1 Game da Ibn Ḥanbal a matsayin "tushe kuma hanya mai muhimmanci wajen gina ainihin kai na Musulmi na gaskiya," duba Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 231–71 (nassin yana a shafi na 237).

1 On Ibn Ḥanbal as “an indispensable authority and resource for the fashioning of authentically Muslim selves,” see Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 231–71 (quote at 237).

Wannan shi ne mafi yawan tsarin harakoki (al-Dhahabī, Al-Mushtabih, 491), ko da yake al-Muʿaddil ma yana yiwuwa (Ibn Ḥajar, Tabṣīr, 1299). Don ma'anonin wannan tushe da abubuwan da suka samo asali daga gare shi, duba Tyan, "ʿAdl" da kuma majiyoyin da aka ambata a cikinsa.

2 This is the most common voweling (al-Dhahabī, Al-Mushtabih, 491) though al-Muʿaddil is also possible (Ibn Ḥajar, Tabṣīr, 1299). For the meanings of this root and its derivatives, see Tyan, “ʿAdl” and sources cited.

Farkon wani sabon jerin masu ruwaya wanda zai haɗu da wanda ya gabata wani lokaci ana nuna shi da harafin ḥāʾ. Saboda amfani da shi bai daidaita ba, ban maimaita shi ba.

3 The beginning of a new chain of transmitters that will intersect with the previous one is sometimes indicated by the letter ḥāʾ. As the usage is inconsistent, I have not duplicated it.

4 Ba a tabbatar da shi a wani wuri ba, amma yana iya zama wani nau'in Mihrāwī, ma'ana "na Mihrawān," yankin da ke kusa da Hamadhān (al-Samʿānī, Al-Ansāb, 5:415). Al-Turkī ya gyara shi zuwa al-Harawī, wato "na Herat", wanda ya fi yawa.

4 Not otherwise attested but possibly a variant of Mihrāwī, “of Mihrawān,” a region near Hamadhān (al-Samʿānī, Al-Ansāb, 5:415). Al-Turkī emends to the more common al-Harawī (of Herat).

Babban birnin abin da a lokacin ya zama lardin Khurasan. Marv, wanda yanzu ake kira Mary, birni ne a yammacin tsakiyar Turkmenistan a yau.

5 The capital of what was then the province of Khurasan. Marv, now called Mary, is today a city in west-central Turkmenistan.

6 "Cikakken ɗan kabila" yana nufin cewa an haife shi cikin kabilar, sabanin shiga ta ta hanyar dangantakar kariya da ɗaya daga cikin mambobinta, kamar yadda wasu musulmai da ba Larabawa ba suka yi lokaci-lokaci (ko da yake ba kasafai ba kamar yadda aka taɓa zato). Duba Bernards da Nawas, eds., Patronate, musamman Bulliet, "Conversion-Based Patronage," shafi na 246–62.

6 “Full-blooded” means that he was born into the tribe, as opposed to joining it by entering into a patronage relationship with one of its members, as non-Arab converts to Islam sometimes did (though far less commonly than previously thought). See Bernards and Nawas, eds., Patronate, esp. Bulliet, “Conversion-Based Patronage,” 246–62.

7 Ibn Ḥanbal’s kakanninsa sun fito ne daga Larabawa, suka zauna a garin Basra da aka kafa sabo, sannan suka yi gabas tare da fadada musulunci, suka zauna a Marv.

7 Ibn Ḥanbal’s ancestors had come from Arabia and settled in the newly founded city of Basra, then moved east with the Arab conquests and settled in Marv.

Lardi mai muhimmanci na Daular Abbasiyya. Ya hada yankunan da a yau ake kira arewa maso gabashin Iran, arewacin Afghanistan, kudancin Turkmenistan, da kudancin Uzbekistan.

8 A major province of the Abbasid Empire. It included the regions today called northeastern Iran, northern Afghanistan, southern Turkmenistan, and southern Uzbekistan.

9 Wani gari da ke kwance a kan iyakar Iran da Turkmenistan a yau. Garin zamani yana gefen Iran.

9 A town that lay on what is today the border between Iran and Turkmenistan. The modern town is on the Iranian side.

Juyin juya halin da ya kawo daular Abbasiyawa kan mulki ya fara ne a shekarun 740 a Khurasan. Waɗanda suka shiga cikinsa, da zuriyarsu, sun sami wasu gata na musamman a ƙarƙashin sabuwar gwamnati.

10 The revolution that brought the Abbasid dynasty to power began in the 740s in Khurasan. Those who joined it, and their descendants, enjoyed particular privileges under the new regime.

Ko da yake kawunsa Isḥāq daga baya ya yi amfani da wannan alaƙa, a fili take "ba ta nufin komai ga Ibn Ḥanbal kansa ba" (Cook, Commanding Right, 111).

Though Ibn Ḥanbal’s uncle Isḥāq was later to invoke this connection, it evidently “meant nothing to Ibn Ḥanbal himself” (Cook, Commanding Right, 111).

11 Ɗhul-Ƙarnaini wani mutum ne da aka ambata a cikin Alƙur'ani (Q Kahf 18:83 da mai biye da shi), wanda wasu kan danganta shi da Alexander the Great. Hadisai da ke nuna cewa Annabi Muhammadu ﷺ yana ba da shawara ta kashin kansa bisa cikakken sanin abubuwan da za su faru nan gaba, malamai gaba ɗaya sun yarda cewa ƙagaggun labarai ne na baya; duba al-Turkī, Manāqib, bugu na 2, 15n4.

11 Dhū l-Qarnayn is a figure in the Qurʾan (Q Kahf 18:83ff.) sometimes identified with Alexander the Great. Hadith reports in which the Prophet Muḥammad gives personal advice based on detailed knowledge of future events are generally agreed to be later fabrications; see al-Turkī, Manāqib, 2nd ed., 15n4.

12 Don bayani game da nasabar Ibn Ḥanbal da ma'anarta ta fuskar zamantakewa, duba Hurvitz, Formation, 27ff., da Cook, Commanding Right, 110–11. Wata majiya, Ibn al-Dāʿī, ta ba da wata nasaba daban ga Ibn Ḥanbal, inda ta ce shi dan gidan Zuhayr ibn Ḥurqūṣ ne. Wannan nasaba za ta iya nuna cewa yana da alaka da Ḥurqūṣ ibn Zuhayr, wanda Khārijawa ne, da kuma wata kungiya mai ɓoyayyiyar tarihi ta 'yan tafarki da ake kira Hurqūṣiyyah, waɗanda da alama suna da ra'ayin Allah (God) wanda masu suka suka ƙi shi a matsayin wanda ke danganta Allah da siffar mutum (van Ess, Theologie, 3:449–51).

12 For discussion of Ibn Ḥanbal’s lineage and its social meanings, see Hurvitz, Formation, 27ff., and Cook, Commanding Right, 110–11. Another source, Ibn al-Dāʿī, gives a different lineage for Ibn Ḥanbal, calling him a member of the clan of Zuhayr ibn Ḥurqūṣ. This ancestry would appear to link him with the Khārijī Ḥurqūṣ ibn Zuhayr, as well as with an obscure group of sectarians called the Hurqūṣiyyah, who seem to have held a view of God denounced by critics as anthropomorphic (van Ess, Theologie, 3:449–51).

Wannan shi ne Annabi Ibrahim.

13 This is the prophet Abraham.

14 Al-Turkī ya ɗauki maudu'in a nan cewa ʿAbd al-Malik ne, sannan ya gyara rubutun zuwa ʿalayhi da yuḍīfuhum.

14 Al-Turkī takes the subject here to be ʿAbd al-Malik and emends the text to ʿalayhi and yuḍīfuhum:

"Yana nuna musu karimci." Ko da yake wannan karatun ya fi kama da gaskiya, na riƙe sigogin mata da suka bayyana a SH da D, na fassara daidai da haka.

“He would show them hospitality.” Although this reading does seem more plausible, I have retained the feminine forms that appear in SH and D and translated accordingly.

15 Dijlah al-ʿawrāʾ ("Dijlah mai ido ɗaya") tsohon suna ne na hanyar ruwa da ake kira yanzu Shatt al-Arab, inda Tigris da Euphrates suke haɗuwa su kwarara zuwa cikin Tekun Persian. Amma Shatt al-Arab yana gudana ta gefen Basra, ba Baghdad ba. Don haka ana iya nufin gidan kakannin iyalin a Basra. Duk da haka mahallin magana yana nuna cewa abin da ake nufi wuri ne a Baghdad, watakila Upper Harbor, inda Trench na Ṭāhir ya haɗu da Tigris (Cook, Commanding Right, 108n96, da Le Strange, Baghdad, map 5). Wani wuri a lardin Maysān da ke kudu maso gabashin Iraƙi ana kiransa Rijlat al-ʿAwrāʾ (Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, ʿ-W-R).

15 The “One-Eyed Tigris” (dijlah al-ʿawrāʾ) is an old name for the waterway now called Shatt al- Arab, where the Tigris and Euphrates converge and empty into the Persian Gulf. But the Shatt al-Arab flows past Basra, not Baghdad. The reference may therefore be to the family’s ancestral home in Basra. Yet the context suggests that what is meant is a place in Baghdad, perhaps the Upper Harbor, where the Trench of Ṭāhir joined the Tigris (Cook, Commanding Right, 108n96, and Le Strange, Baghdad, map 5). A place in the southeastern Iraqi province of Maysān was called Rijlat al-ʿAwrāʾ (Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, ʿ-W-R ).

16 Ko kuma, "yadda yake kula da kansa idan ya fita." 17 A zahiri, "Na fara zuwa dīwān," wato watakila ofishin manzanni da leƙen asiri, wanda ɗan'uwan mahaifinsa ne ke jagoranta. Labaran da ke biye watakila suna nuna tunawarsa na rashin son yin aiki a can (Hurvitz, Formation, 30, da Melchert, Ahmad, 3). Dīwān kuma na iya nufin rajistar mutanen da suke da haƙƙin fansho, wanda watakila Ibn Ḥanbal yana cikinsu, la'akari da hidimar kakansa ga gwamnati (Hurvitz, Formation, 27 da 170n12).

16 Or possibly “how well he carries himself when he goes out.” 17 Literally, “I began frequenting the dīwān,” perhaps the courier and intelligence service, which was headed by his paternal uncle. The following reports may represent memories of his unwillingness to work there (Hurvitz, Formation, 30, and Melchert, Ahmad, 3). Dīwān can also mean registry of persons entitled to a pension, which Ibn Ḥanbal might have been, given his grandfather’s service to the state (Hurvitz, Formation, 27 and 170n12).

18 Ṭāq: yawanci ana fassara shi da "baka" (arch), amma a nan a fili yake cewa wani rami ne mai baka da aka sanya wa shiryayyen kwano a cikinsa; duba Anvarī, Farhang, ƙarƙashin ṭāqche da ṭāq (2), ma'ana ta 3.

18 Ṭāq: usually “arch,” but here evidently an arched recess with a shelf in it; see Anvarī, Farhang, under ṭāqche and ṭāq (2), definition 3.

Babu shakka, tufafin da jami'an isar da saƙo na gwamnati ke sawa.

19 Evidently the uniform worn by official couriers.

20 Ibn Ḥanbal a ƙarshen rayuwarsa ya guje wa wakilan gwamnati, ko dai saboda yana ganin daular Abbasiyya ba ta halal ba ne, ko kuma saboda yana tambayar yadda suke amfani da dukiyar jama'a, ko kuma saboda duka biyun. Ya zama abin mamaki cewa yana da wannan ra'ayi tun yana yaro (Hurvitz, Formation, 42).

20 In later life, Ibn Ḥanbal shunned representatives of the state, either because he considered the Abbasid dynasty illegitimate, or because he questioned their use of public funds, or both. It seems odd for him to have held this view as a child (Hurvitz, Formation, 42).

21 Ga alama daga yadda ya rubuta alamun rubutu, al-Turkī yana nufin wannan da cewa: "Kamar zan yi haka!" 22 Q Baqarah 2:156, wanda ke bayyana masu haƙuri da cewa "waɗanda, idan wata masifa ta same su, sukan ce: 'Mu na Allah ne kuma gare shi za mu koma.'" 23 Tawarraʿ, wanda aka fassara anan da "yin taka-tsantsan," musamman yana nufin kaucewa ayyukan da aka halatta a kansu amma wanda zai iya haifar da karya dokokin Allah ba da gangan ba. Watakila Ibn Ḥanbal bai so ya isar da wasiƙun ba saboda bai san abin da ke cikinsu ba, ko kuma watakila ya riga ya gaskata cewa duk wata hulɗa da wakilan gwamnatin Abbasiyawa, saboda kowane dalili, mugunta ce. Duba babi na 49 na wannan littafi, da ƙari Ibn Ḥanbal, Kitāb al-Waraʿ; Kinberg, "What is Meant by Zuhd"; Cooperson, Classical, 112–17.

21 To judge by his punctuation, al-Turkī takes this to mean “As if I would do that!” 22 Q Baqarah 2:156, which describes the long-suffering as “those who, when affliction strikes them, say, ‘We are of God and to Him we return.’” 23 Tawarraʿ, translated here as “to have scruples,” more specifically means to refrain from acts permitted in themselves but which might accidentally entail a violation of God’s commandments. Perhaps Ibn Ḥanbal does not want to deliver the dispatches because he does not know what is in them, or perhaps he had already come to believe that contact with representatives of the Abbasid regime for any reason was bad. See chapter 49 of this book, and further Ibn Ḥanbal, Kitāb al-Waraʿ; Kinberg, “What is Meant by Zuhd”; Cooperson, Classical, 112–17.

24 Ibn Ḥanbal, kamar masu magana da Larabci a yau, ya kan ƙidaya shekarunsa daga ɗaya maimakon sifili kamar yadda ake yi a Turanci. Saboda haka, a Turanci da ya kamata a ce yana da shekara goma sha tara, ba ashirin ba. Ina godiya ga Omar Issa Attar da ya nuna mini wannan.

24 Ibn Ḥanbal, like present-day speakers of Arabic, counted his age from one instead of zero as one does in English. Here, then, he would be nineteen in English rather than twenty. I thank Omar Issa Attar for pointing this out to me.

Wannan babi da wasu surori da yawa sun ƙunshi sunayen mutane masu yawa. Galibi, sunayen abokan aikinsa na ilimin Hadisi ne Ibn Ḥanbal. Sunayen da suke maimaituwa, waɗanda suke da muhimmanci sosai, an jera su a sashin manyan mutane da ke ƙarshen littafin. Bayanan asali da suke da muhimmanci wajen fahimtar wani labari na musamman an haɗa su a cikin bayanan ƙasa.

25 This and several subsequent chapters contain a great many personal names. In most cases, they are the names of Ibn Ḥanbal’s fellow Hadith-men. Recurring names of particular importance are listed in the key figures section at the end of the book. Background information essential to understanding a particular story is included in the notes.

26 Alƙalin Abū Yūsuf (d. 182/798), almajirin Abū Ḥanīfah, ya gina hukuncinsa a kan ra'yi (hankali, hukunci, ra'ayi) maimakon Hadisi, kuma ya yi aiki a matsayin alƙali a zamanin al-Rashīd. A waɗannan bangarori biyu, wato amfani da ra'yi da yi wa gwamnati hidima, Abū Yūsuf ya ɗauki matsayi gaba ɗaya sabanin wanda daga baya Ibn Ḥanbal ya yi wa kira. Don haka ya bayyana cewa Ibn Ḥanbal ya fi buɗe ido a lokacin ƙuruciyarsa fiye da yadda ya zama a rayuwarsa ta gaba, lokacin da a fili ya yi ƙoƙarin rage alaƙarsa da Abū Yūsuf (Hurvitz, Formation, 44–49).

26 The jurist Abū Yūsuf (d. 182/798), a disciple of Abū Ḥanīfah, based his verdicts on raʾy (reason, judgment, opinion) rather than Hadith and served as judge under al-Rashīd. In both these respects—use of raʾy and service to the state—Abū Yūsuf took positions entirely opposed to those later advocated by Ibn Ḥanbal. Ibn Ḥanbal thus appears to have been rather more openminded in his youth than he was to become in later life, when he evidently tried to downplay his association with Abū Yūsuf (Hurvitz, Formation, 44–49).

Kamar yadda a cikin Turanci, masu magana sukan takaita kwanan wata. A cikin wannan babin, abin da ya ɓace koyaushe shi ne 100.

27 As in English, speakers often abbreviate dates. In this chapter, the missing element is always 100.

28 Anan Ibn Ḥanbal yana amfani da ranakun mutuwar sanannun masu ruwaito hadisi wajen tantance lokutan rayuwarsa. Ranakun mutuwa suna da muhimmanci domin suna taimakawa wajen tabbatar da ko mai ruwaito A zai iya jin rahotanni daga mai ruwaito B.

28 Here Ibn Ḥanbal is using the death dates of well-known Hadith transmitters to date the events of his life. Death dates were important because they helped establish whether Transmitter A could have heard reports from Transmitter B.

29 Waɗannan take-taken suna nuni ga tarin hadisai kan batutuwa na musamman, a wannan yanayin kan yadda ake gudanar da jana'iza daidai da kuma yadda ake aiwatar da ayyukan aikin Hajji daidai. Hushaym ya iya kasancewa mai bambanci a aikinsa na koyar da hadisi bisa rukuni (Melchert, Ahmad, 33). Game da jana'iza a matsayin lokutan tattaunawa kan iyakokin al'ummomin imani, duba Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 238–62.

29 These titles refer to collections of Hadith reports on particular topics, in this case the proper conduct of funerals and the correct performance of the pilgrimage rites. Hushaym may have been unusual in his practice of teaching Hadith by category (Melchert, Ahmad, 33). On funerals as occasions for the negotiation of boundaries between faith communities, see Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 238–62.

30 Wani gari ne kusa da gabar tekun Bahar Rum a yankin kudu maso gabashin Turkiyya ta yau. A wannan lokaci, yana kan iyakar Daular Byzantine ko kusa da ita, saboda haka yana jan hankalin masu zuhudu (kamar Ibn al-Mubārak) da sauran Musulmi masu son tabbatar da kansu a kan Byzantine.

30 A town near the Mediterranean coast in what is today southeastern Turkey. In this period, it lay on or near the Byzantine frontier, and thus attracted ascetics (such as Ibn al-Mubārak) and other Muslims who wished to prove themselves against the Byzantines.

Shekarun da aka ambata a nan sun yi daidai da 795–808 na kalandar Gregorian.

31 The years referred to here correspond to 795–808 of the Gregorian calendar.

A ƙarshen sallah, yawancin Musulmi suna juyawa zuwa dama sannan zuwa hagu, kowane lokaci suna furta gaisuwar al-salāmu ʿalaykum wa-raḥmatu l-lāh (“aminci ya tabbata a gare ku da rahamar Allah”). Amma wasu suna faɗinta sau ɗaya kawai, zuwa dama, wani al'amari da Ibn Ḥanbal ya ga ba a saba da shi ba.

32 At the end of the prayer, most Muslims turn to the right and then to the left, each time pronouncing the greeting al-salāmu ʿalaykum wa-raḥmatu l-lāh (“peace be upon you and the mercy of God”). Some, however, say it only once, to the right, a practice that Ibn Ḥanbal finds unusual.

33 Yin ilimin kalām (ma'ana, "magana"), wato ilimin tauhidi na tunani. Ibn Ḥanbal, aƙalla a cikin shekarunsa na ƙarshe, ya ƙi wannan aiki gaba ɗaya (duba babi na 13 na wannan littafi), ko da yake yana iya kasancewa mai karɓar sa a farkon aikinsa (Hurvitz, Formation, 45ff.).

