to the rescue at this critical hour. However, the critical situation is of your own doing. Therefore, this state of affairs is not a passing incident, but a fundamental error of judgment in the system of our government. The National Assembly has at the moment two functions, legislative and executive. Each deputy wants to take part in every ministerial decision and stick his nose into every government department and every decision made by a minister. Your excellencies, no minister can become familiar with his job and responsibility, and accept a post in such circumstances. You have to realize that a government founded on this basis is impossible to establish, and if it were established, you would not call it a government, but shambles, and we have to appreciate this state of affairs. Therefore, I have decided to turn Turkey into a republic, with an elected President.” Once he had finished his speech, it was soon realized that he had already prepared a decree, making Turkey a republic and electing himself as the first President of the Turkish republic. He turned himself into the lawful ruler of the country.

Amma abubuwa ba su tafi yadda Mustafa Kemal ya so ba. Da farko dai, mutanen Turkiyya Musulmai ne, kuma abin da Mustafa Kemal ya aikata ya saba wa Musulunci. Jin cewa Mustafa Kemal yana da niyyar hallaka Musulunci ya yaɗu, ayyukan Kamal da kansa suna ƙara zafafa shi. A rayuwarsa ta kashin kansa, yana raina Musulunci, yana karya dukkan dokokin Shari'ar Allah, yana ba'a ga duk abin da Musulmai ke girmamawa da ɗaukarwa da tsarki. Ba da daɗewa ba mutane suka gane cewa sabbin shugabannin Ankara kafirai ne la'anannu, sai suka fara taruwa a kewayen Khalifa 'Abdul Majid. Suka yi ƙoƙarin mayar masa da iko, su sanya shi mai mulki na gaske, don ya kawar da waɗannan murtaddan. Mustafa Kemal ya ji haɗarin da ke ƙaruwa, ya kuma gane cewa yawancin mutane suna ƙinsa, suna zarginsa da zama zindiƙi da kafiri. Ya yi tunani sosai a kan lamarin, sakamakon haka kuma ya ƙara ƙaimi a yaƙin ɓata suna da yake yi wa Khalifa da Khilafah, yana tayar da zafin Majalisar Ƙasa, har ta amince ta kuma zartar da doka da ta ce duk wata adawa da jamhuriya, da duk wata goyon bayan Sarki, za a ɗauke ta a matsayin cin amana, hukuncinta kisa. Sa'an nan Mustafa Kemal ya fara magana a kan illolin Khilafah a kowane taro, musamman a Majalisar Ƙasa. Ya fara shirya ƙasa don soke Khilafah. Wasu daga cikin 'yan majalisa sun mayar da martani ga wannan barazana ta hanyar bayyana fa'idodin diflomasiyya na Khilafah, sai kuma Mustafa Kemal ya kai musu wani mummunan hari. Ya ce wa Majalisar Ƙasa: "Ba don Khilafah ba, da Musulunci da malamai ne Manoman Turkiyya suka yi yaƙi suka mutu shekaru biyar ɗari? Lokaci ya yi da Turkiyya za ta kula da muradunta, ta kuma yi watsi da Indiyawa da Larabawa. Turkiyya ya kamata ta 'yantar da kanta daga jagorantar Musulmai."

However, things did not run as smoothly for Mustafa Kemal as he had wished. For one thing, the Turkish people are Muslim and what Mustafa Kemal did contradicts Islam. A feeling that Mustafa Kemal intended to destroy Islam spread, fueled by Kamal’s own personal actions. In his private life, he held Islam in contempt, violating all the Divine Shari’ah rules, mocking everything that Muslims hold in high esteem and sanctity. People soon realized that the new rulers of Ankara were damned Kafireen and they began to gather around the Khalifah ‘Abdul Majid. They attempted to hand him back the authority and make him the effective ruler so that he could get rid of these apostates. Mustafa Kemal sensed the growing danger and realized that the majority of the people despised him, accusing him of being a Zindiq and Kafir. He thought long and hard about the matter and as a result intensified his smear campaign against the Khalifah and the Khilafah, inciting the fervor of the National Assembly, until it adopted and enacted a law stating that any opposition to the republic and any siding with the Sultan would be considered an act of treachery, carrying the death penalty. Mustafa Kemal then began to talk about the disadvantages of the Khilafah at every meeting, especially the National Assembly. He started to prepare the ground to abolish the Khilafah. Some of the deputies countered this threat by speaking out about the diplomatic advantages of the Khilafah, they were met in turn by a fierce attack from Mustafa Kemal. He said to the National Assembly, “Was it not because of the Khilafah, Islam and the clergy, that the Turkish peasants fought and died for five centuries? It is high time Turkey looked after her own interests and ignored the Indians and the Arabs. Turkey should rid itself of leading the Muslims.”.

