Turai ta fara mamayar Daular Musulunci da sunan kimiyya, kuma ta ware manyan kasafin kudi domin hakan. A zahiri, mamayar ta kasance ta mulkin mallaka a boye, amma an rufe ta da kamannin aikin wa'azin addini da sunan kimiyya da agajin jin kai. An tsara wannan mamaya domin ta ba sassan leken asirin siyasa da na mamaye al'adu damar zama a kasashen Musulmi har su zama zuciya da jigon karfin mulkin mallaka na Yamma. Mulkin mallakar ya fara ne lokacin da duniyar Musulmi ta bude kofofinta ga al'adun Yamma ta hanyar kungiyoyin wa'azi, wadanda galibi na Faransanci, Ingilishi da Amurkawa ne.

Europe began its invasion of the Islamic State in the name of science and it appropriated large budgets for that purpose. In fact, the invasion was covertly colonial, but disguised as missionary work in the name of science and humanitarian aid. This invasion was designed to enable the departments of political intelligence and cultural colonization to settle in Muslim countries until they became the heart and spearhead of the Western colonial juggernaut. Colonization began when the Muslim world opened its gates to Western culture via the guise of missionary associations, which were mainly French, English and American.

Sakamakon haka, tasirin Faransanci da Ingilishi sun shiga duniyar Musulunci ta hanyar waɗannan manufofin mishan. Su ne a zahiri suka zama ginshiƙin motsin kishin ƙasa, suna ƙarfafa Pan-Larabci da Pan-Turkanci, haka kuma suna da iko wajen karkatar da Musulmai masu ilimi zuwa ga Yamma. Akwai manufofi guda biyu a bayan wannan. Na farko shi ne raba Larabawa daga Daular 'Uthmaniyya, wadda suka sanya wa suna Turkiyya, domin tada ƙiyayyar launin fata, ta yadda za su ƙara tsaga jikin Daular Musulunci. Na biyu shi ne nisantar da Musulmai daga ainihin haɗin kan Musulunci, tun da ba su da masaniyar wata alaƙa dabam.

As a result of this, both French and English influence infiltrated the Muslim world via these missions. They actually became the driving force behind nationalist movements, encouraging Pan-Arabism and Pan-Turkism, as well as in control of orienting the educated Muslims towards the West. There were two main objectives behind this. The first was to separate the Arabs from the ‘Uthmani State, which they named Turkey in order to stir up racism, further ripping at the fabric of the Islamic State. The second was to alienate the Muslims from the real bond of Islam, since they had no knowledge of any other bond.

Cibiyoyin mishan sun yi nasarar cimma mataki na farko na shirinsu, amma na biyu bai cika ba. Ya rage ga manufofin kishin kasa na Turkawa, Larabawa, Farisawa da sauran al'ummomi su zama sauran wedge din da zai raba hadin kan Musulmi da kuma rufe musu idanu daga ka'idarsu ta jagora. Kungiyoyin mishan sun shiga matakai da dama, kuma tasirinsu ya bayyana a ko'ina a duniyar Musulunci. Raunin da koma baya da muke fama da su a yau sakamakon wadannan kungiyoyi ne. Turawan mulkin mallaka ne suka fara sanya tubalin farko a cikin katangar da suka sanya a hanyar ci gabanmu, wadda ta shiga tsakaninmu da akidarmu.

The missionary institutions managed to achieve the first stage of their scheme, but the second remained unfulfilled. It was left to the nationalist orientation of the Turks, Arabs, Persians and others to be the remaining wedge to split the unity of the Muslims and to veil them from their guiding principle. The missionary associations went through several phases and their effect was telling all over the Islamic world. The weakness and decline we suffer today is a result of these associations. It was the colonialist powers who positioned the first brick in the wall which they placed in the path of our advancement and which came between us and our ideology.

Turawa sun kafa ƙungiyoyin mishan a duniyar Musulunci saboda gazawar yakin da suka yi da Musulmi, waɗanda suka nuna haƙuri, ƙarfi da jarumta a cikin Jihadi a lokacin yaƙe-yaƙen Crusades. Lokacin da Crusaders suka yi karo da Musulmi a fagen daga, sun dogara ne da abubuwa biyu bisa ga lissafinsu, kuma sun sa zukatansu ga waɗannan abubuwa biyu cikin babban fata, wanda hakan ya sa suka yi niyyar kawar da Musulunci da Musulmi har abada.

The Europeans established missionary societies in the Islamic world due to their unsuccessful campaigns against the Muslims, who exhibited patience, strength, and courage in Jihad during the crusades. When the crusaders clashed with the Muslims on the battlefield, they were relying on two factors according to their own calculations and they held out high hopes on those two factors, leading them to exterminate Islam and the Muslims forever.

Factor na farko shi ne dogaro da su ke yi a kan Kiristocin da ke zaune a cikin duniyar Musulmi, musamman a al-Sham, waɗanda yawansu ya yi yawa. Waɗannan Kiristoci mutane ne masu tsananin addini, kuma Turawan Turai suna ganin su a matsayin 'yan'uwansu cikin imani. Sun yi tunanin cewa za su yi shirin ɓoye wa Musulmi, kuma su yi leƙen asiri a madadinsu, bisa uzurin cewa suna gwabzawa a yaƙin addini.

The first factor was their reliance on the Christians living in the Muslim world, especially in al-Sham and who numbered many. These Christians were very religious people and the Europeans regarded them as brothers in faith. They thought that they would conspire against the Muslims and spy for them under the pretext that they were waging a religious war.

