Bayan Yakin Duniya ta Farko, ƙasashen Allied sun mamaye dukkan yankunan Daular Musulunci. Babban burinsu shi ne su halakar da Daular gaba ɗaya, sannan su tabbatar cewa ba za ta sake tashi ba. Bayan sun halakar da Daular Musulunci, sun ɗauki matakin tabbatar da cewa ba za a iya sake kafa Daular Musulunci a kowane yanki na yankunanta ba. Sun shirya tsare-tsare da dama, kuma sun yi amfani da hanyoyi da dama don tabbatar da cewa Daular Musulunci ba za ta sake wanzuwa ba, kuma har yanzu suna aiki zuwa wannan manufa.

In the wake of the First World War, the allies occupied all the lands of the Islamic State. Their main aim was to destroy the State for good and then ensure that it would never rise again. Once they had destroyed the Islamic State, they set about making sure that the Islamic State could not be reestablished in any part of its lands. They designed several plans and used several methods to make certain that the Islamic State would never return to existence, and they are still working towards that objective.

Bisa ga wani shiri da aka tsara da kyau, ƙasashen mulkin mallaka na kafirai sun fara ƙarfafa riƙon su a kan ƙasashen Musulmi tun daga ranar farko da suka mamaye duniyar Musulunci. A shekarar 1918, sun mamaye ƙasashen da har yanzu suke ƙarƙashin mulkin Daular 'Usmaniyya, suka kafa mulkin soja a cikinsu har zuwa 1922. Sun mai da hankali wajen ƙarfafa riƙon su a kansu ta hanyar mulkin ƙarƙashin amana (mandate) ko kuma ta hanyar cin gashin kai na ƙarya. Sannan ya zo shekarar 1924. A wannan shekarar, abokan gaba, musamman Birtaniya, sun ɗauki matakai da dama domin murkushe duk wani yunkuri, kai tsaye ko a kaikaice, wanda ke nufin farfado da Daular Musulunci.

Following a carefully designed plan, the disbelieving colonial powers set about strengthening their grip on the Muslim lands, from the very first day that they occupied the Islamic world. In 1918, they occupied the countries which were still under the rule of the ‘Uthmani State and established military rule within them until 1922. They concentrated their stranglehold over them through mandatory rule or self autonomy. Then came 1924. In that year, many steps were taken by the enemy, especially Britain, in order to quell any moves; whether directly or indirectly, aimed at reviving the Islamic State.

A cikin wannan shekara, Mustafa Kemal ya soke tsarin Khilafah a Daular ‘Uthmaniyya sakamakon matsin lamba kai tsaye daga kafiran mulkin mallaka, ya kuma mayar da Turkiyya jamhuriya ta ‘dimokuradiyya’. Ta haka ya kawar da fatalwar Khilafah, tare da ita kuma ya kawar da ragowar ƙarshe na bege na dawowar Daular Musulunci. A cikin wannan shekara kuma, an kori al-Hussein ibn ‘Ali daga Hijaz, aka kuma tsare shi a Cyprus, saboda yana neman Khilafah. A cikin shekara guda, Turawan Ingila, ta hannun masu haɗin kai da su, sun shiga tsakani don tabbatar da cewa an soke taron Khilafah da aka yi a Alkahira, aka kuma hana shi cimma nasara. Haka kuma a cikin wannan shekara, Turawan Ingila sun yi ƙoƙari sosai wajen rushe ƙungiyar Khilafah da aka kafa a Indiya, suna tabbatar da cewa an dakatar da burin ƙungiyar, aka kuma juya akalarta zuwa ta kishin ƙasa da ta ɓangaranci. A cikin shekarar nan kuma, sakamakon matsin lamba daga kafiran mulkin mallaka, aka buga littattafan da wasu malamai na Al-Azhar suka rubuta suna kira da a raba addini da gwamnati, suna cewa Musulunci ba ya ƙunshe da asali na gwamnati ko mulki, kuma suna siffanta Musulunci a matsayin addinin tiyoloji (Kahanuty) wanda babu tushe ko koyarwa game da mulki da Daula. Haka kuma a cikin wannan shekara da ta biyo baya, wasu muhawarori da wasu ‘yan Sophist suka ɗauki nauyinsu suka mamaye ƙasashen Larabawa game da batutuwa biyu: Wace ce ta fi kyau, Ƙungiyar Larabawa ko Ƙungiyar Musulunci? Jaridu da mujallu sun mayar da hankalinsu kan wannan batu, duk da cewa dukkan ƙungiyoyin biyu suna da illa, kuma kasancewarsu ta zama cikas ga duk wani yunƙuri na sake kafa Daular Musulunci. Duk da haka, kafiran mulkin mallaka sun yi nasarar haifar da wannan muhawara don karkatar da hankali daga ainihin batun, wato Daular Musulunci. Wadannan matakai, saboda haka, sun nisantar da tunanin mutanen ƙasashen Musulmi daga ra’ayin Khilafah da Daular Musulunci.