33 Practicing kalām (literally, “talking”), or speculative theology. Ibn Ḥanbal, at least in his mature years, roundly rejected the practice (see chapter 13 of this book), though he may have been more accepting of it early in his career (Hurvitz, Formation, 45ff.).

34 Sunan Hudbah ibn Khālid al-Qaysī (Ibn Ḥajar, Tabṣīr, 1451).

34 A name of Hudbah ibn Khālid al-Qaysī (Ibn Ḥajar, Tabṣīr, 1451).

35 Anan wani sigar rubutu ta ƙara "Kuma na tafi a shekarar 95"; duba al-Turkī, Manāqib, bugu na biyu, shafi na 31, ƙafar shafi ta 4.

35 Here a variant text adds “And I went in ’95”; see al-Turkī, Manāqib, 2nd ed., 31n4.

36 Waɗannan shekaru sun yi daidai da lokacin daga shekara ta 802 zuwa 815 ko 816 miladiyya.

36 These years correspond to the period AD 802 to 815 or 816.

Nisan kilomita 950 ko mil 590 (http://www.mapcrow.info).

37 A distance of approximately 950 kilometers or 590 miles (http://www.mapcrow.info).

Wannan rahoto ƙirƙira ce a fili ƙwarai. Babu wani wurin da aka ambata cewa Ibn Ḥanbal ya yi tafiya ta teku, balle a ce jirginsa ya fashe. Salon rubutun wani abu ne da aka saba da shi a labaran Larabci na zamanin da, inda ake fassara rubutun ƙaƙa-ƙaƙa da aka ce an rubuta shi da wani tsohon harshe (Crone da Moreh, Book of Strangers).

38 This report is an unusually transparent invention. There is no other reference to Ibn Ḥanbal’s traveling by sea, much less being shipwrecked. The topos of the gnomic graffito, often translated from an ancient language, is common in premodern Arabic tales (Crone and Moreh, Book of Strangers).

Raka'o'i biyu, ko jerin motsi da karatu. Sallolin farilla sun ƙunshi adadin zagaye da aka ƙayyade (Toorawa, "Prayer").

39 Two rakʿahs or sequences of movements and recitations. Ritual prayers consist of specified numbers of cycles (Toorawa, “Prayer”).

40 "Maqamin Ibrahim," wani wuri kusa da bangon gabashin Ka'aba a Makka. Bisa ga al'ada, Ibrahim ya yi salla a wurin bayan ya gina Dakin, inda ya bar dutsen da yake amfani da shi a matsayin mataki don isa saman bangon. A yau, dutsen da ke wurin yana cikin wani guminan kubba.

40 The “station of Abraham,” a place near the eastern wall of the Kaaba in Mecca. According to tradition, Abraham prayed there after building the shrine, leaving the rock he had been using as a step-stool to reach the upper part of the walls. Today the rock that stands on the spot is enclosed by a cupola.

41 Yin niyya (ƙudurin zuciya) aiki ne mai muhimmanci a shari'a, misali idan mutum ya ƙudura a zuciyarsa niyyar yin salla.

41 Making a resolution (niyyah) is a legally meaningful act, as when, for example, one declares (mentally) one’s intention to pray.

Wato, Ibn Sinān ya sayar da fatar (fur) a madadin Ibn Ḥanbal, sannan ya ba shi kuɗin da aka samu domin ya yi amfani da su a matsayin kuɗin kashewa.

42 That is, Ibn Sinān sold the fur on Ibn Ḥanbal’s behalf and gave him the proceeds to use as spending money.

Al-Raqqah birni ne a kan kogin Furat na sama, wanda yake a yankin gabashin Siriya a yau.

43 Al-Raqqah is a town on the upper Euphrates, located in what is now eastern Syria.

Ana ayyana Jubbah a matsayin "wata riga irin ta babbar riga, wadda maza da mata ke sanyawa," kuma an fassara ta da "tunic" (Y. K.

44 Jubbah is defined as “a coat-like outer garment worn by both sexes” and translated “tunic” (Y. K.

Stillman, "Libās"). Jubbah da aka yi da ji tabbas da ya kasance mai ƙaiƙayi da rashin jin daɗi.

Stillman, “Libās”). A jubbah of felt would presumably have been scratchy and uncomfortable.

Kamar yadda layin da ke biye ya nuna, wasu jawabai a fili suke an cika su da abubuwan da ba su dace ba.

As the next line suggests, some jubab were evidently padded.

45 Wannan suna, ko da yake an rubuta shi cikakke da harakoki a cikin H, ba a sake samunsa a wata majiya ba. Watakila bambancin al-ʿIrfī ne, wanda aka sani; duba al-Samʿānī, Al-Ansāb 4:180; kuma ka duba al-Dhahabī, Al-Mushtabih, 357.

45 This name, though given fully voweled in H, is not otherwise attested. It may be a variant of al- ʿIrfī, which is attested; see al-Samʿānī, Al-Ansāb 4:180; cf. al-Dhahabī, Al-Mushtabih, 357.

46 Mudhākarah: aikin koyarwa ta tattaunawa, "inda ɓangarorin suke musayar iliminsu don amfanin juna, da kuma na masu saurare, idan akwai su." Mudhākarah ta kan iya zama gasa, inda masu magana za su mayar da martani ga ƙalubalen da masu saurare ko wasu masu magana suka jefa musu (Makdisi, "Rise of Humanism," 208–9; Schoeler, Genesis, 42).

46 Mudhākarah: the practice of “instructive conversation … in which the parties … exchanged their knowledge to their mutual benefit, as well as to that of the audience, if any.” A mudhākarah could also become a contest in which speakers would respond to challenges from the audience or from each other (Makdisi, “Rise of Humanism,” 208–9; Schoeler, Genesis, 42).

47 Sulaimān ɗan Dāwūd al-Shādhakūnī, wanda kuma ake kira Ibn al-Shādhakūnī, sunan da ake ganin ma’anarsa “mai yin katifun Yamaniyya” (duba 45.4).

47 Sulaymān ibn Dāwūd al-Shādhakūnī, also called Ibn al-Shādhakūnī, a name apparently meaning “maker of Yemenī quilts” (see 45.4).

Da alama Khalaf yana zaune a kan wani dandali, benci, ko wani matattakala, kuma Ibn Ḥanbal zai iya shiga tare da shi a can, ko a kan wani abu makamancin haka na gini ko kayan daki, amma ya zaɓi ya zauna a ƙasa.

48 It seems that Khalaf was sitting on a platform, bench, or stoop, and Ibn Ḥanbal could have joined him there, or on some corresponding item of masonry or furniture, but chose to sit on the ground.

49 Jumlar farko ta wannan jimla na iya nufin kuma "Na ambaci hadisai gare shi, sai ya ba su isnadai madadi." Ina godiya ga Christopher Melchert da Geert Jan van Gelder bisa taimakonsu game da wannan nassi.

49 The first part of this sentence may also mean “I named Hadith reports to him and he supplied them with alternative isnāds.” I thank Christopher Melchert and Geert Jan van Gelder for their help with this passage.

50 Watau, Ibn Ḥanbal yana iya bayar da isnād na kowane rahoto a lokacin da ya ji shi, amma al-Mu'ayṭī yana tsoron gwadawa saboda tsoron yin kuskure. Ina godiya ga Christopher Melchert bisa inganta fassarata ta wannan nassi.

50 That is, Ibn Ḥanbal could provide the isnād of each report when he heard it, but al-Muʿayṭī was afraid to try for fear of making a mistake. I thank Christopher Melchert for improving my translation of this passage.

51 Ƙwanƙwasa (quire) shi ne "duk wani tari ko saitin takardu da ke zama wani ɓangare na cikakken rubutun hannu ko littafin da aka buga" (OED), wanda ya dace sosai da ma'anar juzʾ, wato "ɓangare" kalmar da a nan a fili take nufin jerin rahotanni waɗanda daga baya za a iya ɗinka su tare da wasu irin waɗannan jeren don samar da wani juzu'i ko littafi.

51 A quire is “any gathering or set of sheets forming part of a complete manuscript or printed book” (OED), which seems a reasonable equivalent of juzʾ, literally “part,” here evidently meaning a list of reports that might later be sewn up with other similar lists to form a volume.

52 Bisa ga hasashe sosai, ana ɗaukar ḥiml ɗaya a matsayin kilogiram 266; duba Ashtor, "Mawāzīn (1)." Ibn Ḥanbal zai bar takardar kilogiram 3225 (fam 7330).

52 Very conjecturally taking one ḥiml to be 266 kilograms; see Ashtor, “Mawāzīn (1).” Ibn Ḥanbal would have left 3225 kilograms (7330 pounds) of paper.

Ina godiya ga Christopher Melchert don duba karatuna na wannan nassi.

53 I thank Christopher Melchert for checking my reading of this passage.

54 Ibn Ḥanbal a nan yana amfani da kalām (“magana, zance, abin da mutum ya faɗa”) don nufin abun da ke cikin wani hadisi. Kalmar fasaha ta baya (wadda ake ganin ta zo daga baya) ita ce matn.

54 Ibn Ḥanbal here uses kalām (“speech, talking, what someone says”) to refer to the content of a report. The (apparently later) technical term is matn.

Wato, wanda gashin kansa bai riga ya yi fari ba.

55 That is, one whose hair had not yet turned white.

Ga yadda Ibn Ḥanbal ya taka rawa wajen tsare iyakar da ke tsakanin Musulmi da waɗanda ba Musulmi ba, duba Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 242–55.

56 On how Ibn Ḥanbal served to police the boundary between Muslims and non-Muslims, see Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 242–55.

Fassarata ta wannan nassi ta dogara ne akan sadarwar kai-tsaye daga Devin Stewart.

57 My translation of this passage is based on a personal communication from Devin Stewart.

58 Ibn ʿAqīl (d. 513/1119) ɗan shari'a ne kuma masanin tauhidi sananne a cikin mazhabar Hanbali. Sauran wannan babin ya ƙunshi maganganu da aka danganta gare shi, waɗanda Ibn al-Jawzī ya kwafe a fili daga wani littafi da ba a san marubucinsa ba.

58 Ibn ʿAqīl (d. 513/1119) was a famous jurist and theologian of the Ḥanbalī school. The remainder of this chapter consists of remarks attributed to him, evidently copied by Ibn al-Jawzī from an unidentified written work.

Wannan sakin layi an fassara mini shi da alheri ta hannun Joseph Lowry.

59 This paragraph was kindly translated for me by Joseph Lowry.

60 Ibn Ḥanbal ya yi hujjar cewa tawafi biyu a ƙafa yana daidai da tawafi ɗaya da mutum yake yi a kan hannayensa da gwiwoyinsa.

60 Ibn Ḥanbal reasons that two circumambulations on foot are equivalent to one performed on all fours.

Wato, ba zai zama abin hukunci ba game da wannan adadin darajar da aka ƙara mata saboda ikonta na rera waƙa.

61 That is, he would not be liable for that amount of her value added because of her ability to sing.

Bayan kafa wannan ka'ida ta hanyar komawa ga misalan kwace hakkin wasu da karfi, Ibn Hanbal ya yi amfani da ita ga wani al'amari na gado. Fassarar wannan nassi da bayaninsa sun dogara ne akan tattaunawa ta kai tsaye da Devin Stewart da Joseph Lowry.

Having established this principle by referring to cases of usurpation, Ibn Ḥanbal applies it to a case of inheritance. The translation and explanation of this passage are based on personal communications from Devin Stewart and Joseph Lowry.

62 Fī taqyīm al-shuhūd, ghaḍḍa min ya-ʿnī ʿādatan "al-taḥqīr," amma idan aka karɓi wannan ma'ana, jumlar za ta nuna akasin abin da Ibn al-Jawzī ya ke nufi a fili. Haka kuma masu kwafe da alama ba su da tabbas game da ma'anar. Al-Turkī ya yi ƙoƙarin warware matsalar ta hanyar amfani da alamar tambaya don nuna jumla ta tambaya. Sai dai a zahiri, hakan zai buƙaci wata baƙar tambaya ta kowane iri. Ina godiya ga Tahera Qutbuddin bisa shawarar da ta bayar cewa a fahimci fi'ili a ma'anarsa ta zahiri ta "karkatar da idanu." 63 Yazīd, yana bin Ḥajjāj, a fili yake ganin cewa mai bada aro, da yake ya bar dukiyarsa ba tare da tsammanin riba ba (kamar yadda zai kasance idan ya sayar ko ya ba da aro), ba shi da hakkin a biya shi idan abin ya ɓace ko ya lalace. Ibn Ḥanbal bai amsa hujjar da aka nuna ba, sai dai ya ambaci wani Hadisi da ke danganta wa Annabi ﷺ wata mahangar daban. Fassarar wannan nassi da bayaninsa an dogara ne a kan sadarwar kai tsaye da Joseph Lowry.

62 In assessments of merit, ghaḍḍa min normally means “to disparage,” but if this meaning is adopted the sentence would mean the opposite of what Ibn al-Jawzī clearly intends to say. The copyists also seem to have been unsure of the sense. Al-Turkī tries to solve the problem by using punctuation to indicate a rhetorical question. Technically, however, this would require an interrogative particle of some kind. I am grateful to Tahera Qutbuddin for suggesting that the verb be understood in the literal sense of “avert one’s eyes.” 63 Yazīd, following Ḥajjāj, evidently thinks that the lender, by giving up his property without expectation of profit (as would be the case if he had sold or lent it) has no right to be compensated if the item is lost or destroyed. Ibn Ḥanbal does not respond to the implied argument but instead cites a Hadith attributing to the Prophet a different view. The translation and explanation of this passage are based on a personal communication from Joseph Lowry.

64 Al-ʿirq al-madīnī: cuta ta parasite wadda aka sani tun zamanin da kuma har yanzu tana yaɗuwa a wasu ƙasashe na Afirka. Tsutsar guinea, wadda ƙwayoyinta ke shiga jiki ta ruwa mai ƙazanta, tana haifar da kumburi mai raɗaɗi lokacin da take fitowa daga ƙafa ko cinya.

64 Al-ʿirq al-madīnī: a parasitic infection known since antiquity and still endemic in a few countries in Africa. The guinea worm, whose larvae enter the body through contaminated water, causes a painful blister as it emerges from the leg or foot (Wikipedia, “Dracunculiasis,” accessed May 5, 2013, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dracunculiasis).

65 Waɗannan jimloli gajeru suna nuna cewa Yazīd ya zo ziyartar Ibn Ḥanbal bayan da Ibn Ḥanbal ya koma Baghdad daga Wāsiṭ. Ta kalmar “waje,” Ibn Ḥanbal yana iya nufin waje da Ḥarbiyyah, gundumar arewa maso yammacin Baghdad inda iyalinsa suke zaune.

65 These telegraphic phrases suggest that Yazīd came to visit Ibn Ḥanbal after the latter had moved from Wāsiṭ back to Baghdad. By “outside,” Ibn Ḥanbal may mean outside Ḥarbiyyah, the northwest Baghdad district where his family was based.

66 Arwaʿ: ya fi taka tsantsan wajen kaucewa shubuhāt, wato abubuwan da suke halal a cikin kansu, amma suna da shakku saboda alaƙarsu da wani tushe da ake zargin haramci ko ƙazanta, misali, kyauta ta abinci ko kuɗi daga wanda ba a san tushen samun kuɗinsa ba (Cooperson, Classical, 112–17).

66 Arwaʿ: more careful in avoiding shubuhāt, that is, things or actions permissible in themselves, but dubious by association with a suspected source of illegality or pollution, for example, a gift of food or money from someone whose source of income is unknown (Cooperson, Classical, 112– 17).

67 "Mai mayar da addini da adalci wanda, bisa ga wani ra'ayi mai yaɗuwa a tsakanin Musulmi, zai yi mulki kafin ƙarshen duniya" (Madelung, "Mahdī").

67 “The restorer of religion and justice who, according to a widely held Muslim belief, will rule before the end of the world” (Madelung, “Mahdī”).

68 Teku ana ganin teku a matsayin tekun ilimi mai misali. Saboda haka Ibn Ḥanbal halittar teku ne, sai dai wanda yake tafiya a ƙasa. A wata sigar kuma, yana cikin dabbobin ƙasa, amma yana iya zama kifi.

68 The sea is apparently the proverbial sea of knowledge. Ibn Ḥanbal is therefore a sea creature, albeit one who walks on land. In the other version, he is a land animal that may as well be a fish.

Wani mutum da ba a san shi sosai ba, wanda watakila an yi imani da cewa yana wanzuwa ne kawai saboda rikicewar sunaye, kuma a bayyane yake ana ambatarsa a nan saboda an danganta masa cewa ya ce: "Na yi yaƙi tare da Manzon Allah ﷺ, na kashe kafirai casa'in da tara, amma ba ni da farin ciki da na kashe su, ko da na fallasa wani Musulmi." Duba Ibn al-Athīr, Usd al-ghābah, 1:186.

69 An obscure figure, possibly believed to exist only because of a confusion of names, evidently cited here because he is credited for having said “I fought beside the Prophet and killed ninety-nine pagans, but I am not pleased to have killed them, or to have exposed any Muslim.” See Ibn al- Athīr, Usd al-ghābah, 1:186.

70 Mai ba da labarin ya manta cewa ya kamata ya gabatar da takardar, ko kuma ya ki yin hakan sannan ya kasa faɗa haka. Ko kuma, kalmar da ta gabata "ka ba da" (aʿṭihi) za a iya karanta ta a matsayin fi'lin mutum na farko mai yanayin umarni "bari in ba da" (uʿṭihi), duk da cewa irin wannan sigar ba ta da yawa a nan.

70 The narrator seems to have forgotten that he was supposed to be presenting the paper, or perhaps he refused to do so and has omitted to say so. Alternatively, the preceding “give” (aʿṭihi) might be read as a first-person jussive (uʿṭihi) “let me give,” though such a form would be unusual here.

71 Harshen Larabci kalma ce ta gama-gari mai ma'anoni da dama, ciki har da "murfi" ko "rufi." Musamman ma, tana iya nufin murfin tawada (misali, murfin kwalbar tawada; duba Gacek, Arabic Manuscripts, 135) da kuma rufi ko jaka da ake sanya kayan kida a cikinta (Dwight Reynolds, sadarwa ta kai-tsaye). A nan, yana iya nufin wata jaka ko ambulan da ake ɗaukar takardu a cikinta (Nuha Khoury, sadarwa ta kai-tsaye). Sai dai kuma, yana iya nufin wani tarin takardu na wani girma na musamman (Gacek, Arabic Manuscripts, 35; kwatanta da kalmar zamani ṭabqat waraq a cikin Clarity et al., Dictionary of Iraqi Arabic). Saboda waɗannan ma'anoni da dama, na zaɓi kalmar nan mai faɗi "dam" (sheaf), wato a ma'anar "tarin abubuwa da aka ɗaure tare; yawan abubuwa da aka tara sosai tare" (OED). Haka kuma, duba kharīṭah da Ibn Ḥanbal ke ɗauke da kutubinsa a cikinta (4.20).

71 The Arabic is a general word meaning (among other things) “cover.” More specifically it can be a lid (e.g., of an inkpot; see Gacek, Arabic Manuscripts, 135) and a wrapper for musical instruments (Dwight Reynolds, personal communication). Here it may refer to a folder or envelope for carrying documents (Nuha Khoury, personal communication). It may, however, also refer to a stack of paper of a certain size (Gacek, Arabic Manuscripts, 35; cf. the modern term ṭabqat waraq in Clarity et al., Dictionary of Iraqi Arabic). Given the various possibilities, I have chosen the vague term “sheaf” in the sense of a “cluster or bundle of things tied up together; a quantity of things set thick together” (OED). Cf. also the kharīṭah in which Ibn Ḥanbal carries his kutub (4.20).