Factor na biyu shi ne cewa Turawan Yamma sun dogara ne ga yawansu mai yawa tare da ƙarfinsu mai ban tsoro, suna sane da cewa Musulmi sun rabu kuma suna cikin saɓani da juna, domin rushewar haɗin kansu ta riga ta fara. Turawan sun yi zaton cewa da zarar sun ci Musulmi, za su mallake su har abada su hallaka su, addininsu kuma ya zama tarin al'adu kawai. Sai dai fatansu ya ci tura, hasashensu kuma ya gaza. Sun yi mamaki sosai sa'ad da suka ga Kiristocin Larabawa suna yaƙi tare da Musulmi a fagen daga, ba tare da farfagandar da Turawan suka kaddamar ta shafe su ba. Abin da Turawan ba su fahimta ba, don haka suka yi watsi da shi, shi ne cewa Kiristocin Larabawa suna zaune tare da Musulmi a cikin ƙasar Musulunci, suna jin daɗin haƙƙoƙin da Musulmi ke da su, kuma suna cika irin wajibcin da suke yi wa Daula. Musulmi suna cin abincinsu, suna auren mata Kirista, kuma suna tarayya da Kiristoci a al'amuran rayuwar yau da kullum, domin Musulunci ne ya kare haƙƙoƙinsu.

The second factor was that the Europeans were relying on their large numbers combined with their formidable strength, knowing all the while that the Muslims were divided and at odds with one another as the disintegration of their unity had already begun. The Europeans thought that once they had defeated the Muslims, they would subjugate them for good and destroy them, and their Deen would merely become a collection of rituals. However, their hopes were dashed and their predictions faltered. They were stunned and amazed when they saw the Arab Christians fighting alongside the Muslims on the battlefield, unaffected by the propaganda launched by the Europeans. What the Europeans had not understood and had consequently overlooked was that the Arab Christians lived alongside the Muslims in the Islamic homeland, enjoying the same rights as the Muslims and fulfilling the same duties towards the State. The Muslims would eat of their food, marry the Christian women and share in the daily matters of life together with the Christians, as it was Islam that safeguarded their rights.

Duk Khulafa'u da gwamnonin sun bi wannan doka, kuma sun aiwatar da ita yadda ya kamata a cikin Daular Musulunci. Al-Qurafi da Ibn Hazm sun bayyana cewa,

All the Khulafah and governors adhered to that rule and duly implemented it in the Islamic State. Al-Qurafi and Ibn Hazm stated,

Cewa zai zama aikinmu mu kare mutanen Dhimma idan maharan suka kai hari a ƙasarmu, kuma ya kamata mu mutu don kare su idan ya zama wajibi. Duk wani sakaci game da irin wannan aiki zai zama keta haƙƙoƙin mutanen Dhimma.

“That it would be our duty to protect the people of the Dhimma if aggressors attacked our land, and we should die protecting them if necessary. Any neglect of such a duty would be a breach of the rights of the Dhimma.”.

Al-Qurafi ya ce kuma,

Al-Qurafi also said,

Aikin Musulmi ga Ahlul-Dhimma shi ne su nuna tausayi da sassauci ga raunanansu, su taimaki matalautansu, su ciyar da masu yunwa, su tufatar da su, kuma su yi magana da su cikin laushi. Musulmi su karɓi tare da haƙuri cutarwar maƙwabtansu koda kuwa sun iya kawar da cutar, wannan kuwa domin jin ƙai gare su, ba don tsoro ba ko don girmama su. Su ba su shawara mai kyau a dukkan al'amura, su hana duk wanda ya cutar da su, su kare dukiyoyinsu, iyalansu da mutuncinsu, da dukkan haqqoqinsu da muradunsu, kuma su yi musu adalci kamar yadda kowane Musulmi mai karimci kuma mai tsoron Allah ya kamata ya yi.

“The Muslims’ duty towards the Dhimma would be to act gentle and lenient towards their weak, help their poor, feed their hungry, clothe them and talk to them gently. The Muslims should accept and endure the harm of their neighbors even if they were able to repel the harm, this was as a mercy to them and not out of fear of or glorifying them. They should give good advice in all matters, repel anyone harming them, protect their assets, families and honor and all their rights and interests, and do right by them like any generous and pious Muslim should do.”.

Saboda haka ba abin mamaki ba ne da Kiristoci suka yi yaƙi tare da Musulmi. Mamakin Turawa ya fi girma lokacin da abu na biyu da suka dogara da shi bai tabbata ba. Suka mamaye al-Sham, suka kuma ci Musulmi da yaƙi gaba ɗaya, suna aikata mafi munin zalunci a wannan lokaci. Misali, su ne farkon waɗanda suka fara korar Musulmi daga gidajensu a babban mizani, kuma wannan al'ada ta ci gaba a dukkan yaƙe-yaƙen da suka yi da Musulmi. Sun yi tunanin cewa komai ya tafi musu daidai, kuma Musulmi ba za su sake tsayawa musu ba. Sai dai Musulmi sun ci gaba da kudurin korar su daga ƙasarsu, kuma duk da cewa 'yan Crusaders sun mamaye ƙasashen Musulmi kusan shekaru ɗari biyu, a lokacin suka kafa masarautu da sarautun yanki, daga ƙarshe Musulmi suka samu nasarar korar su daga ciki.

With this in mind it was only natural for the Christians to fight alongside the Muslims. The Europeans’ surprise was even greater when the second factor which they had relied on failed to materialize. They occupied al-Sham and defeated the Muslims comprehensively, committing the worst atrocities in the process. For example, they were the first to initiate a mass evacuation of Muslims and this trend continued throughout their wars with the Muslims. They thought that everything had gone well for them and that the Muslims would never again stand against them. However, the Muslims remained determined to expel them from their land, and despite the fact that the crusaders occupied Muslim lands for about two centuries, during which times they established kingdoms and principalities, the Muslims eventually managed to expel them from it.