In that year, Mustafa Kemal abolished the Khilafah System in the ‘Uthmani State due to direct pressure from the colonial disbelievers and turned Turkey into a ‘democratic’ republic. He thus destroyed the specter of the Khilafah and with it the last vestige of hope for the Islamic State to stage a comeback. In that year, al-Hussein ibn ‘Ali was expelled from Hijaz and imprisoned in Cyprus as he had an eye on the Khilafah. In the very same year, the British, through their collaborators, intervened to make sure that the Khilafah conference held in Cairo was called off and doomed to failure. Again, in that same year, the British worked hard to dissolve the Khilafah movement established in India, making sure that the movement’s ambitions were aborted and its tendency was transformed into a nationalist and sectarian one. Still in the same year, and following pressure from the colonial disbelievers, literature written by some of al-Azhar’s scholars calling for the separation of the Deen from the State, claiming that Islam does not contain any fundamentals for government or ruling, and portraying Islam as a theological (Kahanuty) religion with no basics or teachings about ruling and the State, was published. Yet again in that same year and the following one, some Sophist sponsored debates and arguments over two topics took center stage in the Arab countries: Which of the two leagues would be better, the Arab league or the Islamic league? Newspapers and magazines focused their attention on this issue, despite the fact that both leagues had a damaging effect and that their very existence presented an obstacle in the face of any attempt to reestablish the Islamic State. Nevertheless, the colonial disbelievers managed to bring about this debate in order to direct attention away from the real issue, which was the Islamic State. These moves, therefore, managed to distance the people’s minds in the Muslim lands away from the concept of the Khilafah and the Islamic State.

Kafin mamayar da suka yi, ƙasashen turawan mulkin mallaka sun fara yada taken kishin ƙasa a tsakanin matasan Turkiyya, suna cewa an ɗora wa Turkiyya nauyin tafiyar da al'amuran mutanen da ba Turkawa ba, kuma lokaci ya yi da za ta bar waɗannan mutane su yi maganinsu da kansu. Jam'iyyun siyasa ma sun yi aiki wajen yada kishin Turkawa, suna kira ga Turkiyya ta samu 'yancin kai daga ƙasashen da ba Turkawa ba. Kafirai sun yada irin waɗannan ra'ayoyi a tsakanin matasan Larabawa, suna kuma ƙarfafa kishin Larabawa. Sun siffanta Turkiyya a matsayin wata ƙarfi ta mamaya, suka kira Larabawa su 'yantar da kansu daga mamayar Turkawa. Haka kuma, an kafa jam'iyyun siyasa da ke kira ga haɗin kan Larabawa da 'yancin kansu. Ba da daɗewa ba, waɗannan ra'ayoyi suka cike gurbin da ra'ayoyin Musulunci suka taɓa cikewa. Sakamakon haka, Turkawa sun samu 'yancin kansu bisa tushen kishin ƙasa, Larabawa kuma suka fara aiki don samun cin gashin kai bisa tushen ƙasa ta kishin ƙasa. Ra'ayoyin kishin ƙasa da ƙaunar ƙasa sun yadu cikin sauri a ko'ina cikin al'umma, Musulmi kuma sun yi alfahari da waɗannan ra'ayoyi.

Prior to their occupation the colonial powers began spreading nationalistic slogans amongst the Turkish youth by claiming that Turkey had been burdened with the running of the affairs of non-Turkish people and that it was high time she left those people to their own fate. Political parties also worked towards spreading Turkish nationalism and called for Turkey’s independence from the non-Turkish countries. The disbelievers spread the same concepts among Arab youths and encouraged Arab nationalism. They described Turkey as being an occupying force and called on the Arabs to rid themselves of being occupied by the Turks, and likewise, political parties calling for Arab unity and Arab independence were formed. They soon filled the vacuum which was once graced by Islamic concepts. Consequently, the Turks gained their independence on the basis of nationalism, and the Arabs began working towards achieving autonomy on a nationalist geographic basis. The concepts of nationalism and patriotism spread rapidly throughout the nation, and the Muslims prided themselves on these concepts.