72 A tsakanin farkon Sunnoni, goyon bayan al-jamāʿah na nufin fifita haɗin kai akan rarrabuwa, misali, mutum ya amince da duk halifofin da suka gabata a matsayin shugabanni na halal. Wannan matsayi ne ya bambanta farkon Sunnoni da ƙungiyoyi irin su Shi'a da Khawārij.

72 Among proto-Sunnis, to support the community (al-jamāʿah) meant preferring unity over schism, meaning (for example) that one should accept all past caliphs as legitimate rulers. This position distinguished the proto-Sunnis from groups such as the Shiʿa and the Khawārij.

Yawancin rahotannin da ke cikin wannan babi an yi su ne don nuna cewa Ibn Ḥanbal ya watsa wasu rahotannin Hadisi, da yawa daga cikinsu rahotanni ne masu muhimmanci sosai ga motsin Sunna na farko. Tun da ana bayyana batutuwan da ake jayayya a kansu a wasu sassan wannan littafi, na kiyaye rahotanni kawai da suka bayyana Ibn Ḥanbal kai tsaye.

73 Most of the reports in this chapter are intended to show that Ibn Ḥanbal transmitted certain Hadithreports, many of them reports of special significance to the early Sunni movement. As the points at issue are explained elsewhere in this book, I have retained only those reports that describe Ibn Ḥanbal directly.

74 Akwai nau'o'i da yawa na wannan riwaya kamar yadda waɗannan masu ruwaitawa suka ba da labari. Duk sun ce Annabi ﷺ ya ga Ubangijinsa a siffar wani yaro ƙarami, marar gemu. Wasu masu sharhi sun bayyana "gani" a zahiri, ba a zahirin ma'anarsa ba. Duba al-Turkī, Manāqib, bugu na biyu, shafi na 110, bayanin ƙasa na 1, da kuma Williams, "Aspects of the Creed." 75 Wannan babi jerin sunaye ne kawai, kuma na cire dukkansa sai sashe na ƙarshe, wanda ke ambaton wasu daga cikin mata a cikin zauren Ibn Ḥanbal.

74 There are several versions of this report as told by these transmitters. All say that the Prophet saw his Lord in the form of a young, beardless boy. Some commentators explain “seeing” figuratively rather than literally. See al-Turkī, Manāqib, 2nd ed., 110n1, and Williams, “Aspects of the Creed.” 75 This chapter is simply a list of names and I have omitted all of it except for the last section, which names several of the women in Ibn Ḥanbal’s circle.

Atqā: mafi yawan taqwā, ko kuma abin da a wannan zamani ya bayyana a matsayin wani irin tsoro mai tsanani da aka yi niyya domin hana sakaci (Melchert, "Exaggerated Fear").

76 Atqā: having more taqwā, or what in this period seems to have been a kind of intense anxiety intended to prevent complacency (Melchert, “Exaggerated Fear”).

77 Game da rubuta Hadisi, duba Cook, “Opponents,” Melchert, Ahmad, 24–33, da Schoeler, Genesis, 47–50.

77 On writing Hadith, see Cook, “Opponents,” Melchert, Ahmad, 24–33, and Schoeler, Genesis, 47– 50.

78 Ridda (Ridda) ita ce barin Musulunci da wasu kabilun Larabawa suka yi bayan rasuwar Annabi ﷺ; Abu Bakr ya mayar da su cikin addini da karfi. Don karin bayani a kan wannan jigo, duba Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 23–38.

78 The Apostasy was the abandonment of Islam by certain Arab tribes after the death of the Prophet; Abū Bakr brought them back into the fold by force. For more on this theme, see Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 23–38.

79 ʿAlī an soke shi saboda ya miƙa wuya ga Inquisition.

79 ʿAlī was condemned for giving in to the Inquisition.

Wani abu mai ban mamaki ne a ce haka. Zinariya ba za ta shiga cikin kīr ba, wato na'urar busa iska, sai dai a cikin ko a kan tanderu, inda ake fitar da ita, ko kuma a cikin makeran da ake zafafa ta don a yi aiki da ita. A zamanin da, zinariya sau da yawa takan sami launin ja saboda ƙazanta a lokacin narkar da ita (Wikipedia, "Colored Gold," an samo shi a ranar 5 ga Afrilu, 2013, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colored_gold), ko da yake Bishr na iya nufin zinariya mai zafi ja.

80 An odd thing to say. The gold would not go into the bellows (kīr), which supplies air, but into or onto the furnace, where it is extracted, or the forge, where it is heated in order to be worked. In premodern times, gold would often acquire a reddish color because of impurities in the smelting process (Wikipedia, “Colored Gold,” accessed April 5, 2013, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Colored_gold), though Bishr may be thinking of red-hot gold.

81 Tunani game da annabawa daban-daban waɗanda suka faɗi gaskiya a gaban masu mulki (misali, Mūsā/Musa a gaban Fir'auna, Q Aʿrāf 7:103ff., Yūnus 10:75ff., Ṭā Hā 20:24ff.).

81 A reference to the various prophets who speak truth to power (e.g., Mūsā/Moses before Pharaoh, Q Aʿrāf 7:103ff., Yūnus 10:75ff., Ṭā Hā 20:24ff.).

Mutaʿabbid (haka kuma ʿābid): kalma da masana hadisi suke amfani da ita wajen nufin mutanen da ba lallai ba ne abokan malamai ba, amma suna yin ibada mai tsanani kuma suna mu'amala da masu zuhudu kamar Bishr. Ta hanyar amfani da wannan kalma wajen gano wasu mutane, masu tarihin rayuwar Ibn Ḥanbal suna nuna a kaikaice cewa ko masu zuhudu na Baghdad sun yarda da cewa Ibn Ḥanbal ya fi su daraja.

82 Mutaʿabbid (also ʿābid): a term used by the Hadith-men to refer to those who were not necessarily fellow scholars but practiced austerities and associated with renunciants like Bishr. By using this term to identify certain figures, Ibn Ḥanbal’s biographers seem to be arguing indirectly that even the renunciants of Baghdad acknowledged Ibn Ḥanbal’s superiority.

83 Batun da ake magana a kansa a nan shi ne "ko a ɗaga hannaye a lokacin faɗin Allāhu akbar", wata matsala da ta raba Ḥanābilah da Ḥanafiyyah, wato mabiya Abū Ḥanīfah (Melchert, review of Virtues, 355).

83 The point at issue here is “whether to raise the hands at saying Allāh akbar, an issue that separated the Ḥanabilah from the Ḥanafiyyah,” the followers of Abū Ḥanīfah (Melchert, review of Virtues, 355).

Q Nūr 24:63.

84 Q Nūr 24:63.

85 Izār: "tufafi marar dinki, mai matsewa a jiki, wanda ake nannadewa a kugu da ƙafafu, yana kai sama har zuwa cibiya, kuma ƙasa har tsakiyar ƙafa ko fiye da haka" (Ahsan, Social Life, 34); "wani babban zane mai kama da shimfiɗa, ana sanyawa a matsayin rigar sama da kuma dogon mayafi ko zani na kugu" (Stillman, "Libās").

85 Izār: “unsewn close-fitting garment wrapped round the waist and legs and extending upwards as far as the navel, and downwards as far as the middle of the leg or beyond” (Ahsan, Social Life, 34); “a large sheet-like wrap worn both as a mantle and a long loin cloth or waist cloth” (Stillman, “Libās”).

Aya ta 86: Wata aya mai wahala kuma mai shakka. Rubuce-rubucen hannu ba su dace da juna ba, kuma babu wanda ya ba da karatu mai gamsarwa gaba ɗaya. Na zaɓi ḥaṭṭihā, "yadda suka sa shi ya ƙasƙanta," wato wulakancinsa da bugun bulala, saboda ana iya karanta shi a matsayin akasin ṭāra, "ya tashi sama." Na zaɓi ʿināʾihā, "azabar da suka jawo masa," domin hakan yana cika ma'anar a hankali.

86 A difficult and dubious passage. The manuscripts cannot be reconciled and none gives an entirely satisfactory reading. I have chosen ḥaṭṭihā, “their bringing him low,” that is, his being humiliated by the blows of the whip, because it can be read as antithetical to ṭāra, “he flew”; I have chosen ʿināʾihā “the suffering they caused him” because it plausibly completes the idea.

Al-Turkī yana da bi-ḥaẓẓihā wa-ghināʾihā, wanda da alama yana nufin "ta wurin sa'ar da suka kawo masa, da kuma yadda suka kawar da buƙatar kowace ƙarin nasara." Ba ni gamsu sosai da shawarwarin da muka bayar, dukkansu biyu ba.

Al-Turkī has bi-ḥaẓẓihā wa-ghināʾihā, by which he seems to understand “by the good fortune they brought him, and their obviating the need for any further accomplishment.” I am not entirely satisfied with either of our suggestions.

87 Ma'anar sanya ɗamara mai jujjuyawa ko nannaɗewa ba ta bayyana ba. Yana iya nuna ƙaramci ko rashin riya. Ibn Ḥajar, Fatḥ al-bārī, lamba ta 5456, ya ambata cewa ana iya nannaɗe ɗamara mai gefuna don kare gefunan.

87 The significance of having a twisted or rolled-up breechclout is unclear. It may have suggested austerity or lack of pretense. Ibn Ḥajar, Fatḥ al-bārī, no. 5456, mentions that a fringed breechclout might be rolled up to protect the fringe.

88 Duba Picken, "Ibn Ḥanbal and al-Muḥāsibī." 89 Al-ʿaskar, ma'ana "sansanin soji," a nan yana nufin garin Iraqi wanda ya zama babban birnin Abbasiyawa daga shekara 221 AH/836 CE zuwa shekara 279 AH/892 CE. Ibn Ḥanbal da iyalansa an kai su can bayan kawo ƙarshen Mihnah (Inquisition).

88 See Picken, “Ibn Ḥanbal and al-Muḥāsibī.” 89 Al-ʿaskar, literally “the army camp,” here referring to the Iraqi town that served as the Abbasid capital from 221/836 to 279/892. Ibn Ḥanbal and his family were brought there after the end of the Inquisition.

"Waɗannan mutane": jami'an gwamnatin Abbasiyya da suka aiwatar da Mihna (Inquisition), wanda za a duba a babi na 66 da wadanda suka biyo baya.

90 “Those people”: the Abbasid officials carrying out the Inquisition, on which see chapter 66ff.

91 Abū Zurʿah (d. 264/877–88) ya mutu kimanin shekara ashirin bayan Ibn Ḥanbal, don haka na sanya tunawarsa a cikin lokacin da ya wuce, amma harshen Larabci yana da ɗan rikitarwa: zai iya kasancewa ya faɗi duk wannan ne a lokacin da Ibn Ḥanbal yana raye.

91 Abū Zurʿah (d. 264/877–88) died some twenty years after Ibn Ḥanbal, so I have put his recollections in the past tense, but the Arabic is ambiguous: he could have said all of this while Ibn Ḥanbal was still alive.

92 Wata magana mai yiwuwar faruwa, ko da yake ba a tabbatar da ita a nan ba, ita ce: "Manyan zakarun Musulunci sun kasance Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal a lokacin Mihna, da Abū Bakr a lokacin Ridda," da sauransu.

92 A likelier comment, though unattested here, is “The greatest champions of Islam have been Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal during the Inquisition, Abū Bakr during the Apostasy,” etc.

Dandalin Saqīfah ne wurin da ʿUmar ya tura nadin Abū Bakr a matsayin khalifa duk da ƙin amincewar mutanen Madīnah. ʿUthman, khalifa na uku, ya mutu yana faɗa da ƴan tawaye waɗanda suka kewaye gidansa. Ṣiffīn kuwa ita ce wurin yaƙin da ya barke tsakanin ʿAlī da Muʿāwiyah game da batun shugabanci.

93 The Porch was the place where ʿUmar pushed through the nomination of Abū Bakr as caliph over the objections of the Medinans. ʿUthman, the third caliph, died fighting rebels who had besieged his house. Ṣiffīn was the site of the battle between ʿAlī and Muʿawiyah over the succession.

94 Fāsiq: wato, mutum mai sanin abin da ya dace a yi, ko kuma wanda ya kamata ya sani, sai ya aikata wani abu daban; wani lokaci ana fassara shi da “babban mai zunubi.” 95 Ko kuma, idan aka ɗauki karatu madadin: “Zai fuskanci mai laifin, bayan ya juya mutane gāba da shi.” 96 Ibn Ḥajar, Tahdhīb, 1:343.

94 Fāsiq: that is, one who knows, or should know, the right thing to do, and does something else; sometimes rendered as “grave sinner.” 95 Or, to take the variant reading: “He would confront the offender, having turned people against him.” 96 Ibn Ḥajar, Tahdhīb, 1:343.

Ibn Ḥātim ya ba da labarin waɗannan ahadisai daga ƙwaƙwalwarsa a karon farko, sannan a karo na biyu ya karanta su daga bayanansa.

97 Apparently Ibn Ḥātim recited the reports from memory the first time, and read them from his notes the second time.

Ma'anar ita ce cewa rashin yin addu'a ga Ibn Ḥanbal yana da muni kamar rashin shiga sahun mayaƙan Musulmi a kan iyakoki.

98 The point is that not praying for Ibn Ḥanbal is as bad as not joining Muslim fighters on the frontiers.

Ibrāhīm an tambaye shi wata tambaya ta shari'a a fili, kuma Ibn al-Jawzī ya ambaci amsar gaba ɗaya saboda ta ƙunshi ambaton Ibn Ḥanbal.

99 Ibrāhīm has evidently been asked a legal question, and Ibn al-Jawzī cites the answer in full since it contains a reference to Ibn Ḥanbal.

Ba a gaba, kamar yadda aka saba yi ba.

100 Instead of in front, as is normally done.

Ishara zuwa ga ayoyi biyu da ke kwatanta waɗanda suka yi imani da Wahayi (Q Āl ʿImrān 3:7 da Nisāʾ 4:162).

101 An allusion to two verses that describe those who believe in the Revelation (Q Āl ʿImrān 3:7 and Nisāʾ 4:162).

102 Nuni zuwa ga Binciken Addini (Inquisition) (duba babi na 66 da wadanda suka biyo baya).

102 A reference to the Inquisition (see chapter 66ff.).

Āl ʿImrān 3:173; Māʾidah 5:104; Tawbah 9:59.

103 Q Āl ʿImrān 3:173; Māʾidah 5:104; Tawbah 9:59.

104 Al-Turkī ya bayyana wannan, tare da labaran da ke bayyana a surori masu zuwa, a matsayin ƙagaggun abubuwa marasa hankali waɗanda ba su dace da Ibn Ḥanbal ba, “wanda ya manne da nassoshinsa, ya ƙi ƙagaggun labarai da labaran mafarki,” yana ƙara da cewa “waɗanda suke rubuta tarihinsa za su yi kyau su bi hanyarsa” (Manāqib, bugu na biyu, 190n2).

104 Al-Turkī declares this, along with the stories that appear in the following chapters, as absurd inventions unworthy of Ibn Ḥanbal, “who stuck close to his texts and rejected fictions and dream-stories,” adding that “those who write his biography would do well to follow his lead” (Manāqib, 2nd ed., 190n2).

105 Ɗaya daga cikin mutum huɗu (yawanci), kowannensu yana da alaƙa da ɗaya daga cikin manyan shuguba huɗu, waɗanda a wasu rahotanni suke a matsayi na uku cikin tsarin waliyyan Sufi na ɓoye (Goldziher, “Awtād”). Labarai irin wannan ga alama an ƙirƙire su ne domin a daidaita tsakanin da'awowin da wasu Musulmi suke yi a wasu lokuta, waɗanda (kamar Ibn Ḥanbal) suka fi son bin doka a zahiri bisa karatun nassoshi na zahiri, da waɗanda (kamar Sufaye) suka fi ba da muhimmanci ga ƙwarewa da ƙarfafa karatun nassoshi ta hanyar alama. Wannan labari babu shakka ya samo asali ne daga zamani da ya kasance daga bayan zamanin al-Shāfīʿī, Ibn Ḥanbal, ko Bishr ibn al-Ḥārith, a lokacin da Sufanci ke fara fitowa a matsayin wata al'ada ta daban.

105 One of (usually) four figures, each associated with one of the cardinal points, occupying (in some accounts) the third rank in the hierarchy of secret Sufi saints (Goldziher, “Awtād”). Stories of this type appear to have been constructed in order to reconcile the sometimes conflicting claims of those Muslims who (like Ibn Ḥanbal) favored outward conformance to the law based on the literal reading of texts and those who (like the Sufis) privileged experience and encouraged the allegorical reading of texts. This story doubtless dates to a period later than that of al-Shāfīʿī, Ibn Ḥanbal, or Bishr ibn al-Ḥārith, in whose time Sufism was only beginning to emerge as a distinct tradition.

106 Duba Rippin, "Ṣiddīq." 107 Q Rūm 30:60.

106 See Rippin, “Ṣiddīq.” 107 Q Rūm 30:60.

108 Abdāl ko budalāʾ: "wani daraja a cikin tsarin ṣūfi na waliyyai, waɗanda, ba a san su ba ga jama'a … suna shiga, ta hanyar tasirinsu mai ƙarfi, cikin kiyaye tsarin duniya." Sunansu ya samo asali ne daga gaskiyar cewa "guraben da ke faruwa a kowane ɗaya daga cikin azuzuwan ana cike su ta hanyar ɗaukaka wani memba daga ajin da ke ƙasa da shi zuwa wancan aji" (Goldziher da Kissling, "Abdāl"); ka kwatanta da labarin Yahudawa na mutum talatin da shida masu adalci waɗanda adadinsu dole ya kasance iri ɗaya, don kada a hallaka duniya (Encyclopaedia Judaica, "Lamed Vav Ẓaddikim"). Na gode wa Jay Cooperson saboda wannan bayani. A tunanin ṣūfi, wanda har yanzu yana ƙuruciya a lokacin Ibn Ḥanbal, akwai bayanai daban-daban game da adadin abdāl da matsayinsu.

108 Abdāl or budalāʾ: “one of the degrees in the ṣūfī hierarchical order of saints, who, unknown by the masses … participate by means of their powerful influence in the preservation of the order of the universe.” Their name comes from the fact that “vacancies which occur in each of the classes are filled by the promotion to that class of a member of the class immediately below it” (Goldziher and Kissling, “Abdāl”); cf. the Jewish legend of the thirty-six righteous men whose number must remain constant lest the world be destroyed (Encyclopaedia Judaica, “Lamed Vav Ẓaddikim”). I thank Jay Cooperson for this explanation. In Sufi thought, which was still nascent in Ibn Ḥanbal’s time, there are different accounts of the number and ranking of the abdāl.

Masana tarihin rayuwar Ḥanbalawa sun yi kama da sun karɓi wannan kalma—ba tare da sun damu da cikakkun bayanai na fasaha ba—a matsayin hanyar yabon jaruman su. Don ganin dangantakar farkon Ḥanbalanci da farkon Sufanci, duba Melchert, “Ḥanābila.” 109 Wato, ba sai ka ji tsoron cewa an ɗauke ta ba daidai daga asalinta ba, don haka ta gurɓata—wata damuwa mai muhimmanci ga masu aikin waraʿ (tsananin taka-tsantsan).

Ḥanbalī biographers appear to have taken over the term—without troubling themselves about the technicalities—as a way of praising their heroes. On the relationship between early Ḥanbalism and early Sufism, see Melchert, “Ḥanābila.” 109 That is, you need not fear that it has been wrongly taken from its source and thereby tainted—an important concern for practitioners of waraʿ (scrupulosity).