Turawan Yamma sun bincika asirin da ke bayan wannan juyin lamari, sai suka gano cewa yana cikin Musulunci, kuma akidarsa ce tushen karfi mai ban tsoro da Musulmi suka mallaka, tare da dokokinsa wadanda ke kare hakkokin wadanda ba Musulmi ba. Wannan shi ne babban dalilin hadin kai tsakanin 'yan kasar Daular Musulunci. A zamaninsu, kafirai masu mulkin mallaka sun yi tunanin sababbin hanyoyi da za su iya mamaye duniyar Musulunci. Sun kammala cewa mafi kyawun hanya ita ce ta mamayar al'adu ta hanyar aikin mishan, domin su samu goyon bayan Kiristoci, kuma su haifar da shakku a zukatan Musulmi game da addininsu.

The Europeans searched for the secret behind this turn of events and found that it was embedded in Islam, its ‘Aqeedah being the source of the formidable power which the Muslims possessed, coupled with its rules, which safeguarded the rights of the non-Muslims. This was the main reason behind the cohesion between the citizens of the Islamic State. In their time, the colonialist disbelievers thought of new ways by which they could invade the Islamic world. They deduced that the best way would be by way of a cultural invasion through missionary work, this was in order that they might gain the support of the Christians and initiate doubt among the Muslims vis a vis their Deen.

Ana fatan cewa wannan zai haifar da shakku ga Musulmi game da addininsu, ya girgiza akidarsu, da manufar haifar da rarrabuwar kai tsakaninsu da sauran 'yan kasar Musulunci, ta haka ne za a raunana ikon Musulmi.

This, it was hoped, would raise the doubts of the Muslims in their Deen and shake their ‘Aqeedah, with the aim of creating divisions between them and other citizens of the Islamic State, thereby weakening the power of the Muslims.

Masu mulkin mallaka sun yi nasarar aiwatar da shirinsu. A ƙarshen karni na sha shida sun kafa cibiyar mishan a Malta, suka mayar da ita hedikwatarsu, daga inda suka gudanar da farmakinsu na mishan a duniyar Musulunci. Da farko, daga can ne ake aika mishanan. Bayan lokaci sai suka ga buƙatar faɗaɗa ayyukansu, don haka suka koma Al-Sham a shekara ta 1625, suka yi ƙoƙarin kafa ƙungiyoyin mishan a can ma.

The colonialists managed to execute their plan. At the end of the 16th century they established a missionary center in Malta and made it their headquarters from which they conducted their missionary onslaught on the Muslim world. To begin with, missions were sent out from there. After a while they saw the need to expand their activities and so they moved to al-Sham in 1625 and tried to establish missionary movements there as well.

Duk da haka, ayyukansu sun kasance masu iyaka sosai, kuma ba su ci gaba fiye da kafa wasu ƙananan makarantu da buga wasu littattafan addini ba. A zahiri, sun sha wahala sosai daga tsanantawa, adawa da ƙiyayya daga kowa. Sun iya ci gaba da aiki har zuwa 1773, lokacin da aka soke ayyukan wa'azin Jesuits aka rufe cibiyoyinsu, sai dai wasu ƙananan manufofi kamar na mishan-mishan na 'Azaryin' waɗanda, duk da ci gaba da kasancewarsu, sun rage tasirin mishan-mishan da aikinsu zuwa matakin babu komai. Tasirinsu ya koma ne kawai a Malta har zuwa 1820, lokacin da aka kafa cibiyar mishan ta farko a Beirut, aikin mishan ya sake farawa da himma. Da farko sun fuskanci manyan matsaloli, amma sun ci gaba da ayyukansu. Abin da suka fara mayar da hankali a kai shi ne wa'azin addini da al'adun addini, shirin ilimin su kuma ya kasance mai iyaka da rauni.

However, their activities remained very limited and they did not progress beyond establishing a few small schools and publishing a few religious books. In fact they suffered a great deal of persecution, opposition and hostility from everyone. They managed to function until 1773 when the missionary activities of the Jesuits were abolished and their institutions shut down, except for some insignificant missions like those of the ‘Azaryin’ missionaries which, despite their continuing presence, reduced the effect of the missionaries and their missionary work to a non-existent level. Their influence came to be confined to Malta until 1820 when the first missionary center was established in Beirut and the missionary work began again in earnest. They faced great difficulties at first, but they persisted with their activities. Their first area of concern was religious preaching and religious culture, their education program remained limited and weak.

A shekara ta 1834, tafiye-tafiyen mishan sun bazu a ko'ina cikin yankin Sham, aka buɗe wata kwaleji a ƙauyen Antoura da ke Lebanon, kuma mishan din Amurka ya mayar da ɗakin buga littattafansa daga Malta zuwa Beirut domin buga da raba littattafansa.

In 1834, the missionary expeditions spread out all over the region of al- Sham, a college was opened in the village of Antoura in Lebanon and the American mission transferred its print shop from Malta to Beirut in order to print and distribute its books.