Sojojin mulkin mallaka ba su tsaya a nan ba, sai dai sun ci gaba da yada ra'ayoyi marasa gaskiya game da tsarin mulkin Musulunci da Musulunci kansa, suna nuna cewa Khilafah mulkin Fafaroma ne da na firistoci. Hakan ya kai ga har Musulmi suna jin kunya wajen ambaton kalmar Khalifah, ko bayyana ra'ayin Khilafah. A wannan lokaci ne kuma ya bayyana wani ra'ayi da ya yadu a tsakanin Musulmi, wanda ya hana kafa Daular Musulunci: cewa duk wanda ya bayyana kalmar Khilafah koma baya ne kuma alamar tsauri, don haka bai kamata duk wani mai ilimi ya furta ta ba.

The colonial forces did not stop at that, but went further by spreading erroneous concepts about the Islamic ruling system and Islam, portraying the Khilafah as being a papal and priestly rule. This reached the point whereby the Muslims were embarrassed to mention the word Khalifah, or to proclaim the concept of the Khilafah. At this time there arose a popular conception Preventing the Establishment of the Islamic State amongst the Muslims that any proclamation of the word Khilafah was backward and pointed up rigidity, and that it should not be uttered by any educated person.

A cikin wannan yanayi na kishin kasa mai karfi wanda ya samu gagarumin ci gaba a cikin al'umma ne kafiran suka wargaza Daular Musulunci. Suka raba ta zuwa kananan kasashe, suna kuma karfafa al'ummomin yankuna su kara wadannan rarrabuwa. An raba Daular 'Uthmaniyya zuwa jihohi da dama, wadanda sune: Turkiyya, Masar, Iraki, Siriya, Lebanon, Falasdinu, Gabashin Jordan, Hijaz, Najd da Yemen. 'Yan siyasa a wadannan kananan kasashe, duka masu hada kai da kafirai da kuma masu kyakkyawar niyya, suka fara gudanar da taruka a kowace kasa, suna neman 'yancin kai, watau 'yancin kai ga kasar da kafiran suka kafa su keɓance sauran kananan kasashen. Bisa wannan tushe aka kafa Kasar Turkiyya, haka kuma kasashen Iraki, Masar, Siriya da sauransu. Daga nan aka kafa gidan kasa na Yahudawa a Falasdinu, wanda daga baya aka mayar da shi wani hukuma mai cin gashin kanta. Kafirai sun yi amfani da shi a matsayin mafaka ta siyasa a cikin Duniyar Musulunci, da kuma karkatar da hankalin Musulmai daga kafiran mulkin mallaka, watau kasashen Yamma kamar Birtaniya, Amurka da Faransa, da kuma sanya shi ya zama daya daga cikin cikas da ke kan hanyar dawowar Daular Musulunci. Wannan yanayin kasa da halin da ake ciki duka an tsara su ne domin tabbatar da cewa Musulmai ba za su taba samun 'yantuwa ba.

It was amidst this highly nationalistic feeling, which had gathered momentum within society, that the disbelievers dismembered the Islamic State. Parceling it up into little statelets, and encouraging local communities to strengthen these divisions. The ‘Uthmani State was divided into several states, these being: Turkey, Egypt, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, East Jordan, Hijaz, Najd and Yemen. Politicians in these statelets, both the collaborators and those with good intentions, began to hold conferences in every country, demanding their independence, i.e. independence for the country that the disbelievers had founded to the exclusion of the other statelets. On this basis the State of Turkey was founded, as were the states of Iraq, Egypt, Syria etc. Then a national homeland for the Jews was founded in Palestine, which was then subsequently turned into an independent entity. It was used by the disbelievers as a political bridgehead to the Muslim World and to draw the attention of the Muslims away from the colonial disbelievers, i.e. the Western countries such as Britain, the United States and France, and for it to constitute one of the obstacles which stand in the way of the return of the Islamic State. This geographical situation and the general scene were both designed to ensure that the Muslims would never be able to liberate themselves.