110 Kāmakh: wani kayan yaji da aka yi da hatsi wanda aka sha fermentation. Charles Perry ya gano manyan nau'i biyu: "kāmakh rijāl, wanda ake kira kuma kāmakh Baghdād, wanda yake ruwa-ruwa kamar wani abu mai laushi kuma yana da ɗanɗano kamar cuku na Cheddar, da kuma kāmakh aḥmar, wanda yake kusan kamar haka amma yana da ɗanɗanon cuku na blue" (sadarwa ta kai tsaye).

110 Kāmakh: a fermented grain condiment. Charles Perry has identified two basic varieties: “kāmakh rijāl, also called kāmakh Baghdād, which was semiliquid and tasted rather like Cheddar cheese, and kāmakh aḥmar, which was much the same but with a flavor like blue cheese” (personal communication).

111 Mita: Sarī‘.

111 Meter: sarīʿ.

112 Majanƙwaro na'ura ce don jefa manyan abubuwa masu nauyi (Kennedy, Armies, index).

112 A mangonel is a device for hurling large projectiles (Kennedy, Armies, index).

113 Kalmar ʿilj: kalma da ke ɗauke da ma'anoni na cewa mutum ba Balarabe ba ne, ba Musulmi ba ne, mai ƙarfin jiki mai ban tsoro, kuma mai biyayya ga Musulmi, ko kuma mai yaƙar Musulmi.

113 The word ʿilj: a word that carries the connotations of being non-Arab, non-Muslim, physically formidable, and subordinate to, or fighting against, Muslims.

Ra'yin cewa yin addu'a ga Ibn Ḥanbal zai sa harbin ya sami manufarsa.

114 The idea is that praying for Ibn Ḥanbal would make the shot hit its target.

115 Da alama ma'anarsa ita ce karanta Alkur'ani.

115 Apparently meaning to recite the Qurʾan.

116 Game da sulhu ta hanyar tahkim a matsayin madadin neman shawarar alƙali, ko alƙalin da gwamnati ta naɗa, duba Tillier, Cadis d’Iraq, 301–18.

116 On arbitration as an alternative to consulting a qāḍī, or government-appointed judge, see Tillier, Cadis d’Iraq, 301–18.

117 Game da matsalar furuci, duba ƙasa, babi na 20.

117 On the problem of utterance, see below, chapter 20.

118 Ar. murjiʾah: Su ne waɗanda suke ganin cewa musulmin zamani na ƙarshe ba za su iya yin hukunci a kan Sahabbai ko warware rikice-rikicen da suka raba su ba, kuma duk wani warwarewa irin wannan dole ne a jinkirta shi har zuwa Ranar Alƙiyama.

118 Ar. murjiʾah: those who hold that latter-day Muslims cannot judge the Companions or resolve the disputes that divided them, and that any such resolution must be postponed until Judgment Day.

Sun kuma ce (ko ana zarginsu da cewa) duk muminai suna da imani iri ɗaya, don haka yana yiwuwa wani Musulmi na yau da kullum ya ce shi mai imani ne kamar mala'ika Gabriel. Matsayin Sunna na gaba ɗaya shi ne cewa imani yana iya ƙaruwa ko raguwa, don haka yana yiwuwa wasu mutane su fi wasu imani.

They also argue (or are accused of arguing) that all believers have the same amount of faith, making it possible for an ordinary Muslim to say that he is as faithful as the angel Gabriel. The standard Sunni position is that faith can increase or decrease, making it possible for some people to have more faith than others.

119 Kāfir: wanda ke aikata kufur, wanda asalinsa yana nufin "butulci" ko "rashin godiya", kuma a fadada ma'anarsa yana nufin ƙin yin imani da Allah, ko kuma ƙin bayyana imani da shi (duba ƙarin bayani a Björkman, "Kāfir", da Adang, "Belief and Unbelief").

119 Kāfir: one who commits kufr, originally “ingratitude,” and by extension refusal to believe in, or declare a belief in, God (see further Björkman, “Kāfir” and Adang, “Belief and Unbelief”).

Kāfir yawanci ana fassara shi da “unbeliever” (wanda bai yi imani ba), amma tunda wannan kalma ba ta da wani muhimmanci ta musamman a Turancin zamani, na yanke shawarar a yawancin lokuta in yi amfani da “Ingrate,” mai babban harafi don nuna cewa ana amfani da kalmar ne don yin wata irin tsawatarwa ta hukuma. Duk da haka, na riƙe “unbelief” don kufr, saboda “ingratitude,” sabanin “ingrate,” ana amfani da shi sosai a Turanci wajen tsawatar da laifuffukan zamantakewa maimakon na imani. Game da amfani da wannan kalma wajen mayar da “wata duniya mai sarƙaƙiya da rikitarwa ta zama mai sauƙi sosai,” duba Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 241.

Kāfir is often translated as “unbeliever,” but since that term has no particular resonance in modern English, I have decided in most cases to use “Ingrate,” capitalized to indicate that the word is being used to enact a kind of formal condemnation. I have nevertheless retained “unbelief” for kufr, since “ingratitude,” unlike “ingrate,” is commonly used in English to condemn social rather than creedal faults. On the uses of this term to render “a complicated and confusing world considerably simpler,” see Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 241.

120 Dukkan rubuce-rubucen biyu sun karanta kāfir wa-fataḥ al-kāf. Tun da magana ta ƙarshe yawanci tana nufin furta baƙaƙe da gajeren a, al-Turkī ya gyara kalmar farko ta karanta kafar, "ya aikata kafirci." Duk da haka, la'akari da rahoton da ya gabata, da kuma gaskiyar cewa (1) kalmomin ilimin harshen Larabci ba su kai ga daidaitawa ba tukuna, da kuma (2) malaman Hadisi ba a riga an sa ran su yi nazarin irin wannan ilimin harshe ba kamar yadda ya kasance, ina ganin yana yiwuwa sosai cewa al-Baghawī yana nufin cewa Ibn Ḥanbal ya faɗi kalmar kāfir da ā mai tsawo, don haka ya kira masu laifin Masu Butulci. Ko ta yaya, abin da ake nufi shi ne Ibn Ḥanbal bai yi amfani da suna kufr "kafirci" ba, kalmar da za ta la'anci zunubin maimakon mai aikata shi.

120 Both manuscripts read kāfir wa-fataḥ al-kāf. Since the latter expression usually means to pronounce a consonant with a short a, al-Turkī emends the first word to read kafar, “he committed unbelief.” Given the preceding report, however, and in light of the facts that (1) Arabic linguistic terminology was not yet standardized and (2) Hadith scholars were not yet expected to study such linguistics as existed, I think it entirely possible that al-Baghawī meant to say that Ibn Ḥanbal said the word kāfir with a long ā, thereby calling the offenders Ingrates. Either way, the point is that Ibn Ḥanbal did not use the noun kufr “unbelief,” a term that would condemn the sin rather than the sinner.

121 Jahm ibn Ṣafwān, d. 128/745, wanda ake danganta masa wasu koyarwa abin ƙyama ga Ibn Ḥanbal da abokan tafiyarsa, musamman ikirarin cewa asalin Alƙur'ani ya fara wanzuwa ne a wani lokaci na musamman (van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft, 2:493–508, 4:625–30; Martin, "Createdness of the Qurʾān"). Mutanen da Ibn Ḥanbal ya fi danganta da koyarwar halittar Alƙur'ani su ne mabiyan Jahm, ba Mu'tazilawa ba (Melchert, "Adversaries").

121 Jahm ibn Ṣafwān, d. 128/745, to whom are attributed a number of teachings hateful to Ibn Ḥanbal and his associates, particularly the claim that the prototype of the Qurʾan began to exist only at a particular point in time (van Ess, Theologie und Gesellschaft, 2:493–508, 4:625–30; Martin, “Createdness of the Qurʾān”). The people Ibn Ḥanbal associates most strongly with the createdness doctrine are the followers of Jahm, not the Muʿtazilah (Melchert, “Adversaries”).

122 Ta wannan hanyar bayani tana jaddada cewa Alkur'ani, da yake sananne ga Allah, bai rabuwa da Shi ba, don haka ba abu ne da Shi ya halitta a wani takamaiman lokaci a cikin lokaci ba (Madelung, "Controversy").

122 This way of putting it emphasizes that the Qurʾan, being known to God, was inseparable from Him, and thus not an object created by Him at a particular moment in time (Madelung, “Controversy”).

123 Abū Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh ibn Muḥammad ibn al-Muhājir, abokin Ibn Ḥanbal. Sunansa kuma an rubuta shi da Būrān (duba al-Turkī, Manāqib, bugu na 2, shafi na 208, bayani na 4) da kuma Fawzān (al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Taʾrīkh Baghdād, 10:78 [lamba 5190]).

123 Ibn Ḥanbal’s associate Abū Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh ibn Muḥammad ibn al-Muhājir. His name is also given as Būrān (see al-Turkī, Manāqib, 2nd ed., 208n4) and Fawzān (al-Khaṭīb al- Baghdādī, Taʾrīkh Baghdād, 10:78 [no. 5190]).

124 Q Ikhlāṣ 112:1.

124 Q Ikhlāṣ 112:1.

125 Wannan sashe yana magana ne a kan matsalar yadda ya kamata a fahimci ayoyi da hadisai da ke bayyana Allah da siffofi kamar motsi da ganuwa. Wasu masana, ciki har da abin da ake kira mabiyan Jahm, sun fassara irin waɗannan nassoshi ta hanyar alama (majāz) domin kada su tabbatar da kamanceceniya tsakanin Allah da halittunsa. A cikin maganganun da aka kawo a nan, Ibn Ḥanbal ya nace cewa bai kamata mutum ya yi ƙoƙarin bayyana nassosin ba kwata-kwata. Wasu Ḥanbaliyya na baya sun nace cewa domin fahimtar nassoshi cikin aminci, dole ne mu yi imani cewa Allah yana da jiki na zahiri. Domin tabbatar da wannan ra'ayi, suna kawo hujjojin da aka ce Ibn Ḥanbal da kansa ya gabatar (Ibn Ḥanbal, attr., Radd).

125 This section addresses the problem of how to understand verses and reports that speak of God as if He possesses attributes such as motion and visibility. Some thinkers, including the so-called followers of Jahm, interpreted such passages metaphorically in order to avoid asserting a likeness between God and His creatures. In the remarks cited here, Ibn Ḥanbal insists that one should not try to explain the passages at all. Some later Ḥanbalīs insisted that a faithful understanding of the texts requires us to believe that God has a physical body. In support of this view they cite arguments reportedly made by Ibn Ḥanbal himself (Ibn Ḥanbal, attr., Radd).

Hadisai 126 irin wannan, da kuma Suratul Qiyamah 75:22–23, sun ce waɗanda aka tsira za su ga Allah a Lahira. Ahlus Sunnah irin su Ibn Hanbal sun fahimci wannan da'awa a zahiri, yayin da Mu'tazilah (da sauransu) ba su fahimce ta haka ba. Duba Omari, "Beatific Vision," tare da ƙarin nassoshi.

126 Hadith reports like this one, as well as Q Qiyāmah 75:22–23, say that the saved will see God in the afterlife. Sunnis like Ibn Ḥanbal understood this claim literally, while the Muʿtazilah (among others) did not. See Omari, “Beatific Vision,” with further references.

127 Kalām: wato, ilimin tauhidi na hasashe, ko muhawara game da addini. Kalmar Larabci ita ce kuma ainihin kalmar nan ta “magana.” Game da tarihin kalmar, duba Cook, “Origins.” 128 Duk da gargadin Ibn Ḥanbal na kauce wa Muhawara, wasu daga cikin mabiyansa sun shiga kalām, musamman idan suna iya yin hakan ba tare da an san su ba (Omari, “Kitāb al-Ḥayda”). Game da rawar da Ibn Ḥanbal ya taka wajen “sanya iyakokin al’ummar Musulmi su zama wani bangare na zahirin rayuwar jama’a a cikin dār al-Islām,” duba Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 255ff (magana a shafi na 256–57).

127 Kalām: that is, speculative theology, or dialectic concerning religion. The Arabic term is also the ordinary word for “talking.” On the history of the word, see Cook, “Origins.” 128 Despite Ibn Ḥanbal’s warning to avoid Disputation, some of his followers did engage in kalām, especially when they could do so anonymously (Omari, “Kitāb al-Ḥayda”). On Ibn Ḥanbal’s role in “making the boundaries of the Muslim community a component of the social reality of life within the dār al-Islām,” see Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 255ff (quotation at 256–57).

Akidun waɗannan ƙungiyoyi an bayyana su a cikin rahotannin da suka biyo baya.

129 The doctrines of these groups are explained in the reports that follow.

130 Watau, shi kuwa bai ce "wanda ba a halicce shi ba" ba. Waɗannan su ne Masu Tsayawa (Stoppers). Melchert ya bayyana su, tare da Masu Goyon Bayan Lafazi Mahalukin (fassarar lafẓiyyah da nake yi) a matsayin "masu ra'ayin hankali zalla" waɗanda suka yi ƙoƙarin tsayar da matsayi tsakanin "masu ra'ayin nassi" (mutanen da, kamar Ibn Ḥanbal, suka nace kan ambaton nassoshi maimakon amfani da hankali) da masu ra'ayin hankali masu ware kai (Secessionists) da mabiya Jahm (Melchert, "Adversaries").

130 I.e., and does not go on to say “uncreated.” These are the Stoppers. Melchert describes them, along with the Proponents of the Created Utterance (my translation of lafẓiyyah) as “semi-rationalists” who tried to stake out a position between the “traditionalists” (people who, like Ibn Ḥanbal, insisted on citing texts rather than using reason) and the rationalist Secessionists and followers of Jahm (Melchert, “Adversaries”).

131 Watau, idan mutane sun furta shi da baki, yayin da Alƙur'ani kamar yadda Allah Ya sani kuwa halitta ce ba. Waɗanda suka yi wannan ra'ayi su ne Masu Ra'ayin Halitta ta Furuci.

131 I.e., if spoken aloud by humans, while the Qurʾan as known to God is uncreated. Those who held this view are the Proponents of Created Utterance.

Wani masanin tauhidi wanda aka la'anta a matsayin mabiyin Jahm, ya rasu a shekara ta 218 bayan hijira/833 miladiyya; game da shi, duba van Ess, Theologie, 3:175–88.

132 A theologian condemned as a follower of Jahm, d. 218/833; on him, see van Ess, Theologie, 3:175–88.

133 Mu'tazilah, ma'ana kalmar, "waɗanda suka raba kansu": sunan da aka bai wa malamai waɗanda, a takaice, suka bi hanyar hankali wajen fahimtar addini. Misali, sun fi son fassarar ma'ana ga siffofin Allah da suke kama da na jiki. Duba Omari, "Mu'tazilah," tare da ƙarin nassoshi.

133 The Muʿtazilah, literally “those who sent themselves apart”: the name applied to scholars who were, broadly speaking, rationalist in their approach. For example, they favored metaphorical explanations for the apparently physical attributes of God. See Omari, “Muʿtazilah,” with further references.

134 Ar. zanādiqah: wani kalma da da farko aka yi amfani da ita ga masu bin akidar Manichaeans na dualist, sannan daga baya aka yi amfani da ita ga duk wanda ake zargin yana boye bin wata akida da ba ta dace da Musulunci ba.

134 Ar. zanādiqah: a term originally applied to Manichean dualists, and later to anyone suspected of secretly adhering to a creed incompatible with Islam.

135 Ar. rāfiḍī: wani kalmar raini da ake amfani da ita wajen kiran Shi'a, tana nufin ƙin amincewarsu da Abū Bakr, ʿUmar, ʿUthmān, da Mu'āwiya a matsayin halifofi na halal.

135 Ar. rāfiḍī: a disparaging term of reference to Shiʿa, referring to their rejection of Abū Bakr, ʿUmar, ʿUthmān, and Muʿāwiyah as legitimate caliphs.

Batun ya kasance batun halascin siyasa ne. A cewar Musulmi 'yan Shi'a, ya kamata ne a zabi dan uwan Annabi ﷺ, ʿAlī, a matsayin halifa a maimakon Abū Bakr, ʿUmar, ko ʿUthmān. Don mayar da martani, Musulmin da ba su yarda da hakan ba an tilasta musu su tabbatar da cewa ukun da aka zaba a zahiri sun fi ʿAlī cancanta. (Matsayi na uku shi ne cewa a dakatar da hukunci a kan lamarin.)

136 The issue here was one of political legitimacy. According to Shiʿi Muslims, the Prophet’s cousin ʿAlī should have been chosen as caliph over Abū Bakr, ʿUmar, or ʿUthmān. In response, Muslims who disagreed were forced to argue that the three actually chosen were more meritorious than ʿAlī. (A third position was that judgment on the matter should be suspended.)

Akwai kuma sakamakon addini, domin Shi'a sun karɓi Ali da zuriyarsa kawai a matsayin abin koyi, kuma sun ƙi hadisai da wasu Sahabbai suka isar. Game da yadda waɗannan matsayi suka samu ci gaba, duba Crone, God's Rule, 3–141.

There were religious implications too, since the Shiʿa accepted only ʿAlī and his descendants as exemplars and rejected reports transmitted by other Companions. On the development of these positions, see Crone, God’s Rule, 3–141.

Don wannan rahoto, duba 20.28 da ke ƙasa, kuma don nassoshi, duba al-Turkī, Manāqib, bugu na biyu, shafi 214–15n2.

137 For this report, see 20.28 below, and for references, see al-Turkī, Manāqib, 2nd ed., 214–15n2.

138 Mubtadi', wanda sau da yawa ake fassara shi da "innovator" (mai ƙirƙira), kalma da — sabanin ma'anarta a Larabci — tana nufin abu mai kyau a Turanci. Na yi amfani da fassarori dabam-dabam na bidʿah (imani ko aiki da ake ƙyamata a matsayin sabon abu wanda ya saɓa wa na farkon Musulmi) da sauran kalmomin da suka samo asali daga gare ta, gwargwadon mahallin. Ina godiya ga James Montgomery, wanda ya ba da shawarar "novelty" (sabon abu) a matsayin ɗaya daga cikin zaɓuɓɓuka.

138 Mubtadiʿ, often translated as “innovator,” a word which—in contrast to the Arabic—is a positive one in English. I have used different translations of bidʿah (belief or practice condemned as new and contrary to that of the first Muslims) and its derivatives depending on context. I thank James Mongtomery for suggesting “novelty” as one possibility.

Wato, Sahabbai waɗanda suka zaɓi halifofi huɗu na farko.

139 That is, the Companions who chose the first four caliphs.

140 Musulmi da yawa sun danganta tsarki na musamman ga Aliyu da iyalansa, inda wasu—Shi'a Imamiyya—ke ikirarin cewa duk wanda bai ɗauki wasu mambobin iyalan a matsayin shugabanni da abin koyi ba, ba zai sami tsira ba. Ibn Hanbal da abokan tafiyarsa sun ƙi wannan ra'ayi, suna ganin cewa tsira na iya samuwa ta hanyar bin Alkur'ani da sunnar Annabi ﷺ. A lokaci guda kuma, ba su so su raina Aliyu da iyalansa ba, dukkansu kuwa 'yan gidan Annabi ﷺ ne.

140 Many Muslims ascribed special sanctity to ʿAlī and his family, with some—the Imami Shiʿa— claiming that anyone who did not take certain members of the family as guides and exemplars would not be saved. Ibn Ḥanbal and his associates rejected this view, holding instead that salvation might be attained by following the Qurʾan and the sunnah. At the same time, they did not want to disparage ʿAlī and his family, all of whom belonged to the Prophet’s household.