Ely Smith, wani fitaccen mishan Ba'amurke, ya kasance mai matukar aiki a wannan lokaci. Ya yi aiki a Malta a matsayin mai sa kai mai kula da matbaar mishan, sannan ya isa Beirut a shekara ta 1827. Bayan shekara guda a can, tsoro da gajiyawa sun korar da shi, ya koma Malta. Daga baya ya sake komawa Beirut a shekara ta 1834, tare da matarsa suka buɗe makarantar 'yan mata. Filin aikinsa ya ƙara faɗaɗa, ya kuma sadaukar da rayuwarsa wajen aiki a al-Sham, musamman Beirut. Duk waɗannan ƙoƙarin, tare da ƙoƙarin mutane da yawa, sun taimaka wajen farfaɗo da motsin mishan. Wata dama ta bayyana ga mishanan lokacin da Ibrahim Pasha ya karɓi tsarin karatun firamare ya kuma aiwatar da shi a Siriya. Tsarin ya samo asali ne daga tsarin ilimi na Masar, wanda kuma aka karɓa daga tsarin Faransa. Mishanan sun yi amfani da wannan dama, suka ba da gudummawa ga motsin ilimi daga mahangar mishan, suna faɗaɗa ayyukan bugu a yayin haka. Bisa duk waɗannan, motsin mishan ya bunƙasa. Sun yi nasarar sa 'yan Dawlar Musulunci su yi fushi da juna da sunan 'yancin addini, kuma sun yi nasarar tada nau'o'in ayyukan addini masu alaƙa da 'Aqeedah a tsakanin Musulmi, Kiristoci da Druze.

The noted American missionary Ely Smith was very active at this time, he had been working in Malta as a volunteer in charge of the mission press and had arrived in Beirut in 1827. After one year there, fear and boredom drove him out and he returned to Malta. He next returned to Beirut in 1834 and together with his wife they opened a school for girls. His area of work broadened and he devoted his life to working in al-Sham, Beirut in particular. All these efforts and the efforts of many others helped revive the missionary movement. An opportunity presented itself to the missionaries when Ibrahim Pasha adopted the syllabus for primary education and implemented it in Syria. The syllabus was inspired by the Egyptian educational system which in turn was taken from the French system. The missionaries took advantage of this opportunity and contributed to the educational movement from the missionary point of view, expanding their printing works in the process. On the back of all this the missionary movement prospered. They succeeded in making the citizens of the Islamic State boil with anger against each other in the name of religious freedom and managed to initiate among the Muslims, Christians and Druze various kinds of religious activities related to the ‘Aqeedah.

Lokacin da Ibrahim Pasha ya janye daga al-Sham, sai tashin hankali, tsoro da rashin doka suka barke, mutane kuma suka rabu a tsakaninsu. Wakilan kasashen waje, musamman mishaneri, suka yi amfani da wannan dama, kuma saboda raunin tasirin Daular ‘Usmaniyya a al-Sham, suka fara tayar da rikicin cikin gida. Bayan shekara guda kacal, a shekarar 1841, sai manyan tarzoma suka barke a tsaunukan Lebanon tsakanin Kiristoci da Druze. Al'amura suka kara tabarbarewa, kuma a karkashin matsin lamba da tasirin kasashen waje, Daular ‘Usmaniyya ta amince da tsara wani tsarin mulki daban ga Lebanon, inda aka raba lardin kashi biyu. Wani bangare zai kasance karkashin Kiristoci, yayin da Druze za su mallaki dayan bangaren. Daular ‘Usmaniyya ta nada gwamna daya a kan bangarorin biyu, da niyyar kaucewa duk wani rikici tsakanin mabiya mazhabobin biyu. Sai dai wannan tsari bai yi nasara ba, saboda ba shi da tushe na halitta. Birtaniya da Faransa sun shiga cikin takaddamar, kuma sun tayar da rikicin cikin gida duk inda hukumomin hukuma suka yi kokarin murkushe tashin hankalin.

When Ibrahim Pasha retreated from al-Sham, unrest, fear and anarchy broke out and people became divided among themselves. The foreign delegates, especially the missionaries, seized the opportunity and due to the meager influence of the ‘Uthmani State in al-Sham, began igniting civil strife. After a period of just one year, in 1841, serious disturbances broke out in the mountains of Lebanon between the Christians and the Druze. The situation deteriorated and under the pressure and influence of the foreign states the ‘Uthmani State was talked into designing a separate ruling system for Lebanon, dividing the province into two parts. One part would be occupied by the Christians, while the Druze would occupy the other. The ‘Uthmani State appointed a governor over both parts, aiming to avoid any clashes between the two sects. This system did not succeed, however, because it was not natural. Britain and France became involved in the dispute and incited civil strife wherever the official authorities attempted to quell the trouble.

Turawan Ingila da na Faransa sun yi amfani da waɗannan rikice-rikice a matsayin uzuri don shiga harkokin cikin gida na Lebanon. Faransawa sun goyi bayan Maroniyawa, Ingilishi kuma sun goyi bayan Druze, wanda hakan ya haifar da sake tashin hankali a shekara ta 1845. Abubuwan da suka faru sun kasance masu ban tsoro, kuma hare-haren sun shiga har zuwa majami'u da gidajen ibada. Sata, kisa da wawashe-wawashe suka zama abin da ake yi kullum, lamarin da ya sa gwamnatin 'Uthmani ta aika da ministan harkokin wajenta zuwa Lebanon don ya yi amfani da ikon da aka ba shi wajen murkushe matsalar gaba ɗaya. Sai dai bai iya cimma wani abu mai muhimmanci ba, duk da cewa ya ɗan sassauta tashin hankalin. A halin nan kuwa, masu wa'azin bishara sun ƙara ƙaimi a ayyukansu, kuma a shekara ta 1857 Maroniyawa suka fara kira ga juyin juya hali da gwagwarmayar makami. Malaman addinin Maroniyawa sun tunzura manoma su yi wa iyayen gidan sarauta na zamani (masu mallakar ƙasa) tawaye, suka kai musu hari mai tsanani a Arewacin ƙasar, don haka juyin juya halin ya tashi, ya kuma bazu zuwa Kudu. Manoma Kiristoci sun tashi yanzu suna yaƙar iyayen gidan Druze, Ingila da Faransa kuma suka goyi bayan abokan kawancensu. Rikicin basasa ya bazu cikin sauri a ko'ina a Lebanon sakamakon haka. Druze suka fara kashe dukkan Kiristoci ba tare da bambanci ba, ko malamai ne ko talakawa, har dubban Kiristoci suka mutu ko suka rasa muhallansu, irin tsananin waɗannan rikice-rikice.