Kafirai sun tsunduma cikin aiwatar da tsarin Jari-hujja a fannin tattalin arziki da tsarin Dimokuradiyya a fannin mulki. Sun kuma kafa dokokin Yamma a tsarin gudanarwarsu da na shari'arsu. Sun yada al'adunsu da tunaninsu game da rayuwa, kuma sun yi matukar ƙoƙarin kafa ra'ayinsu game da rayuwa, ta yadda tsarin rayuwarsu ya zama wanda Musulmi za su karɓa su bi. Lallai sun yi nasara a wannan manufa tasu. Sun mayar da Masar daular Sarakuna (Sultanate), sannan aka kafa sarautar tsarin majalisa. A Iraƙi kuma, an kafa tsarin sarautar majalisa. Siriya da Lebanon sun zama jamhuriyoyi, a Gabashin Jordan aka kafa masarauta (emirate), yayin da Falasdinu ta kasance a ƙarƙashin mulkin wakilci wanda ya ƙare da kafa tsarin dimokuradiyya ta majalisa ga Yahudawa. Sauran yankin Falasdinu aka haɗa shi da Gabashin Jordan, aka mayar da shi sarautar majalisa. A Hijaz da Yemen, an kafa sarautu masu mulkin kama-karya, a Turkiyya kuma aka kafa jamhuriyar shugaban ƙasa. An ɗora Afganistan a kan sarautar gado. Kafiran mulkin mallaka sun ƙarfafa Iran ta ci gaba da tsarin sarautar Sarki, yayin da Indiya ta ci gaba da zama mulkin mallaka, har aka raba ta zuwa ƙasashe biyu. Don haka, kafiran mulkin mallaka sun yi nasarar ɗora tsarinsu a kan ƙasashen Musulmi, kuma ta haka ra'ayin sake kafa mulkin Musulunci ya ragu a zukatan mutane a hankali.

The disbelievers set about implementing the Capitalist system in Economics and the Democratic system in Government. They also introduced Western laws in their Administrative and Judicial systems. They spread their culture and their concepts about life, and earnestly attempted to establish their viewpoint about life so that their way of life became the one that the Muslims adopted and followed. They have in fact succeeded in this quest. They turned Egypt into a Sultanate, then a parliamentary monarchy was established. In Iraq, a parliamentary monarchy system was established. Syria and Lebanon became republics and in East Jordan an emirate was established, while Palestine was put under mandatory rule which ended in the establishment of a parliamentary democratic system for the Jews. The remainder of Palestine was joined to East Jordan and turned into a parliamentary monarchy. In Hijaz and in Yemen, dictatorial monarchies were established, and in Turkey a presidential republic was formed. Afghanistan was fitted with a hereditary monarchy. The colonial disbelievers encouraged Iran to maintain the Imperial system while India remained a colony, until eventually it was divided into two states. The colonial disbelievers, therefore, managed to impose their system on Muslim land, and by so doing the concept of reestablishing the Islamic rule gradually waned in people’s minds.

Haka kuma, aka ƙarfafa kowace al'umma ta riƙe tsarin da kafirai suka kafa mata, kuma suka yi aiki don cimma cikakken 'yancin kai daga dukkan sauran ƙasashen da suka haɗa duniyar Musulmi. Ta haka, ɗan Iraqi ya zama baƙo a Masar. Shugabannin kowace ƙaramar jiha sun fi ƙwazo wajen kare tsarin dimokuradiyya ta jari-hujja fiye da waɗanda suka kafa tsarin da kansu. Sun zama wakilai, suna lura da tsaron tsarin da kundin tsarin mulkin da ƙasashen mulkin mallaka suka kafa musu.

Furthermore, each local community was encouraged to hold on to the system that the disbelievers had established for it and they worked towards achieving total independence from all other countries that comprised the Muslim world. Thus, an Iraqi became a foreigner in Egypt. The rulers of each statelet became more keen to safeguard the Capitalist democratic system than the founders of the system itself. They became surrogates, watching over and guarding the system and constitution that the colonial powers had set up for them.