141 Wannan shi ne hadisin da aka ambata a cikin 20.24.

141 This is the report cited in 20.24.

Q Fatḥ 48:29.

142 Q Fatḥ 48:29.

143 Q Baqarah 2:141.

143 Q Baqarah 2:141.

144 Kalma da waɗanda suka saɓa wa Shi'a suke amfani da ita a kansu.

144 A term applied to Shiʿa by those who disagreed with them.

Sauran wannan babin ya ƙunshi wasu dogayen bayanai, ɗaya bayan ɗaya, na akidar Ahlus-Sunna.

145 The remainder of this chapter consists of several very long, itemized accounts of the Sunni creed.

Ba kamar gajerun maganganu da suke farkon babin ba, waɗannan sun fi bayyana adawa da wasu, kuma sun fi bayyana a matsayin abin da aka haɗa tare, saboda haka ba sa kama da na asali. Michael Cook ya bayyana shakku game da wata aqida ɗaya (Commanding Right, 110–11n232), kuma Saud AlSarhan ya nuna da hujja mai ƙarfi cewa an danganta ita da wasu guda biyar zuwa kafofin daga baya (Early Muslim Traditionalism, 29–48).

Unlike the short statements that take up the beginning of the chapter, these are too explicitly polemical, and too obviously cobbled together, to seem authentic. Michael Cook has expressed doubts about one creed (Commanding Right, 110–11n232), and Saud AlSarhan has convincingly attributed it and five others to later sources (Early Muslim Traditionalism, 29–48).

AlSarhan ya kammala da cewa "waɗannan akidu sun fi yiwuwar bayyana ilimin tauhidi na masu bin hadisi a ƙarni na uku da na huɗu, wato na tara da na goma, fiye da akidun Ibn Ḥanbal da kansa," yana ƙara da cewa duk da haka sun taimaka wajen sanya Ibn Ḥanbal a matsayi ɗaya da salihan Musulmi na farko a matsayin majiya mai iko ga daidaitacciyar akida (ibid., 53). Tun da wannan taƙaitaccen bugu ya mayar da hankali kan Ibn Ḥanbal na tarihi, na cire dogayen akidun.

AlSarhan concludes that “these creeds are more likely to present traditionalist theology in the third and the fourth/ninth and tenth centuries than Ibn Ḥanbal’s own beliefs,” adding that they nevertheless served to place Ibn Ḥanbal on a par with the pious early Muslims as an authoritative source for right doctrine (ibid., 53). As this abridged edition focuses on the historical Ibn Ḥanbal, I have omitted the long creeds.

146 Muḥdath, ko kuma muḥaddith, ma'ana "masanin Hadisi." 147 Hijama wata hanya ce ta magani da ake yi ta hanyar amfani da wuta don haifar da wuri marar iska a cikin gilashi, sannan a manne gilashin a jiki, wani lokaci bayan (ko kafin) a yi ɗan yanka a cikin fata.

146 Muḥdath, or possibly muḥaddith, “Hadith scholar.” 147 Cupping is an operation performed by using a flame to create a vacuum inside a glass vessel and then applying the vessel to the body, sometimes after (or before) making an incision in the skin.

A cewar ka'idojin likitanci na Girka da Musulunci, wannan aiki an yi shi ne domin fitar da tururi mai cutarwa daga jiki. Hijama ba sana'a ce mai daraja ba (mawaki Abū l-ʿAtāhiyah ya yi ƙoƙarin yin aikin mai hijama domin ya wulakanta kansa; duba Iṣfahānī, Aghānī, 4:107–9), kuma dinari—cikakken tsabar zinariya—ya yi yawa a biya don aikin. A babi na 63, bawan Ibn Ḥanbal mai suna Ḥusn ya biya mai hijama dirham guda.

According to the principles of Greco-Islamicate medicine, this operation was supposed to draw noxious vapors out of the body. Cupping was not a respected profession (the poet Abū l- ʿAtāhiyah tried to work as a cupper to mortify himself; see Iṣfahānī, Aghānī, 4:107–9), and a dinar—a whole gold coin—was too much to pay for the operation. In chapter 63, Ibn Ḥanbal’s slave Ḥusn pays a cupper one dirham.

148 Al-Ḥiẓāmī ba a san shi ta wata hanya ba. Ibn Abī Duʾād ya kasance mashawarcin Halifa al-Ma'mūn kuma babban alƙali a zamanin Halifa al-Mu'taṣim. An wulakanta shi a zamanin al-Mutawakkil, ya kuma rasu a shekara ta 240 bayan hijira (854 miladiyya). Majiyoyin Sunnah sun yi masa mummunar suka a matsayin wanda ke bayan Inquisition (Mihna). Duba van Ess, Theologie, 3:481–502; Tillier, Cadis, index; Turner, "Aḥmad b. Abī Duʾād." 149 Wird: wato, addu'a ta nafila da ake yi akai-akai baya ga sallolin farilla na yau da kullum.

148 Al-Ḥiẓāmī is not otherwise identified. Ibn Abī Duʾād was adviser to the caliph al-Maʾmūn and chief judge under the caliph al-Muʿtaṣim. He was disgraced under al-Mutawakkil and died in 240/854. He is decried in Sunni sources as the force behind the Inquisition. See van Ess, Theologie, 3:481–502; Tillier, Cadis, index; Turner, “Aḥmad b. Abī Duʾād.” 149 His wird: that is, a voluntary prayer regularly performed in addition to the regular ritual prayers.

Wato, ƙwarewar ruhi, sabanin nazarin Shari'a, abin da Ibn Ḥanbal ke yi.

150 That is, spiritual experience, as opposed to studying the Law, which is what Ibn Ḥanbal does.

Wannan rahoto da alama an ƙirƙire shi ne don tabbatar da koyarwar al-Muḥāsibī ta hanyar amfani da Ibn Ḥanbal a matsayin abin kwatance, kuma ƙarshen maganar ta zama wata ƙirƙira da wani mai ba da labari daga mabiyan Ibn Ḥanbal mai shakku ya ƙara. Al-Dhahabī da Melchert sun yarda cewa labarin "kawai bai yi kama da gaskiya ba" ("Adversaries," 244, tare da komawa zuwa al-Dhahabī, Mīzān al-iʿtidāl, 1:430).

151 This report seems an invention intended to legitimate al-Muḥāsibī’s teachings using Ibn Ḥanbal as a foil, with the last remark being a counter-invention by a skeptical Ḥanbalī transmitter. Al- Dhahabī and Melchert agree that the story “simply does not sound right” (“Adversaries,” 244, with a reference to al-Dhahabī, Mīzān al-iʿtidāl, 1:430).

152 Rijiya da ke cikin harabar masallacin Makka. Duba J. Chabbi, "Zamzam." 153 A Mina, ke Makka. Ibn Ḥanbal a fili yake yana cikin aikin hajji, don haka shekarar za ta zama 814 maimakon 813 (ita ce ɗayan yiwuwar, idan aka yi la'akari da kwanan wata na hijira).

152 A well that forms part of the mosque complex in Mecca. See J. Chabbi, “Zamzam.” 153 In al-Minā, in Mecca. Ibn Ḥanbal was evidently on pilgrimage, making the year 814 rather than 813 (the other possibility given the hijrī date).

The user's message "154 This last expression is unfamiliar and the translation is conjectural." is itself the text to translate. Translating into Hausa: 154 Wannan magana ta ƙarshe ba ta saba ba, kuma fassarar da aka yi mata zato ce kawai.

154 This last expression is unfamiliar and the translation is conjectural.

155 Kitāb al-Fawāʾid, wani take mai ma'ana gama-gari wanda ake amfani da shi a fannoni da yawa. Schacht ya fassara kalmar kamar yadda take a cikin take na wani littafin fiqhu na baya a matsayin "cikakkun bayanai masu wahala" ("Ibn Nujaym").

155 Kitāb al-Fawāʾid, a vague title used in many fields. Schacht translates the term as it appears in the title of a later fiqh work as “difficult details” (“Ibn Nujaym”).

Kamar yadda rahotanni da dama a cikin Manāqib suka nuna, gidan Ibn Ḥanbal yana buɗewa zuwa wurin salla da ake yawan kiransa da masallacinsa.

156 As several reports in the Manāqib indicate, Ibn Ḥanbal’s house opened onto a place of prayer commonly referred to as his mosque.

157 Wataƙila shi ne Kitāb al-Waraʿ wa l-īmān [Littafin taka-tsantsan da imani] (Sezgin, GAS, 1:506), duk da cewa littafin Kitāb al-Waraʿ da aka buga ya ƙunshi amsoshin Ibn Ḥanbal ga tambayoyi game da abincin da aka halatta da makamantansu, kuma babu komai a cikinsa game da imani.

157 Perhaps Kitāb al-Waraʿ wa l-īmān [Book of scrupulousness and faith] (Sezgin, GAS, 1:506), though the published Kitāb al-Waraʿ contains Ibn Ḥanbal’s answers to questions about permissible food and the like, and nothing about faith.

158 Sezgin ya danganta wa Ibn Ḥanbal littafin Kitāb al-Ashribah al-ṣaghīr [Ƙaramin littafi kan abubuwan sha] (a wurin guda). Wannan mai yiwuwa tarin ruwayoyin Hadisi ne ko kuma amsoshin fatawa da Ibn Ḥanbal ya bayar game da halascin nau'o'in abubuwan sha daban-daban.

158 Sezgin credits Ibn Ḥanbal with a Kitāb al-Ashribah al-ṣaghīr [Smaller book on drinks] (ibid.). This was probably a collection of Hadith reports or of Ibn Ḥanbal’s responsa regarding the permissibility of various drinks.

Melchert ya ɗauki wannan rahoton a matsayin shaida ta gwajin Ibn Ḥanbal wajen tsara Hadisai bisa ga maudu'i; duba Ahmad, 39–40.

159 Melchert takes this report as evidence of Ibn Ḥanbal’s experimentation with arranging Hadith by topic; see Ahmad, 39–40.

160 Ba a bayyana ko wane ne ubangidansa ba, amma watakila shi bawan wani babban mutum ne, domin abin da labarin ke nufi shi ne Ibn Ḥanbal ya sallame shi don ya koyar da wannan baƙon mai tsummoki wasu hadisai.

160 It is not clear whose servant he was, but he may have been the attendant of some exalted personage, as the point of the story seems to be that Ibn Ḥanbal dismissed him in order to teach the ragged stranger some Hadith reports.

161 Mushammir kuma yana iya nufin "mai aiki sosai" ko "mai hikima ta duniya." 162 Jerin ayyukansa na zamani (har zuwa 1967), ko an buga su ko a rubuce a hannu, da kuma nazarce-nazarcen da aka yi a kansu, yana cikin Sezgin, GAS, 1:502–9.

161 Mushammir can also mean “bustling” or “worldly-wise.” 162 A modern (as of 1967) list of his works, whether printed or in manuscript, as well as secondary studies of them, appears in Sezgin, GAS, 1:502–9.

163 Game da hujjojin da aka gabatar a wannan zamani don da kuma adawa da rubuta "ilimi" (wato ilimin Hadisi da abubuwan da suka shafe shi), duba Cook, "Opponents." 164 Littafin yana wanzuwa, an buga shi sosai, kuma a cikin bugun zamani ya ƙunshi aƙalla rahotanni 26,000. Duba Sezgin, GAS, 1:504–6; Melchert, Aḥmad, 39–48; Melchert, "Musnad." 165 Irin wannan littafi zai lissafa rahotannin Hadisi da ke bayyana wasu ayoyi na musamman. Duk da haka, Sezgin bai sami wani littafi irin wannan da aka danganta ga Aḥmad ba. Melchert ya ambato masanin tarihin rayuwa al-Dhahabī (d. 748/1348) yana shakkar cewa irin wannan littafi ya taba wanzuwa, yana mai cewa idan ya wanzu, da an sami wasu alamu a cikin adabi (Siyar, 13:522). Melchert ya ba da shawara cewa malaman Ḥanbaliyya na karni na goma na iya danganta tafsiri ga malaminsu saboda "fargabar kada a ci su da al-Ṭabarī," mai tattara babban littafin Jāmiʿ al-bayān (Melchert, "Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal and the Qurʾān," 24).

163 On the arguments made in this period for and against writing down “knowledge” (i.e., knowledge of Hadith and related matters), see Cook, “Opponents.” 164 Extant and much published, and containing, in modern printings, at least 26,000 reports. See Sezgin, GAS, 1:504–6; Melchert, Aḥmad, 39–48; Melchert, “Musnad.” 165 Such a work would have listed Hadith reports that clarify particular verses. However, Sezgin finds no such work attributed to Aḥmad. Melchert cites the biographer al-Dhahabī (d. 748/1348) as doubting that it ever existed, arguing that if it did, it would have left some traces in the literature (Siyar, 13:522). Melchert suggests that tenth-century Ḥanbalīs might have attributed a commentary to their exemplar out of “anxiety not to be outdone by al-Ṭabarī,” compiler of the enormous Jāmiʿ al-bayān (Melchert, “Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal and the Qurʾān,” 24).

Waɗannan su ne ayoyin da ma'anarsu ta shari'a ke soke wasu ayoyi, ko kuma wasu ayoyi su soke su. Wannan littafi, idan ma akwai shi, da alama bai tsira ba; Sezgin bai ambace shi ba.

166 These are the verses whose legal implications override, or are overridden by, other verses. This work, if it existed, has apparently not survived; Sezgin does not mention it.

167 Ba ya cikin Sezgin, kuma da alama ya ɓace; fassarar wannan take ta hanyar hasashe ce. Wani littafi mai irin wannan take na Al-Bukhārī, abokin zamanin Ibn Ḥanbal, jeri ne bisa tsarin haruffa na masu ruwaito Hadisi da ranakun rasuwarsu.

167 Not in Sezgin and apparently lost; the translation is conjectural. A work by the same title by Ibn Ḥanbal’s contemporary al-Bukhārī is an alphabetical list of Hadith transmitters and their dates of death.

Mai yiwuwa Shu'bah ibn al-Ḥajjāj (d. 160/776?), wani mai ruwaya daga Basra wanda aka danganta masa farkon tantance amincin sauran masu ruwaya; duba Juynboll, "Shu'bah ibn al-Ḥadjdjādj." Wannan littafi ba ya cikin Sezgin, kuma da alama ya ɓace.

168 Presumably Shuʿbah ibn al-Ḥajjāj (d. 160/776?) a Basran transmitter credited with pioneering the evaluation of other transmitters for their reliability; see Juynboll, “Shuʿbah ibn al-Ḥadjdjādj.” The work is not in Sezgin and is apparently lost.

169 Ayyukan nan huɗu na ƙarshe da aka lissafa ba su tsira ba. Sezgin (GAS, 1:506–9) ya danganta wasu ayyuka da dama gare shi, waɗanda mafi muhimmanci daga cikinsu su ne: Kitāb al-Sunnah [Kan tsarin rayuwar Annabi ﷺ abin koyi], Kitāb al-Zuhd [Kan barin duniya], Kitāb (ko Risālat) al-Ṣalāh [Kan salla], Kitāb al-Waraʿ wa l-īmān [Taka-tsantsan da imani], Kitāb al-Radd ʿalā l-zanādiqah wa l-jahmiyyah [Raddi ga masu bidi'a da mabiya Jahm] (littafin da, saboda cike yake da kalām, tabbas wani ne ya rubuta shi; duba al-Dhahabī, Siyar, 11:286–87, da Omari, "Kitāb al-Ḥayda," 442–46), Kitāb ʿIlal al-ḥadīth [Lahani a cikin hadisi] (wanda aka ambata a babi na 98), Al-Masāʾil [Amsoshin tambayoyi], da Al-ʿAqīdah [Akida].

169 The last four items listed seem not to have survived. Sezgin (GAS, 1:506–9) attributes several more works to him, of which the most important are Kitāb al-Sunnah [On the Prophet’s exemplary way of life], Kitāb al-Zuhd [On renunciation], Kitāb (or Risālat) al-Ṣalāh [On prayer], Kitāb al- Waraʿ wa l-īmān [Scrupulousness and faith], Kitāb al-Radd ʿalā l-zanādiqah wa l-jahmiyyah [Rebuttal of the heretics and the followers of Jahm] (a book that, being full of kalām, was doubtless written by someone else; see al-Dhahabī, Siyar, 11:286–87, and Omari, “Kitāb al- Ḥayda,” 442–46), Kitāb ʿIlal al-ḥadīth [Defects in hadith] (mentioned in chapter 98), Al- Masāʾil [Responsa], and Al-ʿAqīdah [The creed].

170 Ina godiya ga Joseph Lowry saboda taimakonsa game da wannan nassi. Ana iya tsammanin cewa Ibn Ḥanbal zai karɓi tarin hadisan Mālik, amma zai ƙi ra'ayoyin Sufyān na hankali (duba Raddatz, "Sufyān al-Thawrī").

170 I thank Joseph Lowry for help with this passage. Presumably Ibn Ḥanbal would have found Mālik’s compilation of Hadith reports acceptable but would have objected to Sufyān’s rationalist inclinations (see Raddatz, “Sufyān al-Thawrī”).

171 Kuma ƙin hakan da yake yi, wanda ba ya cikin taken kamar yadda yake a teburin abubuwan da ke cikin littafin.

171 The original adds “and his aversion thereto,” which is not part of the title as given in the table of contents.

172 Wannan nassi da alama uzuri ne kaikaice da marubucin ya bayar don yin daidai abin da Ibn Ḥanbal ya hana mutane yi. Ba a fito fili ba ko daga inda Ibn al-Jawzī ya fara magana; sakin layi da na sanya shi ne hasashena mafi kyau.

172 This passage appears to be the author’s indirect excuse for doing exactly what Ibn Ḥanbal forbade people to do. It is not entirely clear where Ibn al-Jawzī begins speaking; the paragraph break is my best guess.

An wannan lokacin, tukwanen tawada (inkpots) a fili suna zagaye ne kuma an yi su da gilashi. Misalai daga zamanin baya an yi musu ado da tagulla, azurfa, da zinare, kuma an bayyana malamai suna nuna su.

173 Inkpots during this period were evidently round and made of glass. Examples from later periods were decorated with copper, silver, and gold, and scholars are described as showing them off.

Ibn Ḥanbal na iya kasancewa yana magana ne akan akwatunan da ake amfani da su wajen ɗaukar tawadar rubutu da alƙalami (Baer, "Dawāt").

Ibn Ḥanbal may also be referring to boxes used to carry inkpots and pens (Baer, “Dawāt”).

"Mutanensa" (al-qawm) ma za a iya fassara shi da "kowace ƙungiya," amma tambayar tana kama da tana magana ne a kan malaman hadisi na farkon Sunna da masu kaurace wa duniya.

174 “His people” (al-qawm) could also be translated “any given group,” but the question seems to be about the proto-Sunni Hadith scholars and renunciants.

Ayyukan fassarar malaman ilimi da na addini da yawa na kalmar raqāʾiq suna da yawa kuma suna da kwarjini. Ma'anar kalmar da ta fi kusa da zahiri ita ce "wurare masu rauni" ko "wurare masu laushi." Idan aka yi la'akari da batutuwan da wannan babi ya tattauna, ina ganin cewa tana nufin wuraren da mai neman ruhaniya zai iya yin kuskure ta hanyar barin wani abu. Har ila yau, a lura da furucin raqīq al-dīn ("mai rauni dangane da addini") (Lane, Lexicon, s.v. R-Q-Q).

175 Scholarly and pious works alike contain many imaginative translations of raqāʾiq. The most concrete meaning of the word is “thin places” or “tender spots.” Given the subjects discussed in this chapter, I am inclined to think it refers to points where the spiritual seeker is likely to commit an error of omission. Note also the expression raqīq al-dīn (“weak in respect of religion”) (Lane, Lexicon, s.v. R-Q-Q).