The British and the French used these clashes as a pretext to interfere in Lebanon’s affairs. The French sided with the Maronites and the British sided with the Druze, this led to the renewal of disturbances in 1845. The scenes were horrifying and the attacks were extended to include Churches and monasteries. Theft, killing and pillage became common practice, prompting the ‘Uthmani government to send her foreign affairs in charge to Lebanon in order to use his mandatory powers to quell the trouble once and for all. He, however, could not achieve anything significant, although he managed to appease the tension a little. Meanwhile, the missionaries intensified their activities and in 1857 the Maronites began calling for a revolution and armed struggle. The Maronite clergy incited the farmers against the feudal lords and they attacked them fiercely in the North of the country, thus the revolution was ignited and it spread to the South. The Christian farmers now rose against the Druze feudal lords and the British and the French backed their respective allies. Civil strife spread rapidly all over Lebanon as a result of this. The Druze began to indiscriminately kill all Christians, whether they were clergy or ordinary people until thousands of Christians were either dead or displaced and homeless, such was the ferocity of these clashes.

Raƙuman tashe-tashen hankula da tashin hankali sun bazu zuwa sauran yankunan al-Sham. A Dimashƙu, an yi gagarumin yaƙin ƙiyayya mai zurfi tsakanin mazauna Musulmi da na Kirista, wanda a ƙarshe ya kai ga Musulmi suka kai hari kan unguwar Kiristoci a shekarar 1860, inda suka aikata kisan kiyashi. Wannan ya biyo bayan kwasar ganima da lalata mai yawa, har sai da Gwamnati ta tilasta yin shiga tsakani da karfin soji don kawo karshen tashe-tashen hankulan. Duk da cewa Gwamnatin ta yi nasarar dawo da zaman lafiya da tsari, ƙasashen Yamma sun ga wannan a matsayin dama ta shiga harkokin al-Sham, don haka suka aika jiragen yakinsu zuwa gabar tekunta.

The waves of disturbances and violence spread to the rest of al-Sham. In Damascus, a fierce campaign of deep hatred was waged between its Muslim and Christian inhabitants which finally led to the Muslims attacking the Christian district in 1860 resulting in them committing a massacre. This was accompanied by pillaging and mass destruction until the State was forced to militarily intervene in order to put an end to the disturbances. Although the State managed to restore calm and order, the Western countries saw it as an opportunity to interfere in al-Sham and so they sent their warships to its shores.

A watan Agusta na wannan shekarar, Faransa ta aika da wata runduna ta sojojin ƙafa zuwa Beirut, wadda ta fara aikin murkushe juyin juya halin. Haka aka sami Daular ‘Usmaniyya ta shiga cikin rikicin cikin gida a Siriya da Lebanon. Ainihin dalilinsa shi ne ƙasashen Yammacin duniya da suke ƙoƙarin shiga cikin harkokin cikin gida na Daular ‘Usmaniyya. Sun yi haka, kuma sun samu nasarar tilasta Daular ‘Usmaniyya ta tsara wani tsari na musamman na mulki ga Siriya, inda suka raba ta zuwa wilaya biyu tare da bai wa Lebanon keɓaɓɓun gata. Sakamakon waɗannan abubuwa, Lebanon ta rabu da sauran ƙasar Sham, aka kuma ba ta ‘yancin kai na cikin gida, ana mulkinta ta hanyar wata gwamnatin yankin wadda wani shugaba Kirista ke jagoranta, kuma majalisar gudanarwa da ke wakiltar mazauna yankin ke taimaka masa. Tun daga lokacin, ƙasashen waje suka riƙa tafiyar da al’amuran Lebanon, suka mai da ita cibiyar ayyukansu. Don haka Lebanon ta zama mafarin da ƙasashen waje suka shiga ta cikinsa zuwa zuciyar Daular ‘Usmaniyya da ƙasashen Musulmi.

In August of the same year, France sent a division of her infantry to Beirut which began the task of quashing the revolution. This was how the ‘Uthmani State was infested by civil strife in Syria and Lebanon. Its true cause was the Western states who were trying to meddle in the internal affairs of the ‘Uthmani State. This they did and they managed to force the ‘Uthmani State to design a special ruling system for Syria, dividing her into two Wilayat and giving Lebanon special privileges. From these events, Lebanon became separated from the rest of al-Sham and it was granted local autonomy, governed by a local administration headed by a Christian ruler and assisted by an administrative council representing the local residents. Since then, foreign countries have managed the affairs of Lebanon and have made it the center for their activities. Lebanon therefore became the bridgehead from which the foreign powers infiltrated into the heart of the ‘Uthmani State and its Muslim lands.

A wannan lokacin, 'yan mishan sun ɗauki sabuwar manufa. 'Yan mishan ba su tsaya kan gina da gudanar da makarantu, injinan buga littattafai, da asibitoci kawai ba, sun kuma ci gaba zuwa kafa ƙungiyoyi. A shekarar 1842, an kafa wani kwamiti don kafa ƙungiyar ilimin kimiyya a ƙarƙashin kulawar mishan ɗin Amurkawa. Aikin kwamitin ya ci gaba na shekaru biyar har ya samu nasarar kafa ƙungiyar da ake kira "Ƙungiyar Fasaha da Kimiyya". Mambobinta sun haɗa da Nasif al-Yaziji da Butrus al-Bustani, (Kiristocin Lebanon da aka karɓa saboda su Larabawa ne), Amurkawa Eli Smith da Cornelius van Dyke, da Ba'ingile Kanar Churchill. Manufofin ƙungiyar sun kasance a fili a farko. Tana da ɗabi'ar koyar da kimiyya ga manya, haka kuma koyar da yara a makaranta. Ƙungiyar ta ƙarfafa manya da yara su koyi al'adun Yamma, tana tsara tunaninsu bisa tsarin mishan.