Ƙasashen kafirai masu mulkin mallaka sun aiwatar da dokokin Yammacin Turai kai tsaye a kan ƙasar Musulmi. A baya, sun yi ƙoƙarin aiwatar da su ta hannun ’yan amshinsu a ƙasashen Musulmi. Kafirai sun fara ƙoƙarinsu na shigar da dokokin Yammacin Turai a rabin farko na karni na 19. Sun fara ƙarfafa mutanen Masar su karɓi dokokin farar hula na Faransa domin su maye gurbin Shari’ah, kuma sun yi nasara, inda Masar ta fara aiwatar da tsarin shari’ar Faransa a shekara ta 1883. An fassara tsohon dokar farar hula ta Faransa, aka kuma aiwatar da ita, ta zama tsarin da aka karɓa a Masar, tana maye gurbin Shari’ah a kotuna. Irin wannan motsi ya fara a cikin Daular ‘Uthmaniyya a shekara ta 1856, da manufar shigar da dokokin Yammacin Turai a can. Sai dai wannan motsi bai yi sauƙi ba kamar yadda yake a Masar, domin Khilafah kanta tana zaune ne a Daular ‘Uthmaniyya.

The colonial disbelieving powers implemented Western laws directly on Muslim land. Previously, they had attempted to implement them through their collaborators in the Muslim countries. The disbelievers initiated their attempts to introduce Western laws in the first half of the 19th century. They began encouraging people in Egypt to adopt French civil laws so as to replace the Shari’ah, succeeding in doing so and Egypt began implementing the French Judicial system in 1883. The old French civil law was translated and enacted, it became the newly adopted system in Egypt replacing the Shari’ah in the courts. A similar move began within the ‘Uthmani State in 1856 with the aim of introducing Western laws there. However, this move was not as easy as in Egypt because the Khilafah itself was based in the ‘Uthmani State.

Sai dai saboda taurin kai na kafiran da kuma martanin masu haɗa kai da su, sun yi nasarar gabatar da kundin laifuffuka da sababbin dokoki marasa tushe a Musulunci na shari'a da kasuwanci, ta hanyar samun fatawoyi da suka bayyana cewa waɗannan dokokin kufri ba su saɓa wa Musulunci ba. Ra'ayin tsara dokoki a rubuce sai ya samu tushe, kuma aka karɓi Al-Majalla (kundin da aka fitar a shekarar 1868 a matsayin ka'ida ga mu'amalolin kasuwanci, wanda aka tattara daga rauni-rauni na ra'ayoyin madhhabai da dama, wanda ya tabbatar da wannan hali) a matsayin doka. An tsara Al-Majalla a rubuce a matsayin doka. An raba tsarin kotuna gida biyu: 1) Kotun Shari'a, mai amfani da ka'idojin Shari'a. 2) Kotun farar hula. Daular Musulunci tana amfani da: a.) dokokin Yammacin Turai, bisa wasu fatawoyi da suka ce waɗannan dokoki ba su saɓa wa Musulunci ba; b.) dokokin Shari'a bayan an tsara su a rubuce a matsayin doka, suna kwaikwayon tsarin Yammacin Turai. Wannan dai ya shafi doka. Game da kundin tsarin mulki kuwa, an yi ƙoƙarin tsara sabon kundin tsarin mulki ga ƙasar, ta amfani da kundin tsarin mulkin Faransa a matsayin tushe, tare da motsin sabon tsara dokoki a rubuce. Wadannan yunkuri sun kusan yin nasara a shekarar 1878, sai dai tsananin turjiyar Musulmai da suka tsaya suka dakatar da su. Duk da haka, taurin kai na kafiran mulkin mallaka, tare da nasarar masu haɗa kai da su da waɗanda al'adunsu suka rinjaya, ya sa motsin tsara kundin tsarin mulki ya sake tashi, kuma a wannan karon ya yi nasara a aikinsa. An aiwatar da kundin tsarin mulkin a shekarar 1908 ta hanyar karɓa da aiwatar da sababbin dokokin. Dukkan ƙasashen Musulmai, banda Larabawan Saudiyya da Afghanistan, sun zama ana mulkinsu kai tsaye da dokokin Yammacin Turai. Don haka, an watsar da dokokin Shari'a, wannan kuma ya nufin an aiwatar da mulkin kufri, an kuma watsar da mulkin Musulunci.