Q Ra'd 13:28.

176 Q Raʿd 13:28.

Mutane sukan ɗauki abubuwa a cikin hannun riga, wanda a yau yake aiki kamar aljihu; duba Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:161.

177 People would carry objects in their sleeves, which served as pockets do today; see Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:161.

178 Magana a nan tana nufin tafsirin Suratul Al-Haqqah (Q 69). An ruwaito cewa, lokacin da aka yi masa barazanar kisa, Ibrahim ya ki neman taimako daga mala'ika Jibril, yana dogara ga Allah kadai maimakon haka; duba al-Turkī, Manāqib, bugu na biyu, 271–72n4.

178 The reference here is to the exegesis of Q 69, Sūrat al-Ḥāqqah. Threatened with death, Abraham reportedly refused to ask for help from the angel Gabriel, trusting instead in God alone; see al- Turkī, Manāqib, 2nd ed., 271–72n4.

Wato, cikin halin sallah.

179 That is, in an attitude of ritual prayer.

180 "Yin taƙawa" (yattaqī) na iya nufin duka "tsoron Allah" da "kiyaye abubuwa da ayyuka da aka haramta." Ba zan rubuta "Allah" ba; ga sigar da ta dace: 180 "Yin taƙawa" (yattaqī) na iya nufin duka "tsoron Allah" da "kiyaye abubuwa da ayyuka da aka haramta." Hmm, correction: the rule says write the Hausa word for God, never "Allah". Final version: 180 "Yin taƙawa" (yattaqī) na iya nufin duka "tsoron Ubangiji" da "kiyaye abubuwa da ayyukan da aka haramta." 181 "Zuciya" (al-qalb) sau da yawa tana nufin abin da za mu iya kira "hankali" ko "kai." Ya kamata a bambanta ta da nafs, wanda ake fassara shi da "rai," amma ga masu zuhudu yawanci yana nufin wurin da sha'awoyi marasa kyau da buri marasa daraja suke fitowa.

180 “To be fearful” (yattaqī) can mean both “to be fearful of God” and “to guard against forbidden objects and actions.” 181 “The heart” (al-qalb) often corresponds to what we might call “consciousness” or “the self.” It should be distinguished from nafs, which is often translated “soul,” but for renunciants usually means the place where base urges and unworthy desires come from.

182 Halifan Abbasiyya mai rauni kuma mara ƙarfi, ya yi mulki daga shekara 334 zuwa 363 bayan hijira (946–974 miladiyya).

182 Sickly and powerless Abbasid caliph, reigned 334–63/946–74.

183 Lawzīnaj: gyaɗaɗɗen goro (gyaɗaɗɗen gyaɗa) da aka shimfiɗa a kan burodi mai siriri ƙwarai, sannan a naɗe shi, a kuma jiƙa shi da ruwan zuma mai zaki (syrup) (Perry, Baghdad Cookery, 99–100).

183 Lawzīnaj: ground nuts spread on extremely thin bread then rolled and drenched in syrup (Perry, Baghdad Cookery, 99–100).

Ma'anar da alama ita ce duniyar yanzu tana da daɗi kamar ɗan cizon kayan zaki kawai, wato jin daɗin ta ba shi da yawa, kuma ba ta daɗe ba.

184 The point seems to be that the present world is as trivial a pleasure as a bite of dessert.

Wato, a nemo mai ruwayar da ke kusa da asalin hadisin wanda yake raye, sannan a nemi ya karanta shi, maimakon a karbi hadisin daga daya daga cikin masu sauraronsa.

185 That is, to find the living transmitter closest to the source of the report and ask him to recite it, rather than getting it from one of his auditors.

Mita: Ṭawīl.

186 Meter: ṭawīl.

187 Ma'ana a zahiri, "kamar dai wuta [ko Jahannama] tana ci a tsakanin idanunsa," wanda kuma yana iya nufin cewa yana da kallo mai zafi kamar wuta.

187 Literally, “it was as if fire [or Hell] was burning between his eyes,” which might also mean that he had a burning gaze.

Ma'auni: Ṭawīl.

188 Meter: ṭawīl.

Mita: Basīṭ.

189 Meter: basīṭ.

190 "Dukiya": a zahbackground meaning, literally, "a she-camel and her offspring." 191 Mita: kāmil. Sauran ambaton wannan waƙa ba sa dangana ta ga Ibn Ḥanbal. Duba al-Turkī, Manāqib, bugu na 2, shafi na 282n2.

190 “Riches”: literally, “a female camel and her offspring.” 191 Meter: kāmil. Other citations of this poem do not credit it to Ibn Ḥanbal. See al-Turkī, Manāqib, 2nd ed., 282n2.

192 Ilā na nufin “zuwa” a ma'anar “zuwa ga,” yayin da li- na nufin “na,” “domin,” ko “mallakar,” ko da yake yana iya nufin “zuwa” idan an haɗa masa karin fuska (kamar qultu lahu, “na ce masa”). Har yanzu ana amfani da li- maimakon ilā a yawancin yarukan Larabci.

192 Ilā means “to” in the sense of “toward,” while li- means “of,” “for,” or “belonging to,” though it can also mean “to” when a pronoun suffix is attached (as in qultu lahu, “I said to him”). Li- is still used for ilā in many varieties of Arabic.

193 Ba a bayyana a nan wane ne ake nufi da fi'ilai da fuloti iri-iri ba, kuma wasu kalmomi na iya zama an bar su ko kuma an ɗauka a fahimce su. Wata yiwuwar ita ce Abū Bakr ne ya gaya wa yaron inda za a sami mai ruwaya, sannan shi kuma ya nemi izinin Ibn Ḥanbal domin ya shigar da shi ciki.

193 It is not clear here who the various verbs and pronouns refer to, and some words may be missing or assumed. One possibility is that Abū Bakr told the boy where to find the narrator, who then asked Ibn Ḥanbal’s permission to bring him inside.

Mai yiwuwa mai magana a nan shi ne Ibn al-Jawzī ko ɗaya daga cikin masu ruwaito a cikin silsilar isnadi.

194 The speaker here may be Ibn al-Jawzī or one of the transmitters in the chain.

195 Cire gashi yana cikin sunnah; duba Reinhart, "Shaʿr (2)." Safar hannu da ake amfani da shi a wannan lokaci kila yana kama da kāsah da ake amfani da ita a hammamai na gargajiya: "Safar gogewar hannu an yi ta ne da hadin zaren ulu da na gashin awaki, an dinka su tare kuma an shirya su ta yadda za su samar da wani saman da yake maras laushi. Wannan gogewa mai karfi tana ba da damar cire saman fatar jiki, tare da datti ... da ya taru a cikin kofofin fata, a cikin nadaddun launin toka" (Sourdel-Thomine, "Ḥammām").

195 Hair removal was a matter of sunnah; see Reinhart, “Shaʿr (2).” The glove may have been similar to the kāsah used in traditional bathhouses: “The friction-glove is made of a mixture of woollen and goat’s hair threads sewn together and arranged so as to form a rough surface. This vigorous friction enables the top layer of skin, together with the dirt … accumulated in the pores, to be rubbed off in greyish rolls” (Sourdel-Thomine, “Ḥammām”).

196 Game da bambanci tsakanin kyautatawar Ibn Ḥanbal da aka ruwaito da kuma tsananin koyarwar da ake danganta masa, duba Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 271.

196 On the contrast between Ibn Ḥanbal’s reported kindness and the rigidity of the doctrines attributed to him, see Sizgorich, Violence and Belief, 271.

197 Ko, idan mutum ya ƙidaya daga ɗaya maimakon sifili, "Ina da kimanin shekara bakwai a karo na farko. Ina da shekara tara lokacin da ya rasu." 198 Game da cin 'ya'yan itace da goro, duba Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:246.

197 Or, counting from one instead of zero, “I was about seven years old the first time. I was nine when he died.” 198 On consumption of fruits and nuts, see Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:246.

199 Al-Turkī ya ba da Sakānah, sunan wuri, amma SH tana da sukkānihi, "mazaunansa," wanda ya fi yiwuwa, domin Ibn Ḥanbal mai mallakar gidaje ne (duba babi na 40).

199 Al-Turkī gives Sakānah, a place name, but SH has sukkānihi, “his tenants,” which seems more likely, as Ibn Ḥanbal was a landlord (see chapter 40).

200 Maṣliyyah, wanda al-Baghdādī ya ba da wannan hanyar yin ta: "Hanyar yin ta ita ce a yanka naman mai a dafa shi kamar yadda aka saba, a cire kumfar da ke fitowa. Idan ya nuna, sai a jefa dintsin albasa da aka yanka, dan gishiri, busasshen garin coriander, cumin, barkono, sandunan kirfa da mastic. Idan ruwansa ya bushe kuma mai ya bayyana, sai a dauki busasshen whey a daka shi sosai, a zuba masa ruwan zafi a kwaba shi sosai da hannu har ya zama kamar yogurt mai tsami [a kama] kuma irin kauri daya, sannan a jefa shi cikin tukunyar. A nika dan tafarnuwa a jefa a cikin tukunyar tare da dunkulen ganyen mint sabo. A yayyafa dan kirfa da aka nika sosai a saman. Sannan a goge gefen tukunyar da zane mai tsabta, a bar shi a wuta na dan lokaci don ya natsu, sannan a sauke shi."

200 Maṣliyyah, for which al-Baghdādī gives the following recipe: “The way to make it is to cut up fat meat and boil it as usual, and remove the scum. When it is done, throw on a handful of chopped onion, a little salt, ground dry coriander, cumin, pepper, sticks of cinnamon and mastic. When its liquid has dried up and the fat appears, take dried whey, pound it fine, throw hot water on it and macerate it well by hand until it becomes like sour yogurt [in appearance] and of the same consistency, then throw it in the pot. Grind a little garlic and throw it in the pot with bunches of fresh mint. Sprinkle some finely ground cinnamon on the surface. Then wipe the sides of the pot with a clean cloth, leave it on the fire awhile to grow quiet and take it up” (Perry, Baghdad Cookery, 44).

201 Khabīṣ: wani irin alawa ce da ake yi da tsakiyar gurasar semolina (wato sumba), wadda aka ɗibi ko aka yayyage ta, sannan aka ɗauke ta da burodi, aka soya cikin man ridi, aka kuma gauraya da sukari mai tsafta. Nau'o'in wannan alawa na iya haɗawa da zafarani, ruwan fure, zuma, ƙwayar poppy, pistachio, kafur, molasses, kabewa, da karas (Perry, Baghdad Cookery, 95–97).

201 Khabīṣ: a pudding made of the pith of a semolina loaf torn up and then breaded, fried in sesame oil, and stirred with refined sugar. Different varieties might include saffron, rosewater, honey, poppy seeds, pistachios, camphor, molasses, gourd, and carrots (Perry, Baghdad Cookery, 95– 97).

202 Wata hanya ta kaikaice ta cewa "Ya isa haka!" 203 A zahiri, "Wannan wani taƙawa ce mai sa abubuwa su yi duhu", wanda da alama ya fito daga aẓlama ʿalaynā l-bayt, "ya duƙufar da gidanmu da duhu", ma'ana "ya faɗi abubuwan da ba mu so mu ji ba" (Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. Ẓ-L-M). Ɗaya daga cikin ƙa'idodin waraʿ shi ne ƙin amfani da duk wani abu ba tare da izinin mai shi ba.

202 A roundabout way of saying “That’s enough!” 203 Literally, “That is a scrupulosity that makes things dark,” apparently from aẓlama ʿalaynā l-bayt, “he darkened our house,” meaning “he said things we didn’t want to hear” (Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. Ẓ-L-M). One of the principles of waraʿ was refusal to use anything without the owner’s permission.

Wato, zai iya cewa "Ba ya nan," yana nufin "Ba ya hannuna," ta haka ba zai yi ƙarya a fili ba. Ina godiya ga Tahera Qutbuddin saboda wannan bayani.

204 That is, he could then say “He isn’t here,” meaning “He isn’t in my hand,” and thus avoid lying outright. I thank Tahera Qutbuddin for this explanation.

205 Wannan labari yana nufin wani lamari (wanda aka rubuta a babi na 73) inda aka kai ƙara ga hukumomi a kan Ibn Ḥanbal, bisa zargin cewa yana ɓoye wani memba na iyalin ʿAlī wanda ya yi adawa da gwamnatin Abbasiyawa.

205 This story refers to an incident (covered in chapter 73) in which Ibn Ḥanbal was denounced to the authorities for allegedly harboring a member of the family of ʿAlī who had been active against the Abbasid regime.

206 Assalamu alaikum, watakila ishara ce ga Suratul Furqan 25:63: «Bayin Allah masu rahama na gaskiya su ne waɗanda ke tafiya a bisa ƙasa cikin tawali'u, idan jahilai suka yi musu magana, sai su ce, “Salama”» (salām).

206 Salām ʿalaykum, perhaps a reference to Q Furqān 25:63: «The true servants of the Gracious One are those who walk upon the earth with humility and when they are addressed by the ignorant ones, their response is, “Peace”» (salām).

Tambayar da aka yi ta alama take ta fito daga wani jami'i da aka dora wa alhakin fitar da Manicheans ɓoye, kamar yadda aka yi a zamanin Halifa al-Mahdī. Ko ta yaya dai, da alama mai tambayar bai san wane ne yake magana da shi ba.

207 The question seems to be coming from an official charged with rooting out crypto-Manicheans, as was done under the caliph al-Mahdī. In any case, the questioner seems to have no idea who he’s talking to.

Don Cikakken bayani game da wahalhalun da masu gida ke fuskanta a Iraki a karni na tara, duba al-Jāḥiẓ, Al-Bukhalāʾ, 81–90; fassarar Serjeant, Misers, 67–75. Don tattaunawa kan hayar gida bisa ga takardun Geniza na Alkahira, duba Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:91–97.

208 For a detailed account of the difficulties of being a landlord in ninth-century Iraq, see al-Jāḥiẓ, Al- Bukhalāʾ, 81–90; trans. Serjeant, Misers, 67–75. For a discussion of renting based on the Cairo Geniza, see Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:91–97.

209 Al-Arḍ al-Sawād shi ne fili mai laka a kogunan Tigris da Euphrates. Lokacin da aka ci shi, an ce ʿUmar ya umurci a bar shi a hannun waɗanda ke noma shi, kuma kuɗaɗen haraji su tafi baitul-mālin Musulmi (al-Turkī, Manāqib, bugu na biyu, 306n3). Ibn Ḥanbal a fili yake ƙoƙarin aiwatar da wannan umarni ta hanyar biyan zakkar gida.

209 The Black Land is the alluvial plain on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. When it was conquered, ʿUmar reportedly ordered that it remain in the hands of those who cultivated it, with the tax revenues going to the Muslim treasury (al-Turkī, Manāqib, 2nd ed., 306n3). Ibn Ḥanbal is evidently trying to apply this command by paying zakāt on the house.

I'm ready to translate, but I don't see the passage yet. Please paste the English text (the section numbered 210) and I'll translate it into Hausa, keeping the formatting rules in place.

210 This passage is obscure. Among other things, the pronouns do not agree properly for gender. The reading is my best guess.

Wato, a tattara hatsin da suka rage bayan garma a lokacin girbi. Ya bayyana cewa ya yi haka ne yayin tafiya zuwa Tarsus domin a yi masa tambayoyi daga al-Ma'mun (duba babi na 67).

211 That is, collect the ears of grain missed by the sickle at harvest time. He seems to have done this while traveling to Tarsus to be interrogated by al-Maʾmūn (see chapter 67).

212 Ko kuma "adadin dirhami masu yawa." 213 A cikin Cairo Geniza, galibi ana bayyana takalma masu arha da cewa farashinsu rabin dinari ne (Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:164).

212 Or “a good number of dirhams.” 213 In the Cairo Geniza, cheap shoes are often described as costing a quarter of a dinar (Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:164).

Ƙwarƙwara ta Ibn Ḥanbal; duba babi na 63.

214 Ibn Ḥanbal’s concubine; see chapter 63.

215 Babu ɗaya daga cikin rubuce-rubucen hannu da ke ba da karatun wannan kalma mai gamsarwa. Al-Turkī ya karanta ta da yarubbuhā, duk da cewa babu ma'anar kamus da ta yi daidai da wannan kalma.

215 None of the manuscripts gives a satisfactory reading of this word. Al-Turkī gives it as yarubbuhā, although no dictionary definition of this word seems to fit.

216 Akwai ambaton da yawa game da na'urori don ɗaga ruwa, ɗauke shi daga wuri zuwa wuri, da kuma rarraba shi; duba, misali, Hill, "Māʾ" da "Nāʿūra"; Guthrie, Arab Social Life, 136–39; Cooperson, Classical, 170n97. Tun da ba zai yuwu a fahimci daidai abin da ake nufi daga wannan ɗan taƙaitaccen ishara ba, na yi amfani da kalmar Turanci mafi sassauƙa, "conduit", wato "tsari da ake rarraba ruwa daga gare shi ko a sa shi ya fito" (OED).

216 References exist to numerous devices for raising water, conveying it from one place to another, and dispensing it; see, e.g., Hill, “Māʾ” and “Nāʿūra”; Guthrie, Arab Social Life, 136–39; Cooperson, Classical, 170n97. It being impossible to tell from this brief allusion exactly what is meant, I have used the vaguest possible English word, “conduit,” meaning “a structure from which water is distributed or made to issue” (OED).

Dusūt: ba a bayyana shi ba a cikin littattafan da na duba; na fassara shi ne bisa ga mahallin da yake ciki.

217 Dusūt: not explained in the works I have consulted; I have translated based on context.

218 Wannan nassi ba shi da sauƙi a gare ni in fahimta. Yana iya zama bayyanar wani jigo da ya zama ruwan dare a rubuce-rubucen masu kaurace wa duniya, wato cewa sassauta ƙa'idodi, koda kuwa saboda dalili mai kyau ne a fili, yana jefa mutum cikin zamewa a hankali zuwa ga almubazzaranci da lalacewa.

218 This passage is unclear to me. It may be an expression of a theme common in renunciant writings, namely that a relaxation of standards, even for what seems to be good cause, sends one down a slippery slope toward wastefulness and corruption.

Ba a bayyana ba ko miqrāḍ a nan yana nufin almakashi, ko kuma (kamar yadda yake a Larabcin zamani) abin yankan farce.

219 It is unclear whether miqrāḍ here means scissors, shears, or (as in modern Arabic) nail clippers.

Wato, 1/12 na dirham.

220 That is, 1/12 of a dirham.

221 Game da adadin hayar da aka biya don gidaje da wuraren kasuwanci a Masar tsakanin 1040 zuwa 1250, duba Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:93–97, 291–96.

221 For rental amounts paid for dwellings and commercial premises in Egypt between 1040 and 1250, see Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:93–97, 291–96.

222 Cewa ana nufin gangar bishiya ya bayyana a sashe na gaba.

222 That a tree trunk is meant becomes clear in the next section.

Wato, dirhami 9 da 1/3.

223 That is, 9 and 1/3 dirhams.

Wato, don neman samun albarka daga wani abu da ya taba mallakar Aḥmad.

224 Namely to acquire blessings from an object that had belonged to Aḥmad.

Don Bayyana alherinsa, Ibn Ḥanbal ya yi uzuri da cewa karen "zai iya ramawa da ido mai cutarwa" (Melchert, Ibn Ḥanbal, 5).

225 To explain his kindness Ibn Ḥanbal makes the excuse that the dog “might retaliate by the evil eye” (Melchert, Ibn Ḥanbal, 5).

Ɗan baiwarsa Ḥusn; duba babi na 64.