Meanwhile, the missionaries adopted a new policy. The missionaries did not content themselves with just building and running schools, printing presses, and clinics, but went further to establish associations. In 1842, a committee was set up to establish a scientific association under the auspices of the Ameri- 183 can mission. The committee’s work lasted for five years until it had managed to establish an association called the “Association of Arts and Sciences.” Its members included Nasif al-Yaziji and Butrus al-Bustani, (Lebanese Christians taken on board because they were Arabs) Americans Eli Smith and Cornelius van Dyke, and Briton Colonel Churchill. The objectives of the association were vague at first. It had the tendency to teach science to adults, as well as teaching youngsters at school. The association encouraged adults and youngsters alike to learn Western culture, sculpting their minds according to the missionary plan.

Duk da haka, duk da matsanancin ƙoƙarin da ƙungiyar ta yi, ta samu nasarar jawo mambobi masu aiki hamsin ne kawai a dukkan yankin Sham cikin shekaru biyu. Dukansu Kiristoci ne, galibinsu daga Beirut, kuma babu wani Musulmi ko Druze da ya shiga ƙungiyar. An yi ƙoƙari sosai don faɗaɗawa da farfado da aikin ƙungiyar, amma babu abin da ya taso. Ƙungiyar ta rushe bayan shekara biyar da kafuwarta ta farko ba tare da samun wani sakamako mai muhimmanci ba, sai dai sha'awar mishinarayen na kafa ƙarin ƙungiyoyi. Saboda haka, an kafa wata ƙungiya a shekara ta 1850, mai suna “Ƙungiyar Gabas.” Mabiya Jesuit ne suka kafa ta a ƙarƙashin kulawar Uban Jesuit ɗan Faransa, Henri Debrenier, kuma dukkan mambobinta Kiristoci ne. Ta bi sawun “Ƙungiyar Fasaha da Kimiyya,” amma ta dade na ɗan gajeren lokaci kafin ta rushe kamar yadda wadda ta gabace ta ta yi.

However, despite the tremendous efforts put in by the association it only managed to recruit fifty active members in the whole of al-Sham over a two year period. They were all Christians, mainly from Beirut, and no Muslim or Druze joined the association. Colossal efforts were made to expand and activate the work of the association but to no avail. The association collapsed after five years from its initial establishment without reaping any significant results except for the desire of the missionaries to establish more associations. Therefore, another association was founded in 1850 and it was named the “Oriental Association.” It was founded by the Jesuits under the guardianship of the French Jesuit Father Henri Debrenier and all its members were Christians. It followed in the footsteps of the “Association of Arts and Science” lasting only a short time before collapsing as its predecessor had done.

Bayan haka, an kafa ƙungiyoyi da yawa, amma duk sun gaza kuma sun rushe kamar yadda suka yi a baya. A shekara ta 1857 aka kafa sabuwar ƙungiya wadda ta bi wata hanya ɗan bambanta: ba a bari wani baƙo ya shiga ba, kuma duk waɗanda suka kafa ta Larabawa ne. Ta ci nasara ta wata hanya, har wasu Musulmi da Druze suka shiga. Ƙungiyar ta karɓe su ne saboda su Larabawa ne. Sunanta shi ne "Ƙungiyar Kimiyya ta Siriya." Ta samu nasara saboda ayyukanta, da alakarta da Larabci, da kuma rashin baƙi a cikin mambobinta. Mambobinta sun iya jawo wasu mutane su shiga, suka tara goyon baya ga ƙungiyar har mambobi 150 suka yi rajista a cikinta. Daga cikin ma'aikatan gudanarwarta akwai wasu sanannun mutanen Larabawa irin su Mohammed Arsalan daga Druze da Hussein Bayham daga Musulmi. Mutane daga dukkan ɗariƙun Kiristocin Larabawa sun shiga, waɗanda suka fi shahara daga cikinsu su ne ɗan Ibrahim al-Yaziji da ɗan Butrus al-Bustani. Wannan ƙungiya a zahiri ta fi duk sauran dorewa. Shirinta an tsara shi ne domin ya haɗa dukkan ɗariƙu, kuma ya zama wutar da za ta haifar da kishin ƙasar Larabawa. Sai dai manufarta ta ɓoye ta mulkin mallaka ce da aikin wa'azin Kiristanci, an lulluɓe ta da sunan kimiyya. Ƙungiya ce mai ɓoye da ke bayyana kanta ta hanyar yaɗa al'adu da ilimin Yammacin Duniya.

Afterwards, several associations were established, but all were doomed to failure and they collapsed as before. A new association was founded in 1857 which adopted a slightly different method, no foreigners whatsoever were allowed to join and its founders were all Arabs. Somehow, it managed to succeed and some Muslims and Druze actually joined. The association accepted them because they were Arabs. Its name was the “Syrian Scientific Association.” It became successful owing to its activities, Arabic affiliation, and because of the absence of foreigners among its membership. Its members managed to recruit other people to join and they gathered support for the association until 150 members had enrolled in it. Among its administrative staff were some noted Arab personalities such as Mohammed Arsalan from the Druze and Hussein Bayham from the Muslims. Personalities from all Arab Christian sects joined, the most noted of them being the son of Ibrahim al-Yaziji and the son of Butrus al-Bustani. This association had in fact outlasted all the others. Its program was designed to accommodate all sects and to serve as the spark for Arab nationalism. However, its covert objective was colonial and missionary draped in the name of science. It was a shadowy organization manifesting itself in the spreading of Western culture and education.