However, due to the disbelievers’ persistence, and the response of their collaborators, they succeeded in introducing the penal code and new non- Islamic legal and commercial laws by securing Fatawa which stated that these Kufr laws did not contradict Islam. The concept of codification then took root and Al Majalla (Code issued in 1868 as a canon for transactions compiled from the weak opinions of many Madhahib, which justified the situation) was adopted as a law. Al Majalla was codified as law. The court system was divided into two: 1) a Shari’yah court, using Shari’yah rules. 2) civil court, The Islamic State using a.) Western laws, justified by some Fatawa stating that these laws did not contradict Islam. b.) Shari’ah laws after being codified as a law in imitating western process. This was concerning the law. As for the constitution, moves aimed at drafting a new constitution for the State, using the French constitution as its source, were made in conjunction with the movement for new codification. These moves nearly succeeded in 1878 except for the fierce resistance of the Muslims who stood up to them and stopped them in their tracks. However, the colonial disbelievers’ persistence, coupled with the success of their collaborators and those who were seduced by their culture, enabled the movement for the drafting of a constitution to emerge once more and this time succeeded in its task. The constitution was put into practice in 1908 with its adoption and implementation of the new legislation. All Muslims lands, with the exception of the Arabian Peninsula and Afghanistan, came to be directly governed by Western laws3. Thus, the Shari’ah laws were abandoned and this meant that Kufr rule was enforced and the rule of Islam discarded.

Abin da ya taimaka wa mulkin Kufr wajen ƙara ƙarfafa riƙonsa a kan Musulmi shi ne cewa 'yan mulkin mallaka sun gina dabarunsu ne a kan sauya manufar ilimi ta Daular Musulunci. Sun tsara wani sabon shirin karatu ga Musulmi. Manufar wannan tsarin karatu ita ce samar da mutane masu halin Yammacin Turai, watau mutum mai ra'ayin jari-hujja/na duniya wajen tafiyar da al'amuran rayuwa. Waɗannan shirye-shirye, ciki har da na jami'o'in Musulunci, har yanzu suna aiki a yau a dukkan ƙasashen duniyar Musulmi. Sakamakon haka, muna da malamai da yawa da ke tabbatar da amincin waɗannan shirye-shiryen ilimi. Suna riƙe muhimman mukamai, suna aiwatar da nufin kafirai. Manufar ilimi ta kasance bisa ka'idoji biyu.

What helped the rule of Kufr to strengthen its grip over the Muslims was the fact that the colonialists had based their strategy on changing the Islamic State’s education policy. They designed a new educational program for the Muslims. The objective of this curriculum was to produce individuals with a Western personality, i.e., someone with a capitalistic/secular outlook to regulating life’s affairs. These programs, including those in Islamic universities, are still in force today throughout all the countries of the Muslim world. As a result, we have many teachers that ensure the safety of these educational programs. They take up influential posts, carrying out the wishes of the disbelievers. The education policy was founded on two principles.

Ka'ida ta farko ita ce raba Addini da al'amuran duniya na rayuwa, wanda hakan zai kai ga raba Addini da Gwamnati. Wannan matakin an tsara shi ne kuma don tabbatar da cewa matasan Musulmi za su yi tsayin daka wajen hana sake kafa Daular Musulunci, domin hakan zai saba wa tushen da aka ilimantar da su a kansa.

The first principle was to separate the Deen from the temporal affairs of life, which would naturally lead to the separation of the Deen from the State. This measure was also designed to ensure that young Muslims would fight off the re-establishment of the Islamic State as it would contradict the basis upon which they had been educated.

Wannan gaskiya ce har zuwa shekara ta 1952, lokacin da aka buga wannan littafi. Sai dai yanzu, dukkan ƙasashen Musulmi suna ƙarƙashin dokokin Yammacin Turai.

3 Translator - This was true until 1952 when this book was published. However, now all Muslims lands are governed by Western laws.

Ka'ida ta biyu ita ce a sanya halin mulkin mallaka na kafiri ya zama babbar hanyar da matasan Musulmi za su yi koyi da shi. Hakan zai sauƙaƙa wa zukatansu su shiga cikin al'adunsa da iliminsa. Irin wannan mataki yana nufin girmama kafiri. Yana nufin ɗaukaka shi, da ƙoƙarin yin koyi da shi da yin abota da shi, duk da cewa shi kafiri ne na mulkin mallaka. Haka kuma yana nufin wulaƙanta Musulmi da raina su, don a nisanta su da shi. Ƙyamar da ake nunawa gare shi don haka tana hana kowa karɓar wani abu daga gare shi ko koyo daga gare shi, kuma hakan a zahiri yana tilasta su yaƙar sake kafa Daular Musulunci.