Mustafa Kemal ya ci gaba da yakin batanci a kan Khilafah, yana nuna illolinta ga al'ummar Turkiyya. Ya kuma bata sunan Khalifah da kansa, yana nuna shi da magoya bayansa a matsayin ainihin maciya amana da 'yan amshin shatan Birtaniya. Mustafa Kemal bai tsaya nan ba, sai ya dauki nauyin wani yakin ta'addanci a kan wadanda suka goyi bayan Khilafah. Martaninsa ga daya daga cikin 'yan majalisa wanda ya bayyana a fili wajibcin riko da Khilafah da kare Addini shi ne ya dauki wani mutum ya kashe shi a daren da ya kamata ya yi jawabi. Saboda haka, daya daga cikin mabiyansa ya kashe shi a wannan daren yayin da yake hanyar komawa gida daga Majalisar Kasa. Wani dan majalisa kuma ya gabatar da jawabi na Musulunci, sai Mustafa Kemal ya kira shi ya yi masa barazanar rataya idan ya sake bude baki.

Mustafa Kemal pursued his smear campaign against the Khilafah, highlighting its disadvantages to the Turkish people. He also smeared the Khalifah himself by portraying him and his supporters as the real traitors and as British puppets. Mustafa Kemal did not stop there, but went on to sponsor a terror campaign against those who championed the Khilafah. His reaction towards one of the deputies who openly declared the obligation of holding onto the Khilafah and safeguarding the Deen was to hire someone to kill him the very night that he was meant to speak. So one of his followers assassinated him that night while he was on his way back home from the National Assembly. Another deputy delivered an Islamic speech, so Mustafa Kemal summoned him and threatened him with hanging if he opened his mouth again.

Mustafa Kemal ya yada ta'addanci ko'ina. Bayan lokaci, ya umarci Gwamnan Istanbul da ya rage alfarmar da ado da ake yi wa jerin gwanon Khalifa a lokacin Salatul Jumu'ah. Haka kuma ya rage albashin Khalifa zuwa mafi karanci, ya kuma yi kira ga mabiyansa su yashe shi. Lokacin da wasu daga cikin magoya bayan Mustafa Kemal masu matsakaicin ra'ayi suka ga haka, sai ji na Musulunci ya fara tashi a zukatansu, suka kuma ji tsoron a soke Khilafah. Sun gabatar wa Mustafa Kemal shawarar ya nada kansa Khalifa a kan Musulmi. Ya ki amincewa sarai. Daga nan sai wasu wakilai biyu suka ziyarce shi, daya daga Masar dayan kuma daga Indiya, suna rokonsa ya nada kansa Khalifa na Musulmi, suka roke shi sau da yawa amma abin ya ci tura. Mustafa Kemal ya riga ya shirya hanyar kada kararrawar mutuwar Khilafah da kuma assasa mata bugu na karshe.

Mustafa Kemal spread terror everywhere. In time, he ordered the Governor of Istanbul to scale down the protocol and ceremonial display that surrounds the Khalifah’s cortege during Salat ul Jumu’ah. He also cut down the Khalifah’s salary to the minimum and exhorted his followers to desert him. When some of Mustafa Kemal’s moderate supporters witnessed this, their Islamic feelings began to run high again and they feared the annulment of the Khilafah. They proposed to Mustafa Kemal the idea of appointing himself as Khalifah over the Muslims. He flatly refused. Then he was visited by two delegations, one from Egypt and the other from India, asking him to appoint himself as Khalifah of the Muslims, pleading with him repeatedly but to no avail. Mustafa Kemal had by now prepared the way to ring the death knell and deal his final blow to the Khilafah.