226 The son of his slave Ḥusn; see chapter 64.

227 Da alama sunansa na Farisanci shi ne Chobin.

227 Apparently the Persian name Chobin.

Kinberg ya bayyana zuhudu a matsayin sakamakon waraʿ, wato kamewa sosai daga duk abin da zai iya saɓa wa Shari'a. Melchert kuwa ya yi jayayya cewa "addinin gaskiya a al'adar zuhudu ba shi ne musamman bin dokoki masu yawa daidai gwargwado ba, duk da cewa masu zuhudu yawanci sukan bi dokoki masu yawa daidai gwargwado; a maimakon haka, yana da alaƙa da hali, musamman wannan tsananin ɗaukar rayuwa da muhimmanci ba tare da sassauci ba. Ya zama wajibi a ɗauki barazanar mutuwa da hisabi da muhimmanci. Ba a kashe lokaci ga nishaɗi marar amfani ba, sai dai a sadaukar da shi ga sauke nauyin da ke kan mutum" (Melchert, "Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal and the Qurʾān," 72).

228 Kinberg explains renunciation as the result of scrupulous avoidance (waraʿ) of anything possibly against the Law (Kinberg, “What is Meant by Zuhd”). Melchert, by contrast, argues that “right religion in the zuhd tradition was not mainly about precisely following a lot of rules, although renunciants usually did precisely follow a lot of rules; rather, it was about an attitude, above all this unremitting seriousness about life. The threat of death and judgment was to be taken seriously. Time was not to be wasted on frivolous entertainments but directed to the performance of duties” (Melchert, “Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal and the Qurʾān,” 72).

229 Ma'anonin qindīl da sirāj kamar yadda Goitein ya sake gina su daga Cairo Geniza suna ganin sun dace a nan (Mediterranean Society, 4:135–36).

229 The meanings of qindīl and sirāj as reconstructed by Goitein from the Cairo Geniza seem to make sense here (Mediterranean Society, 4:135–36).

230 Khalūq an bayyana shi a matsayin turare mai kauri kuma mai launin rawaya. Yana iya kasancewa an yi shi ne daga zarafi, wanda kuma ana iya amfani da shi wajen yin turare.

230 Khalūq is described as a thick yellow perfume. It may be based on saffron, which can also be used to make incense.

231 Q Ṭā Hā 20:131. Ayar cikakkiyar aya tana cewa: «Kada ka dubi abubuwan jin daɗin duniya da Muka ba wasu daga cikinsu, domin da waɗannan Muke jarraba su kawai. Arziƙin Ubangijinka ya fi alheri kuma ya fi ɗorewa.» 232 Ma'auni ne na nauyi wanda ma'anoninsa suka bambanta. Wata ma'ana ta farko a zamanin farko ta sanya shi daidai da hatsin sha'ir sittin; duba Ashtor, "Mawāzīn (1)," da Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. M-K-K.

231 Q Ṭā Hā 20:131. The whole verse reads «Do not regard the worldly benefits We have given some of them, for with these We seek only to test them. The provision of your Lord is better and more lasting.» 232 A unit of weight with various definitions. One early definition sets it equal to sixty grains of barley; see Ashtor, “Mawāzīn (1),” and Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. M-K-K.

Babu ɗaya daga cikin rubuce-rubucen da suka yi daidai kan abin da aka zana, kuma babu ɗaya da ya ba da kalma da ke da ma'ana.

233 None of the manuscripts agree on what was painted, and none gives a word that makes sense.

Bisa ga rubutun daidai da ke cikin Ibn Ḥanbal, Zuhd, 191, na gyara shi zuwa saqāʾif, jam'in saqīfah, wanda ke nufin "duk wani katon kwali na itace da ake gina rufi da shi" (Lane, Lexicon, s.v. SQ- F).

Following the parallel text in Ibn Ḥanbal, Zuhd, 191, I have emended to saqāʾif, plural of saqīfah, “any broad piece of wood … with which one may form a roof” (Lane, Lexicon, s.v. SQ- F).

Wannan nassi yana da gajere sosai, kuma ma'anar karin suna ba ta bayyana ba. Saboda haka fassarar tana da ɗan hasashe.

234 This passage is very terse and the pronoun references are ambiguous. The translation is therefore conjectural.

235 Wannan labarin yana magana ne kan lokacin bayan karshen Mihna (Inquisition), lokacin da Khalifa al-Mutawakkil ya karbi malaman Hadisi a fadarsa. Al-Miṣrī da abokan tafiyarsa sun dauka cewa halal ne su ji dadin duk wata baiwa da Khalifa ya bayar, amma Aḥmad, wanda kin amincewarsa da mulkin Abbasiyawa ya wuce batun akida, bai yarda ba. Haka kuma shi tsoho ne kuma yana rashin lafiya a lokacin, wanda ga alama shi ya sa yake kwance.

235 This story refers to the period after the end of the Inquisition, when the caliph al-Mutawakkil welcomed Hadith scholars to the palace. Al-Miṣrī and his companions thought it acceptable to enjoy whatever privileges the caliph offered, but Aḥmad, whose objections to Abbasid rule went beyond matters of dogma, did not. He was also old and ill at the time, which seems to be why he was lying down.

Umm walad: baiwa da ta haifa wa ubangidanta yaro.

236 Umm walad: a concubine who has borne her master a child.

Wannan lamarin a fili yake ya faru bayan Ibn Ḥanbal ya kamu da shanyewar jiki.

237 This incident evidently took place after Ibn Ḥanbal was stricken with paralysis.

Ma'anar da alama shi ne cewa Ibn Ḥanbal bai fahimci cewa rayuwarsa ta tsananin zuhudu tana lalata lafiyarsa ba.

238 The point seems to be that Ibn Ḥanbal did not realize that his life of austerity was undermining his health.

Wato, bawan da ya haifa masa ɗaya daga cikin 'ya'yansa.

239 That is, the slave who had borne one of his sons.

240 Ma'ana a zahiri "hatsi," kuma tsabar kudi ko ma'auni na nauyi daidai da 1/48 na dirham (Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. M-K-K). Shi da qiṭʿah ("guntu") alama ce ta mafi kankantar ma'auni da aka ambata a cikin Virtues.

240 Literally “a grain,” a coin or measure of weight equivalent to 1/48 of a dirham (Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. M-K-K). It and the qiṭʿah (“scrap”) seem to be the smallest units mentioned in the Virtues.

Al'ada ta nuna cewa ana zuwa wankan jama'a sau ɗaya a mako. Ibn Ḥanbal na iya kaucewa wanka saboda aiki ne mai daɗi, wanda yawanci ana yinsa tare da abokai; "alkawarin barin wannan jin daɗi ya kasance hanya mai tsanani ta horon kai" (Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 5:96–97).

241 The custom seems to have been to visit the bathhouse once a week. Ibn Ḥanbal may have shunned bathing because it was a pleasurable activity, usually undertaken with friends; “a vow to forego this amenity was a severe means of self-castigation” (Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 5:96–97).

242 "Ibn Ḥanbal ita ce watakila kaɗai talakkawan ɗan ƙasa a Baghdad ta ƙarni na uku na Hijira (karni na tara Miladi) wanda za mu iya sanya rayuwarsa cikin yanayin zahirinsa na gaske" (Cook, Commanding Right, 108); Cook ya ba da taƙaitaccen bayani mai kwatanta abin da Virtues da sauran majiyoyi suka faɗa mana game da gidan Ibn Ḥanbal da unguwarsa (108–10). Bayan Baghdad, bayanai masu yawa dalla-dalla game da gidaje da kayan ɗaki suna cikin Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:105–50; duk da cewa takardun Goitein na Masar ne kuma galibinsu sun fito daga lokaci na baya, halayen Yahudawan Geniza game da jin daɗi, alfarma, da kamewa suna ba da kyakkyawan bayani na bango ga wannan babi.

242 “Ibn Ḥanbal is perhaps the only ordinary citizen of third/ninth century Baghdad whose life we can place in its concrete surroundings” (Cook, Commanding Right, 108); Cook provides an evocative summary of what the Virtues and other sources tell us about Ibn Ḥanbal’s home and neighborhood (108–10). Beyond Baghdad, a great deal of detailed information on houses and furnishings appears in Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:105–50; although Goitein’s documents are Egyptian and date almost entirely from a later period, the Geniza Jews’ attitudes toward comfort, luxury, and abstinence provide an instructive background to this chapter.

243 Al'ada ta yau da kullum a Iraki ita ce yin barci a saman rufin gida a lokacin rani.

243 It was a common Iraqi custom to sleep on the roof in the summer.

244 Nassoshi ga shādhikūnah (wanda aka yi wa harshe da shakali kamar haka a cikin SH) ko shādhakūnah (Maṭlūb, Muʿjam, 76) suna nuna cewa an yi ta a Yaman, cewa mutane suna zaune a kanta, cewa tana da girma, kuma an dinka ta (muḍarrabah; duba al-Samʿānī, Al-Ansāb, 3:371). “Quilt” (ɗinkakkiyar katifa/shimfiɗa) ita ce tsammanina mafi kusa.

244 References to the shādhikūnah (so voweled in SH) or shādhakūnah (Maṭlūb, Muʿjam, 76) indicate that it was made in Yemen, that people sat on it, that it was large, and that it was stitched (muḍarrabah; see al-Samʿānī, Al-Ansāb, 3:371). “Quilt” is my best guess.

245 Bardaʿah ko bardhaʿah an bayyana ta ta wasu hanyoyi daban-daban: a matsayin zanen sirdi, a matsayin katifa cike da bambaro, a matsayin katifa, ko kuma a matsayin katifa da aka sanya a saman wata katifa (Lane, Lexicon, s. v. B-R-Dh; Sadan, “Mafrūshāt”; Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:115).

245 The bardaʿah or bardhaʿah is variously described as a a saddle-cloth, a pad stuffed with straw, a mattress, or a pad placed atop a mattress (Lane, Lexicon, s. v. B-R-Dh; Sadan, “Mafrūshāt”; Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:115).

246 Game da rataye-rataye, labule, da kayan ado na bango, duba Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:119–22.

246 On hangings, curtains, and drapes, see Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:119–22.

247 Biyu daga cikin rubuce-rubucen hannu (MSS), da al-Turkī bayan su, suna karanta yuʿazzīnī, wanda a fili yake nufin cewa Ibn Ḥanbal ya yi ƙoƙarin ta'azantar da al-Zuhrī ta hanyar cewa ya ciyo bashi don gina ƙofar (ko kofa). Sai dai ʿazzā yakan nufi miƙa ta'aziyya ga wanda aka rasa, don haka ni na bi SH wajen karanta yuʿaddīnī. Haka kuma na karanta bi l-dayn maimakon bil-labin "da tubali" da SH ya karanta, saboda Ibn Ḥanbal daga baya ya ce, a fili yana magana kan wannan gini guda, cewa dole ne ya shiga bashi wajen ginin saboda ya ƙi karɓar kuɗi daga wurin ɗansa (49.12).

247 Two of the MSS, and following them al-Turkī, read yuʿazzīnī, evidently meaning that Ibn Ḥanbal tried to console al-Zuhrī by saying that he had borrowed money to build the door (or gate). But ʿazzā usually means to offer condolences to the bereaved; I therefore follow SH in reading yuʿaddīnī. I also read bi l-dayn over SH’s plausible bil-labin “in brick,” because Ibn Ḥanbal later says, apparently speaking of the same structure, that he had to go into debt to build it because he refused to take money from his son (49.12).

248 Game da kānūn, duba Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:136.

248 On the kānūn, see Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:136.

Wannan lamari ya faru ne a lokacin da Ibn Ḥanbal yake a tsare a gidan Isḥāq ibn Ibrāhīm, sarkin Baghdad ko gwamnansa. Da alama iyalan Ibn Ḥanbal ne ke da alhakin ciyar da shi, watakila saboda ya ki cin abincin da wani ya kawo masa. Abincin da aka bayyana a nan shi ne ifṭār na Ibn Ḥanbal, wato abincin buɗe baki a watan Ramadan.

249 This incident took place during Ibn Ḥanbal’s confinement at the house of Isḥāq ibn Ibrāhīm, the emir or governor of Baghdad. Ibn Ḥanbal’s family was evidently responsible for his upkeep, perhaps because he refused to eat food provided by anyone else. The meal described here was Ibn Ḥanbal’s ifṭār, or fast-breaking meal during Ramadan.

250 Yawanci mutum zai ci nama a lokacin bikin. Al-Turkī ya karanta wannan a matsayin tambaya mai ma'anar kamar "To me waɗannan suna da amfani?" Amma daga wasu nassoshi (49.17 da 49.22), ana iya gani cewa Ibn Ḥanbal yana son wake.

250 Normally one would eat meat during the festival. Al-Turkī reads this as a question meaning something like “But what good were they?” From other passages (49.17 and 49.22), however, it seems that Ibn Ḥanbal was fond of beans.

251 Game da wannan yaduwa (kāmakh), duba 18.3.

251 On this spread (kāmakh), see 18.3.

An yi shi ta hanyar tafasa almond sannan a niƙa su.

252 Made by boiling almonds and crushing them.

253 Fassarar sunayen tufafi a cikin wannan babin dole ne a ɗauke su a matsayin hasashe. Muna da wata fahimta game da yadda tufafin Iraƙi na iya kasancewa, aƙalla a zamanun baya, daga zane-zanen littafin al-Ḥarīrī, Maqāmāt (duba Grabar, Illustrations da Guthrie, Arab Social Life). Muna da wasu tufafi na zahiri (ko sassan tufafi) daga wannan zamanin, kodayake ba daga Iraƙi ba (duba misali Fluck, "Dress Styles"; Colburn, "Materials"; Evans, Byzantium and Islam, 164–71), kuma muna da kalmomi da yawa da aka tabbatar don abubuwan sutura, duka daga ƙamusai (duba, misali, Maṭlūb, Muʿjam) da kuma daga takardun tarihi (Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:150–200). Abin takaici, ba koyaushe ake iya daidaita kalma da wani takamaiman tufa ko hoton wani ba. Ga abubuwa da yawa, a ƙarshe, ba a cika samun daidai da su a harshen Turanci ba.

253 The translation of clothing terms in this chapter must be taken as conjectural. We have some idea what Iraqi dress may have looked like, at least in later periods, from the illustrations for al- Ḥarīrī’s Maqāmāt (see Grabar, Illustrations and Guthrie, Arab Social Life). We have some actual garments (or parts of garments) from this period, though not from Iraq (see e.g., Fluck, “Dress Styles”; Colburn, “Materials”; Evans, Byzantium and Islam, 164–71), and we have many attested words for items of clothing, both from dictionaries (see, e.g., Maṭlūb, Muʿjam) and from documentary sources (Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:150–200). Unfortunately it is only occasionally possible to match a word with a particular garment, or depiction of one. For many items, finally, there do not seem to be precisely equivalent items in English.

254 Bayn al-thawbayn, wanda ma'anarsa a zahiri shi ne tsawon da ke tsakanin tsawon rigar ciki da ta waje da aka saba sanyawa.

254 Bayn al-thawbayn, apparently meaning of a length between that of the usual inner and the usual outer garment.

Goitein ya fassara milḥafah ko malḥafah a matsayin "rufi" (Mediterranean Society, 4:157).

255 Goitein translates milḥafah or malḥafah as “wrap” (Mediterranean Society, 4:157).

Goitein ya nace cewa qamīṣ riga ce (ibid, 4:156). Amma OED ta bayyana riga a matsayin "tufa ta waje," wanda wannan abu a bayyane yake ba haka yake ba. Na zaɓi "tunic," wato "tufa mai kama da riga ko doguwar riga … wadda ake sanyawa a kanta mayafi ko alkyabba mai sassauci" (OED), kuma shi ne kalmar da masana tarihin kayan aiki ke amfani da ita wajen bayyana rigunan da suka yi kama da riga waɗanda suka tsira daga farkon zamanin Musulunci (duba, misali, Evans, Byzantium and Islam, 168–69).

256 Goitein insists that a qamīṣ is a robe (ibid, 4:156). The OED, however, calls a robe “an outer garment,” which this object is clearly not. I have chosen “tunic,” which means “a garment resembling a shirt or gown … over which a loose mantle or cloak was worn” (OED), and is the term used by historians of material culture to describe the shirt-like garments that have survived from early Islamic times (see, e.g., Evans, Byzantium and Islam, 168–69).

Qalansuwwah: "hular da ake sanyawa a ƙarƙashin ɗamara, daidai da ṭarbūsh na zamani" (Dozy, Noms, 366).

257 Qalansuwwah: “the cap worn under the turban, equivalent to the modern ṭarbūsh” (Dozy, Noms, 366).

258 Kalmar muʿaqqad, ma'anarta a zahiri "mai ƙulli-ƙulli da yawa," ana bayaninta da cewa "wani irin tufafi masu ratsi daga Hajar"; duba Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. ʿ-Q-D.

258 The word muʿaqqad, literally “many-knotted,” is explained as “a kind of striped garment from Hajar”; see Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. ʿ-Q-D.

Goitein ya fassara ridāʾ da "coat" (Mediterranean Society, 4:116). Sai dai "coat" yana nuna wani abu da ake sanyawa don dumi, kuma Ibn Ḥanbal ya sa nasa a lokacin bazara (48.5). Guthrie ya bayyana cewa ana sanya ridāʾ a kafaɗa (Arab Social Life, 49). "Mantle", wato "wata rigar yawo marar hannu" (OED), ta bayyana kamar fassarar da ta dace.

259 Goitein translates ridāʾ as “coat” (Mediterranean Society, 4:116). “Coat,” however, suggests something worn to keep warm, and Ibn Ḥanbal wore his in the summer (48.5). Guthrie describes the ridāʾ as worn over the shoulder (Arab Social Life, 49). “Mantle,” meaning “a loose sleeveless cloak” (OED), seems a reasonable guess.

Dangane da ṭaylasān, duba Dozy, Noms, 278–80, da Guthrie, Social Life, 77–78 da hoto na 8.

260 On the ṭaylasān, see Dozy, Noms, 278–80, and Guthrie, Social Life, 77–78 and plate 8.

261 Kimanin mita uku, ko kusan ƙafa goma; duba W. Hinz, "Dhirāʿ." 262 Daga birnin Marv; duba Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. M-R-W.

261 Approximately three meters, or almost ten feet; see W. Hinz, “Dhirāʿ.” 262 From the city of Marv; see Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. M-R-W .

263 Murabbaʿ na nufin ko dai “murabba’i” (murabba’i) ko kuma “mai kwaɗo-kwaɗo”. Kisāʾ “a bayyane yake cewa tsohon yanki ne mai sauƙi na zane mai siffar murabba’i ko kuma kusan haka” (Lane, Lexicon, s.v. K-S-W), kuma a wannan yanayi ana iya ɗauka cewa murabba’i ne. Kamusai kuma suna ambaton washy murabbaʿ, wani tsari na kwaɗo-kwaɗo da aka buga ko aka yi wa ado da zare a kan tufa (Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. K-ʿ-B).

263 Murabbaʿ means either “square” or “checked.” A kisāʾ “was evidently a simple oblong piece of cloth” (Lane, Lexicon, s.v. K-S-W) and in this case may have been square. The dictionaries also mention washy murabbaʿ, a pattern of checks printed or embroidered on a garment (Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. K-ʿ-B).

Manufin da ke cikin wannan shi ne cewa ya ki karɓar kuɗi daga wani, saboda bai da tabbacin halascinsa.

264 The point seems to be that he did not want to take money from anyone else because he could not be sure of its acceptability.

265 Ba a fayyace abin da kaylajah take zama kashi ɗaya cikin huɗu na shi ba, amma yana yiwuwa a samu amsa daga jerin daidaiton ma'auni masu rikitarwa da Ibn Manẓūr ya kawo a cikin "Lisān", s.v. M-K-K.