The second principle was to make the personality of the colonial disbeliever the main source of emulation for young Muslims. This would then readily facilitate their minds to be imbued with his culture and information. Such a move entailed giving respect to the Kafir. It entailed glorifying him, and an attempt to emulate and befriend him, despite the fact that he was a colonial disbeliever. It also entailed holding the Muslims in contempt and disdain so that he was kept away from him. The feelings of disgust displayed towards him thus prevented anyone taking or learning anything from him and naturally compelled them to fight the reestablishment of the Islamic State.

Turawan mulkin mallaka sun ji cewa tsarin karatun makaranta da suka tsara tare da sa ido sosai a kansa bai isa ba. Sun ci gaba da kafa makarantun mishan bisa ka'idojin mulkin mallakarsu. Bugu da kari, an dora wa cibiyoyin al'adu alhakin yada akidun siyasa na bata. Saboda haka, yanayin ilimi a wadannan cibiyoyin "koyo" daban-daban ya sa al'umma ta sami abinci na al'adar da ta karkatar da ita daga tunanin sake kafa Daular Musulunci, kuma ta hana ta aiki don wannan manufa.

The colonialists felt that the school syllabus, which they had designed and closely monitored, was not enough. They went further by establishing missionary schools based on their colonialist principles. In addition, cultural centers were tasked with the spreading of misguided political orientations. Consequently, the intellectual atmosphere in these various “learning” centers led to the Ummah being fed with the culture that led her away from thinking about reestablishing the Islamic State and prevented her from working towards that cause.

Raba addinin daga al'amuran rayuwa ya zama ra'ayi da ya yadu a tsakanin masana. Ga sauran al'umma kuwa, hakan ya bayyana ne a matsayin raba addini da siyasa, ko kuma raba addini da tsara al'amuran yau da kullum da damuwoyinsu. Sakamakon haka, wasu daga cikin masana sun yi iƙirarin cewa dalilin koma-bayan Musulmi shi ne manne wa addini, kuma sun ce hanya ɗaya tilo ta farfaɗo da su ita ce ta kishin ƙasa. Wasu kuwa sun yi iƙirarin cewa dalilin koma-bayan Musulmi shi ne rashin ɗabi'u. Dangane da ra'ayi na farko, an kafa jam'iyyun siyasar kishin ƙasa, suna mai iƙirarin cewa suna da tushe a Musulunci. Wannan kuwa dabara ce kawai ta mulkin mallaka. Dangane da ra'ayi na biyu kuma, an kafa ƙungiyoyi da dama bisa tushen ɗabi'u, wa'azi da shiriya ta ruhi. Waɗannan sun fara aiki don kyautata ɗabi'ar mutum, ba tare da shiga siyasa ba. Kasancewar waɗannan jam'iyyu da ƙungiyoyi ne ya zama cikas mai tasiri ga ƙoƙarin sake kafa Daular Musulunci. Sun karkatar da hankalin Musulmi. Bugu da ƙari, an kuma kafa waɗannan jam'iyyu bisa tushen mulkin mallaka wanda ya saɓa wa Musulunci, kuma saboda haka sun hana sake kafa Daular Musulunci ba tare da niyya ba.

Separating the Deen from life’s affairs became a widespread concept amongst intellectuals. For the rest of society, it was manifested as a separation of the Deen from politics, or the regulation of their daily affairs and concerns. As a result, some of the intellectuals claimed that the cause behind the decline of the Muslims was their attachment to the Deen and they claimed that the only path to their revival would be through nationalism. Others claimed that the cause behind the Muslims’ decline was the absence of morals. On the first count, nationalistic political parties were established, claiming that they had an Islamic basis. This was merely a colonialist ploy. On the second count, several groups were formed on the basis of morals, preaching and spiritual guidance. These began to work towards moral excellence of the individual, and not to get involved in politics. It was the presence of these parties and organizations that proved to be the effective obstacle in the efforts made to reestablish the Islamic State. They distracted the minds of the Muslims. In addition, these parties were also established on a colonialist basis that contradicts Islam, and because of this they inadvertently prevented the reestablishment of the Islamic State.