A shekarar 1875, an kafa "Ƙungiyar Sirri" a Beirut, kuma tushenta ra'ayin siyasa ne. Ta fara yaɗa manufar kishin ƙasar Larabawa. Waɗanda suka kafa ta mutum biyar ne matasa daga cikin waɗanda suka yi karatu a kwalejin Furotesta da ke Beirut. Dukansu Kiristoci ne waɗanda ƙungiyoyin mishan suka yi nasarar rinjayarsu. Bayan kafa wannan ƙungiya, sun ɗauki ƙaramin adadin mambobi. Ta hanyar sanarwoyinta da takardun yaɗa labarai, ƙungiyar ta bayyana kamar tana kira ga kishin ƙasar Larabawa da 'yancin kan siyasa ga Larabawa, musamman waɗanda ke Siriya da Lebanon.

In 1875, the “Secret Association” was formed in Beirut, it was actually based on a political idea. It began encouraging the concept of Arab nationalism. Its founders were five young men from amongst those who had been educated in the Protestant college in Beirut. They were all Christians whom the missionary parties had managed to affect. Following the establishment of this association, a small number of members were recruited by them. The association seemed to be calling, through its declarations and leaflets, for Arab nationalism and political independence for the Arabs, especially those in Syria and Lebanon.

Amma aikinsa na gaskiya da shirinsa na hakika sun karkata ne zuwa wata manufa daban gaba ɗaya. Manufarsa ita ce jefa sha'awoyi baƙi da fatan ƙarya a cikin zukatan mutane. Ya yi kira zuwa ga kishin ƙasar Larabawa, kuma ya ƙarfafa ƙiyayya ga Daular 'Usmaniyya, yana kiranta da daular Turkawa. Ya yi aiki don raba addini da Gwamnati, da mayar da kishin ƙasar Larabawa tushen rayuwa. Ƙungiyar koyaushe tana goyon bayan Larabawa. Shugabanninta sun sha zargin Turkiyya a cikin littattafansu da kwace Khilafar Musulunci daga hannun Larabawa, da keta Shari'ar Musulunci, da cin zarafin Addini. Wannan a fili yake nuna gaskiyar ƙungiyar da ainihin manufar da aka kafa ta domin ita, watau tada hankali a kan Gwamnatin Musulunci. An kafa ta ne domin haifar da shakku da kokwanto game da Addini, da kuma kafa ƙungiyoyin siyasa bisa ƙa'idodin da ba na Musulunci ba. Gaskiyar magana ita ce waɗannan ƙungiyoyi an ƙaddamar da su ne daga ƙasashen Yamma. Su ne suka kafa su, suka sa ido a kan ci gabansu, suka kuma tafiyar da su. Haka kuma sun rubuta rahotanni game da ayyukansu. Misali, jakadan Birtaniya a Beirut ya aika wa gwamnatinsa saƙon waya a ranar 28 ga Yuli, 1880, yana cewa, "Takardun juyin-juya hali sun fara yawo, ana zargin Midhat ne tushensu, duk da haka yanayi ya kasance cikin nutsuwa. Cikakken bayani yana cikin wasiƙa."

However, its actual work and its real program was concerned with an entirely different objective. Its aim was to cast strange desires and false hopes into the hearts of the people. It called for Arab nationalism and encouraged animosity towards the ‘Uthmani State, dubbing it the Turkish state. It worked towards separating religion from the State and making Arab nationalism as the basis of life. The association always championed Arabism. Those in charge repeatedly accused Turkey in their literature of snatching the Islamic Khilafah from the Arabs, of violating the Islamic Shari’ah, and of abusing the Deen. This neatly demonstrates the true nature of the association and the real objective for which it had been founded, i.e. to cause agitation against the Islamic State. It was chartered with creating suspicion and skepticism about the Deen and to establish political movements based on non-Islamic principles. The fact is that these movements had been initiated by Western powers. It was they who established them, monitored their progress and managed them. They also wrote reports about their activities. For instance, the British consul in Beirut sent a telegram to his government on 28th July 1880 saying, “Revolutionary leaflets came into circulation, Midhat is suspected to be the source, despite this, the situation remains calm. Details in the post.”.

Wannan sakon tarho an aika shi ne bayan wata takarda da aka raba a titunan Beirut kuma aka manna a bangon garin. Ba da daɗewa ba bayan sakon tarho, sai aka aika da wasiku da dama daga jakadun Birtaniya a Beirut da Damascus.

This telegram was dispatched in the wake of a leaflet distributed on the streets of Beirut and posted on the walls there. The telegram was soon followed by several letters sent by the British consuls in Beirut and Damascus.

Wasiƙun sun zo tare da kwafin takardun tallace-tallace da ƙungiyar ta rarraba, don haka ya kamata a ɗauke su da gaskiya a matsayin rahotanni game da ƙungiyar da aka kafa a kwalejin Furotestant wadda ta fara ayyukanta a al-Sham. Ayyukan ƙungiyar sun fi bayyana a al-Sham, ko da yake sun gudana a wasu yankunan Larabawa masu rinjaye kamar yadda kwamishinan Birtaniya a Jeddah ya nuna a cikin abin da ya rubuta wa gwamnatinsa a shekarar 1882. A cikin wani rahoto game da motsin Larabawa, ya bayyana cewa, "Duk da haka, labari ya isa gare ni cewa har a cikin Makkah kanta wasu masana sun fara magana game da 'yanci. Kamar yadda na ji, ina ganin an tsara wani shiri da nufin haɗa Najd da yankin da ke tsakanin koguna biyu, watau Kudancin Iraƙi, tare da naɗa Mansur Pasha a matsayin sarki, da kuma haɗa 'Asir da Yaman ta hanyar naɗa 'Ali ibn 'Aabid ya yi musu mulki."