Ƙiyayya da raini ga baƙi, abokan gaba da kuma abin da ake zargin cewa abokin tafiyarsu ne, wato Khalifah, Kemal ya yada su a tsakanin mutane, da sojoji da kuma Majalisar Ƙasa. Tada jijiyar ƙiyayya ga baƙi kawai dabara ce da aka yi niyyar amfani da ita wajen zargin Khalifah da zama abokin tafiyarsu. A lokacin da ra'ayin jama'a ya karkata gare shi, kuma ji ya yi tsanani a kan Khalifah, Mustafa Kemal ya gabatar wa Majalisar Ƙasa a ranar 3 ga Maris, 1924 wani kuduri da ke neman soke Khilafah da cire Khalifah da kora shi, ta haka ya raba Addini da Gwamnati a fili.

Hatred and contempt for foreigners, the enemy and their supposed ally the Khalifah was spread by Kemal amongst the people, the armed forces and the National Assembly. Inciting the feeling of hatred towards foreigners was merely a ploy intended to accuse the Khalifah of being their ally. When public opinion had shifted towards him and with feelings against the Khalifah running high, Mustafa Kemal presented to the National Assembly on March 3rd, 1924 a motion stating the annulment of the Khilafah and the removal and expulsion of the Khalifah, thereby formally separating the Deen from the State.

Wasu daga cikin kalmomin da ya faɗa lokacin da ya gabatar da kudurin ga wakilai sun kasance kamar haka: "Da wane irin tsada ya kamata a kare jamhuriyar da ke cikin barazana, a kuma kafa ta bisa tushe mai ƙarfi na kimiyya? Dole ne Khalifa da gadon "Ahl ul Uthman" su tafi, dole ne tsoffin kotunan addini da dokokinsu su koma kotuna na zamani da dokoki na zamani, makarantun malamai kuma dole ne su ba da wuri ga makarantun gwamnati marasa addini." Sannan ya ci gaba da kai hari kan addini da abin da ya kira mutanen addini. Yana nuna iko irin na kama-karya, ya karɓi kudurin da kansa, ya kuma tabbatar da amincewar Majalisar Ƙasa ba tare da wata muhawara ba. Daga nan ya aika umarni ga Gwamnan Istanbul cewa Khalifa, 'Abdul Majid, ya bar Turkiyya kafin wayewar gari na gobe. Gwamnan da kansa ya tafi tare da ƙungiyar 'yan sanda da sojoji zuwa Fadar Khalifa da tsakar dare. Sun tilasta shi ya shiga cikin keken doki, suka raka shi zuwa iyakar ƙasa, ba su ba shi izinin ɗaukar fiye da akwati ɗaya ɗauke da wasu tufafi da ɗan kuɗi kaɗan ba.

Some of the words which he said when he presented the motion to the deputies were as follows, “At what cost should the threatened republic be safeguarded and be established on a strong scientific basis? The Khalifah and the legacies of “Ahl ul Uthman” must go, the ancient religious courts and their laws must be replaced by modern courts and modern laws, the schools of the clergy must give way to secular government schools.” He then went on to attack the Deen and what he called religious men. Displaying real dictatorial authority, he adopted the motion himself and secured the National Assembly’s approval without any debate. He then sent an order to the Governor of Istanbul stating that the Khalifah, ‘Abdul Majid, should leave Turkey before dawn the following day. The Governor himself, went with a group of policemen and soldiers to the Khalifah’s Palace at midnight. They forced him to get into a cart and escorted him to the border not allowing him to take more than one suitcase containing some clothing and a little money.

Ga yadda Mustafa Kemal ya soke Daular Musulunci da Tsarin Musulunci, ya kuma kafa a madadinsu Daular Jari-hujja da Tsarin Jari-hujja. Ta hanyar rushe Daular Musulunci, ya cika burin kafirai wanda suka rika renawa tun zamanin Yakin Salibiyya.

This is how Mustafa Kemal abolished the Islamic State and the Islamic System, and in its place established a Capitalist state and a Capitalist system. By destroying the Islamic State, he fulfilled the dream of the disbelievers which they had nurtured ever since the Crusades.