Don waka sababbin tsare-tsaren siyasa da aka karɓa, an zartar da sabbin dokoki. Wasu dokokin an kafa su ne domin hana kafa jam'iyyu da ƙungiyoyin siyasa na Musulunci. Akwai dokokin da suka ƙunshi wasu sassa da suka sanya tsarin dimokuradiyya a kan jam'iyyun siyasa da ƙungiyoyi, tare da tanadin cewa kada su takaita mambobinsu ga wani mazhaba ta musamman. Wannan yana nufin an haramta kafa duk wata ƙungiya ko jam'iyya ta Musulunci a ƙasashen Musulmi, don kada Daular Musulunci ta sake tashi. Musulmi ba su da 'yancin kafa wata jam'iyya ko ƙungiya sai ƙungiyoyin agaji ko wasu makamantansu. An hana su shiga harkokin siyasa bisa tushen Musulunci. Wasu daga cikin dokokin da aka gabatar sun ɗauki kafa jam'iyyun siyasa na Musulunci a matsayin babban laifi wanda ya cancanci hukunci. Saboda haka, tsare-tsaren siyasa da ake yaɗawa a duniyar Musulmi, tare da taimakon dokokin da aka karɓa, an mayar da hankali ne wajen hana sake kafa Daular Musulunci.

To safeguard the newly adopted political programs, new laws were drafted. Some laws were enacted to bar the establishment of Islamic political parties and movements. There were laws that included certain clauses which imposed a democratic system on political parties and movements, and specified that they should not restrict their membership to any particular sect. This meant that it became against the law to establish any Islamic groups or parties in Muslim countries lest the Islamic State should be reborn. Muslims had no right to establish any party or movement except charity organizations or other similar organizations. They were restricted from indulging in political work on the basis of Islam. Some of the laws that were introduced considered establishing Islamic political parties a serious crime that deserved punishment. The political programs propagated in the Muslim world, with the help of the adopted laws, were therefore, focused on preventing the reestablishment of the Islamic State.

Mulkin mallaka ba su tsaya a nan ba, sai suka ci gaba da shagaltar da Musulmai da al'amura marasa muhimmanci, da niyyar karkatar da hankalinsu daga tunanin Daular Musulunci. Sun ƙarfafa taron Musulunci waɗanda suka zama abin kaucewa daga ainihin aikin, wato kiran zuwa ga Musulunci da komawa ga tsarin rayuwar Musulunci a ƙarƙashin inuwar Daular Musulunci. Irin waɗannan taruka sun zama hanya mai tasiri ga Musulmai na fitar da takaicinsu, kuma sun samar da mafita ta kubuta don tafiyar da motsin zuciyar Musulunci ta mutum. Ana yanke hukunce-hukunce a waɗannan taruka, a buga su a jaridu, a sanar da su ta gidajen rediyo, amma ba a taɓa aiwatar da su ba.

The colonialists did not stop there but went on to occupy the Muslims with trivial matters, aiming to distract them from thinking about the Islamic State. They encouraged Islamic conferences which served as a diversion from the real work, i.e. the Islamic call and the resumption of the Islamic way of life under the umbrella of the Islamic State. Such conferences served as an effective way for the Muslims to vent their frustrations and provided a safety valve to channel one’s Islamic emotions. Decisions would be made at these conferences, published in the newspapers, and announced on radio stations, but never executed.

Marubuta da malamai kuma an ƙarfafa su su gabatar da Daular Musulunci a matsayin barazana. Sun yaɗa ra'ayin cewa Musulunci ba ya ƙunshe da tsarin mulki. An buga littattafai da makaloli, waɗanda wasu Musulmi da aka ɗauka haya suka rubuta, ɗauke da waɗannan ra'ayoyin na mulkin mallaka, da nufin batar da Musulmi, su karkatar da su daga addininsu, da kuma daga aiki don mayar da rayuwar Musulunci bisa ƙa'idodin wannan addini.

Writers and lecturers were also encouraged to present the Islamic State as a threat. They promoted the concept that Islam does not contain a ruling system. Books and essays, written by some hired Muslims, were published carrying these colonialist concepts in order to lead the Muslims astray, divert them from their Deen, and from working towards the resumption of the Islamic way of life according to the rules of that Deen.

Tun bayan da aka hallaka Daular Musulunci, 'yan mulkin mallaka sun ci gaba da kokarinsu wajen sanya cikas a hanyar sake kafa Daular Musulunci. Sun mayar da hankalinsu wajen hana sake kafa ta, bayan da farko suka kawar da ita daga fuskar duniya.

Since destroying the Islamic State, the colonialists have persevered in their bid to place obstacles in the way of the re-establishment of the Islamic State. They have concentrated their efforts to prevent its formation again after first having abolished it from the face of the earth.