The letters were accompanied by copies of the leaflets which the association had distributed and should therefore rightly be regarded as reports on the movement set up in the Protestant college which began its activities in al- Sham. The association’s activities were more evident in al-Sham, although they took place in other predominantly Arab areas as demonstrated by what the British commissioner in Jeddah wrote to his government in 1882. In a report about the Arab movement, he stated, “However, news has reached me that even in Makkah itself some intellectuals have begun talking about freedom, it seems to me from what I have heard that a plan has been designed aiming at uniting Najd with the land between the two rivers, i.e. the South of Iraq, and appointing Mansur Pasha as ruler, as well as uniting ‘Asir and Yemen by appointing ‘Ali ibn ‘Aabid to rule over them.”.

Britaniya ba ita kaɗai ce ƙasar da ke da sha'awa ba, Faransa ma ta nuna sha'awa sosai. A shekara ta 1882, ɗaya daga cikin jami'an Faransa a Beirut ya bayyana damuwar Faransa da cewa,

Britain was not the only interested party, France too displayed a great deal of interest. In 1882, one of the French officials in Beirut voiced the French concern by saying,

"Ruhun 'yancin kai ya yaɗu sosai, kuma a lokacin zamana a Beirut na lura da jajircewar matasan Musulmi wajen kafa makarantu da asibitoci da kuma farfado da ƙasar. Abin da ya cancanci ambato a nan shi ne cewa wannan motsi ba shi da wata tasirin ɓangaranci, wannan ƙungiya tana maraba da zama membobin Kiristoci kuma tana dogara a kansu wajen shiga cikin ayyukan kishin ƙasa."

“The spirit of independence is well spread and I noticed during my stay in Beirut the dedication of Muslim youths in establishing schools and clinics and in reviving the country. What is worth mentioning here is that this movement is free of any sectarian influence, this association welcomes the membership of the Christians and relies on them to participate in the nationalist activities.”.

Wani Bafaranshe ya rubuta daga Baghdad,

A Frenchman wrote from Baghdad,

"A ko'ina na je, na tarar da irin wannan ra'ayi na ƙiyayya ga Turkawa, a matakin da ya yi daidai ko'ina. Dangane da tunanin fara aiki na gamayya don kawar da wannan yanayi da ake ƙyama sosai, wannan yana kan gudana sosai. A sararin sama iskar motsin Larabawa tana ƙara ƙarfi, kuma tana shirin haihuwa. Wannan jama'ar da aka zalunta tsawon lokaci suna shirin shelanta matsayinsu na halitta a cikin duniyar Musulunci, da kuma jagorantar makomar wannan duniya."

“Everywhere I went, I was faced with the common feeling, on the same scale, of hatred for the Turks. As for the concept of initiating collective action to get rid of this much hated situation, this is very much under way. In the horizons a wind of Arab movement is gathering strength and is about to be born. This people who have been oppressed for a long time are about to proclaim their natural status within the Muslim world and direct the destiny of this world.”.

Aikin mishan a sunan addini da kimiyya bai takaita ga abin da Amurka, Faransa da Birtaniya suka fi mayar da hankali a kai ba kawai ba, sai ya shiga yawancin kasashen da ba Musulmi ba, ciki har da Rasha ta Czar wacce ta aika balaguron mishan, da Prussia (Jamus) wacce ta aika da rukunin ‘yan’uwa mata (zuriyar Carodt) don su shiga sauran mishan-mishan. Duk da cewa mishan-mishan da wakilan Yammacin duniya sun sha banban ra’ayi game da shirye-shiryensu na siyasa, wadanda suka yi la’akari da muradunsu na kasa da kasa, manufarsu daya ce: yada Kiristanci da yada al’adun Yamma a Gabas, tare da tayar da zargin Musulmi game da addininsu, har su ki shi, su raina tarihinsu, su kuma yabi Yamma da salon rayuwarta.

Missionary work in the name of religion and science was not merely confined to the focus of the attention of the US., France and Britain, but extended to most of the non-Islamic states, including Czarist Russia who sent missionary expeditions and Prussia (Germany) who sent a group of ‘sisters’ (the nuns of Carodt) to participate with other missions. Inspite of the difference of opinion among the various missions and Western delegates regarding their political programs, which took into consideration their international interests, their objective was the same; the preaching of Christianity and the spreading of Western culture in the East coupled with the arousal of the suspicions of the Muslims towards their Deen, pushing them to resent it and to regard their history with contempt while leading them to praise the West and its way of life.

Mishonaris sun gudanar da wa'azinsu bisa ga matsanancin ƙiyayyarsu ga Musulunci da Musulmai. Sun raina al'adun Musulunci da salon rayuwarsa, kuma sun ɗauki Musulmai a matsayin baƙaƙen mutane masu koma baya, wanda har yanzu ra'ayi ne maras kyau na kusan kowane Bature. Sakamakon da suka samu yana bayyana a yau cikin yawaitar kafirci da mulkin mallaka a ƙasashenmu.

The missionaries carried out their preaching according to their great hatred of Islam and the Muslims. They disdained the Islamic culture and its way of life and they regarded the Muslims as backward barbarians, which remains the ill-considered opinion of nearly every European. The results that they achieved are reflected today in the concentration of disbelief and colonialism in our lands.