265 It is unclear what a kaylajah is a fourth of, but it may be possible to derive an answer from the bewildering list of equivalences in Ibn Manẓūr, “Lisān”, s.v. M-K-K.

Duba bayani a farkon bayyanar wannan rahoto a babi na 40.

266 See note at the first appearance of this report in chapter 40.

267 A zahiri, wani turare mai kamshi da aka yi da busasshen miski, da kuma wani jan rini da ake amfani da shi wajen shirya takalman fatar akuya.

267 Literally, an aromatic paste made of dried musk, and a red dye used in preparing kidskin shoes.

Tattaunawar tana da alaƙa da gyara ko sanya ƙofa ko kofa a kan dukiyar da Ibn Ḥanbal ya yi hayar ɗakuna a cikinta. An raba kuɗin haya a tsakanin ’yan iyali, daga cikinsu har da ʿAbd Allāh. Amma saboda Ibn Ḥanbal bai amince da sauran hanyoyin samun kuɗin shiga na ʿAbd Allāh ba, ba zai iya barin shi ya bayar da gudummawa wajen kula da dukiyar ba.

268 The conversation is apparently about repairing or installing a gate or door on the property where Ibn Ḥanbal rented out rooms. The revenue was apparently divided among the members of the family, among them ʿAbd Allāh. Since he does not approve of the latter’s other sources of income, however, Ibn Ḥanbal cannot allow him to contribute to the upkeep of the property.

Tun da Ṣāliḥ ya karɓi kyaututtuka daga halifa, duk abin da ya fito daga gidansa ya gurɓata.

269 Since Ṣāliḥ had accepted gifts from the caliph, anything that came from his house was tainted.

Q Ibrāhīm 14:45. Wannan yana daya daga cikin zarge-zargen da azzalumai za su ji a lahira.

270 Q Ibrāhīm 14:45. This is one of the reproaches the damned will hear in the afterlife.

Ainihin yanayin tsarin kuɗin da aka bayyana a nan ba shi da cikakken bayyana a gare ni.

271 The precise nature of the financial arrangement described here is not clear to me.

272 A Masar an yi amfani da ganyen ayaba wajen naɗe kayan da aka saya (Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:246).

272 In Egypt banana leaves were used for wrapping purchases (Goitein, Mediterranean Society, 4:246).

273 Al-Turkī ya fassara ḍubnah (ko ḍabnah ko ḍibnah) da ma'anar "masu dogaro" (Manāqib, bugu na biyu, 352n1), amma tun da Yaḥyā ya kasance babban alkali a zamanin al-Ma'mūn, "tawaga" ce (Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. Ḍ-BN).

273 Al-Turkī takes ḍubnah (or ḍabnah or ḍibnah) to mean “dependents” (Manāqib, 2nd ed., 352n1), but since Yaḥyā was chief judge under al-Maʾmūn, “entourage” (Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. Ḍ-BN)

I'm not sure what you'd like translated. Your message "seems more likely." doesn't appear to be connected to a specific passage from an Islamic book, and there's no earlier text in our conversation for me to work from. Please send the English text you'd like translated into Hausa, and I'll translate it faithfully.

seems more likely.

274 Ibn Ḥanbal bai yarda da karɓar kuɗi saboda koyarwa ba, saboda haka ya ƙi karɓar kyautar. Ina godiya ga Tahera Qutbuddin saboda gyara fassarar da ta gabata ta wannan nassi.

274 Ibn Ḥanbal did not believe in accepting payment for teaching and so refused to accept the gift. I thank Tahera Qutbuddin for correcting an earlier translation of this passage.

275 Ibn Ḥanbal yana alama da ka'idar cewa Musulmi bai kamata ya haifar da wata matsala ko shinge a kan hanyar jama'a ba.

275 Ibn Ḥanbal seems to be applying the principle that Muslims should not create a nuisance or impediment in a public thoroughfare.

Ɗauka cewa rubutu da fassarar nan daidai ne, harafin "S" (sīn) ƙila yana buƙatar gyara, domin sigar gajeriyar rubutunsa layi ce mai sauƙi wacce ba koyaushe ake iya karanta ta a matsayin harafi daban ba. Ina godiya ga Devin Stewart saboda tattaunawar da ya yi da ni game da wannan nassi.

276 Assuming that the text and translation are accurate here, “S” (the letter sīn) may have needed correction because its abbreviated form is a simple line that is not always readily legible as a distinct letter. I thank Devin Stewart for discussing this passage with me.

277 Wannan batu ne da aka tattauna sosai, kuma Ibn Ḥanbal ya yi tunanin ya fi kyau kada ya amsa saboda tsoron kada ya yi kuskure. Duba al-Turkī, Manāqib, bugu na 2, 358n2.

277 This was a much-discussed problem, and Ibn Ḥanbal apparently thought it better not to answer for fear of being wrong. See al-Turkī, Manāqib, 2nd ed., 358n2.

Manufofin shi shi ne cewa akwai guda ɗaya kawai.

278 The point seems to be that there was only one.

Ibn Ḥanbal, Waraʿ, 141–43) ya nuna cewa ya ƙi yarda da kayan saƙa masu zane-zane, don haka da ya ƙi yarda da zanen furanni da ganyaye da ake yawan gani a zanen filasta da aka samu daga wannan zamani (duba, misali, Mietke, “Vine Rinceaux”). Haka kuma, fada na iya kasancewa an yi masa ado da zane-zanen farauta, da bukukuwan sha, da mawaka, da masu rawa, da makamantansu (duba, misali, Ballian, “Country Estates”).

279 Ibn Ḥanbal’s disapproval of figured fabrics (Ibn Ḥanbal, Waraʿ, 141–43) suggests that he would have objected to the floral and vegetal patterns extremely common in surviving examples of plaster decoration from this period (see, e.g., Mietke, “Vine Rinceaux”). The palace may also have been decorated with paintings of hunting scenes, drinking parties, musicians, dancers, and the like (see, e.g., Ballian, “Country Estates”).

Ƙin karɓar muƙamin alƙalanci daga malamai masu takawa al'ada ce da ta yawaita a cikin tarihin rayuwarsu. Tillier, Cadis d'Iraq, shafi na 652 da wanda ke biye da shi, ya ba da, baya ga nassoshi daga tsoffin littattafai, wata sabuwar fassara mai ban mamaki: cewa waɗannan ƙi-karɓa ba komai ba ne face musayar al'adar biki tsakanin malamai da hukumomi.

280 The reluctance of pious scholars to assume judgeships is a common topos of biography. Tillier, Cadis d’Iraq, 652ff., offers, in addition to references to the older literature, a striking new interpretation of these refusals as ritual exchanges between learned men and the authorities.

Wannan labari yana ba da ra'ayin cewa an ƙirƙire shi ne don yabon Ibn Ḥanbal a kan kuɗin al-Shāfiʿī; duba Cooperson, Classical, 149–51.

281 This story gives the impression of being invented to praise Ibn Ḥanbal at al-Shāfiʿī’s expense; see Cooperson, Classical, 149–51.

Al-Amīn ya hau mulki a shekara ta 809/193, a lokacin Ibn Ḥanbal zai kasance yana da shekaru talatin ko talatin da ɗaya.

282 Al-Amīn took office in 809/193, when Ibn Ḥanbal would have been thirty or thirty-one.

283 Sunan halittar Khalifa al-Amīn. A wannan zamani, malaman hadisi masu tsoron Allah sun yi kamar sun guji kiran halifofin Abbasiyawa da sarautarsu, domin da yawa daga cikinsu sun dauki daular a matsayin wacce ba ta halal ba.

283 The proper name of the caliph al-Amīn. During this period, pious Hadith-men seem to have avoided calling the Abbasid caliphs by their titles, since many of them considered the dynasty illegitimate.

284 Al-Ribāṭī dole ne ya karɓi tallafin ʿAbd Allāh ibn Ṭāhir, gwamnan Khurasan, wanda a fahimtar Ibn Ḥanbal ke nan yana nufin ya lalata kansa a matsayinsa na Musulmi da kuma na malami.

284 Al-Ribāṭī must have accepted the patronage of ʿAbd Allāh ibn Ṭāhir, governor of Khurasan, which to Ibn Ḥanbal’s way of thinking meant compromising himself as a Muslim and as a scholar.

Mai magana ya yi mamaki da ganin cewa Balarabe—wato zuriyar ainihin musulman da suka yi fatauci—yana talauci. Hakika, Ibn Ḥanbal ya fito daga wata kabila mai daraja, kuma danginsa sun rike mukamai a gwamnatin Abbasiyawa (duba babi na 1–3).

285 The speaker is surprised that an Arab—that is, a descendant of the original Muslim conquerors—is poor. Indeed, Ibn Ḥanbal belonged to a prestigious tribe and his relatives occupied positions in the Abbasid administration (see chapters 1–3).

Matsalar ba kujerar kanta ba ce, a'a, matsalar ita ce cewa an yi mata ado da azurfa, kamar yadda zai bayyana a cikin rahoton da ke biye. Ina godiya ga Hossein Modarressi bisa bayyana wannan batu.

286 The problem was not the chair itself but the fact that it was decorated with silver, as becomes clear in the next report. I thank Hossein Modarressi for clarifying this point.

Al-Sawwāq yana nuna wata liyafa (wadda masu saurarensa suka sani) da aka yi a wani gida kusa da Bāb al-Muqayyir, wanda zai iya nufin “Ƙofar Mai Yin Kwalta” amma ba “Ƙofar Da Aka Kafa Da Kwalta ba,” sabanin ra’ayin Le Strange, Baghdad, 224–26. Ƙofar tana cikin al-Mukharrim, wata unguwa a arewa maso gabashin Baghdad.

287 Al-Sawwāq seems to mean a banquet (apparently known to his audience) held in a house near the Bāb al-Muqayyir, which may mean “Pitch-Worker’s Gate” but not “Pitched Gate,” pace Le Strange, Baghdad, 224–26. The gate was located in al-Mukharrim, a quarter of northeast Baghdad.

288 Ibn Ḥanbal’s ascetic contemporary Bishr ibn al-Ḥārith al-Ḥāfī (see Glossary). Note: I kept the original's "the Barefoot" as it appears in the source, but the standard Arabic epithet is "al-Ḥāfī", which I should not have altered. Here is the translation with the text as given: 288 Ibn Ḥanbal’s ascetic contemporary Bishr ibn al-Ḥārith the Barefoot (see Glossary). Hausa translation: 288 Ibn Ḥanbal’s ascetic contemporary Bishr ibn al-Ḥārith the Barefoot (see Glossary).

288 Ibn Ḥanbal’s ascetic contemporary Bishr ibn al-Ḥārith the Barefoot (see Glossary).

289 Al-Turkī ya bayyana shi a matsayin Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam ibn Nāfiʿ al-Warrāq (d. 251/865–66).

289 Identified by al-Turkī as Ibn ʿAbd al-Ḥakam ibn Nāfiʿ al-Warrāq (d. 251/865–66).

290 Akhāfu an takraha l-rijl, wanda aka yi wa harakar baka a H, wanda al-Turkī a fili yake fahimta da ma'anar "ina tsoron kada ka ƙi taron mutane." Don wannan ma'anar da ba a saba da ita ba ta rijl, duba Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, R-J-L.

290 Akhāfu an takraha l-rijl, so voweled in H, which al-Turkī evidently understands to mean “I’m afraid you don’t like crowds.” For this unusual meaning of rijl, see Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, R-J-L.

291 Sauran tunanin shi ne, "ko da yana shi kaɗai." 292 Fassarori na siyasa daban-daban game da wannan kalma (wanda aka tattauna a cikin Nagel, "Qurrāʾ," da Shah, "Quest")

291 The rest of the thought apparently being “even when he’s alone.” 292 The various political interpretations of this term (discussed in Nagel, “Qurrāʾ,” and Shah, “Quest”)

are based on references to earlier periods and none makes obvious sense here. From the passage itself it is clear that the qurrāʾ, whatever else they may have been, were associated, in Ibn Ḥanbal's milieu, with pious shabbiness.

are based on references to earlier periods and none makes obvious sense here. From the passage itself it is clear that the qurrāʾ, whatever else they may have been, were associated, in Ibn Ḥanbal’s milieu, with pious shabbiness.

293 Rubutattun littattafai sun karanta asmārjūn, wanda shi ne lafazin Larabci na āsemāngūn, ma'ana "mai launin sama" a harshen Farisanci. Al-Turkī kuma ya gyara shi zuwa asmān jūn, wanda ya fi kusa da Farisancin, amma ba a same shi a rubutattun littattafan ba.

293 The manuscripts read asmārjūn, the Arabic pronunciation of āsemāngūn, meaning “sky-colored” in Persian. Al-Turkī emends to asmān jūn, which is closer to the Persian but not attested in the manuscripts.

Su alama "They" a nan suna nufin hukumomin Abbasiyawa, waɗanda suka yi ƙoƙarin samun tagomashinsa bayan Mihna (Inquisition).

294 “They” would appear to be the Abbasid authorities, who tried to court his favor after the Inquisition.

An ruwaito abin da ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb ya faɗa game da shekarun da ya yi a matsayin halifa. A nan Ibn Ḥanbal ya bayyana alama yana magana ne game da Mihna (binciken tilastawa na akidar halittar Alƙur'ani).

295 Reportedly what ʿUmar ibn al-Khaṭṭāb said about having served as caliph. Here Ibn Ḥanbal seems to be talking about the Inquisition.

296 Sahl ibn Salāmah shugaba ne a ƙungiyar sa-kai da ta nemi maido da doka da oda a Bagadaza bayan kewayen birnin a shekara ta 813. Duba al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, 8:552/3:1009–10, 572–73/3:1035–36; van Ess, Theologie, 3:173–75.

296 Sahl ibn Salāmah was a leader of the vigilante movement that sought to restore law and order in Baghdad after the siege of 813. See al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, 8:552/3:1009–10, 572–73/3:1035–36; van Ess, Theologie, 3:173–75.

297 Kalmar ṭunbūr, “dogon wuya mai dogon igiya,” wani lokaci ana fassara ta da kalmar “pandore,” wadda duk da haka ana amfani da ita wajen bayyana nau’o’i da dama na garaya masu matsakaicin wuya da dogon wuya, da kuma wasu kayan kida na Turai marasa alaƙa da ita. Ina godiya ga Dwight Reynolds bisa bayanin da ya yi game da waɗannan kalmomi. Game da lalata kayan kida da masu ibada suke yi, duba Cook, Commanding Right, 79, 90–91, 98, 100 (inda aka tattauna wannan lamari), 121, 149, 238, 300, 309, 383, 384, da 481.

297 The term ṭunbūr, “long-necked lute,” is sometimes translated using the cognate term “pandore,” which, however, is also used to describe many different forms of medium- and long-necked lutes, as well as certain unrelated European instruments. I thank Dwight Reynolds for explaining these terms. On the pious smashing of musical instruments, see Cook, Commanding Right, 79, 90–91, 98, 100 (where this incident is discussed), 121, 149, 238, 300, 309, 383, 384, and 481.

298 Q Mulk 67:30.

298 Q Mulk 67:30.

299 Al-Shāfi'ī malami ne mai muhimmanci a tsakanin malaman Sunna a fannin fiqhu (duba Glossary). An yi imani cewa addu'o'i a lokacin asuba suna da karfi sosai. Wannan labari, ko da yake ba abu ne da ba zai yiwu ba a kansa, irin labarin ne da aka yada don boye banbancin da ke tsakanin malaman fiqhu da suka bi tafarkin al-Shāfi'ī da wadanda suka fi son tafarkin Ibn Ḥanbal.

299 Al-Shāfiʿī was a foundational Sunni legal theorist (see Glossary). Supplications at dawn were thought to be especially effective. This report, though not impossible in itself, is the sort of story that was circulated to paper over the differences between jurists who followed al-Shāfiʿī’s approach and those who favored Ibn Ḥanbal’s.

Wannan labari an bayyana shi a fili domin a ɗaukaka Ibn Ḥanbal, ko kuma domin a tabbatar da cewa addu'a ta fi ilimi muhimmanci, ko kuma duka biyun. Sai dai rabin farko na labarin ne kaɗai ke isar da wannan ma'ana yadda ya kamata; rabi na biyu wataƙila an ƙara shi ne domin kada a ɓata wa wani rai.

300 This story was clearly invented to make Ibn Ḥanbal look good, to argue that prayer is more important than scholarship, or both. But only the first half of the story makes the point effectively; the second part may have been added to avoid giving offense.

301 Kalmar ṣabr (haƙuri, jure wahala) da sauran sifofinta sun bayyana sau casa'in da shida (an bincika a tanzil.net).

301 The word ṣabr (fortitude, patience) and its various derivatives appear ninety-six times (searched on tanzil.net).

302 Q 18, Suratul Kahf. Wannan babin yana magana ne a kan jigogi na rashin godiya, gardama, da rashin haƙuri. Yana ba da labarai da dama sanannu. Ɗaya shi ne labarin Mutanen Kogo, muminai masu gudu waɗanda Allah ya sa su cikin barci mai zurfi, sa'an nan ya tashe su bayan shekara ɗari uku da tara (309) a matsayin alama da jarabawa ga ɗan Adam. Wani kuma shi ne labarin wanda ya yi rashin godiya, mai gona, wanda ya fahimci dogaronsa gaba ɗaya ga Allah sa'ad da amfanin gonarsa ya lalace. Wani labarin kuma shi ne tafiyar Musa tare da wani bawan Allah wanda ba a ambaci sunansa ba, wanda ya aikata jerin ayyuka da alama mugaye, waɗanda daga baya aka bayyana cewa alheri ne. Haka kuma ya ƙunshi labarin "mai ƙaho biyu," wanda ake yawan danganta shi da Alexander Mai Girma, da kuma haɗuwarsa da mutane dabam-dabam. Surar ta ƙare da bayanin Ranar Alƙiyama da kuma umarni ga Annabi ﷺ da ya shelanta cewa Allah ɗaya ne, kuma ya yi kira ga ɗan Adam su aikata ayyukan alheri.

302 Q 18, Sūrat al-Kahf. This chapter deals with the themes of ingratitude, quarrelsomeness, and impatience. It tells several well-known stories. One is that of the People of the Cave, fugitive believers whom God cast into a deep sleep and revived 309 years later as a sign and a test to humankind. Another is that of the ungrateful grower who comes to understand his absolute dependence on God when his crops fail. Yet another is that of Moses’s travels with an unnamed servant of God who commits a series of apparently wicked actions, which are later explained as benevolent. It also contains the story of “the horned one,” often identified as Alexander the Great, and his encounters with various peoples. It ends with a description of the Day of Judgment and a exhortation to the Prophet to proclaim that God is one and to urge humankind to good deeds.

303 Gaisuwar da ake yi a ƙarshen sallah ita ce, "Aminci ya kasance a kanku, da albarkar Allah." Gaisuwar da ake yi a ƙarshen sallah... Correction, following the rules (write "God" as the Hausa word for God, i.e. Allah is forbidden; use "Ubangiji"): 303 Gaisuwar da ake yi don kammala sallah ita ce: "Aminci ya kasance a kanku, da albarkar Ubangiji." 304 Bai kamata a katse mai sallah ba, ko a ratsa gabansa ko gabanta kai tsaye.

303 The salutation, which ends the prayer, is “Peace be upon you, and the blessing of God.” 304 One should not interrupt someone who is praying, or pass directly in front of him or her.

Ba a bayyana sarai wanda ya ke shagaltar da wane ba, ko da yake ya kamata a ba da fifiko ga Ibn Ḥanbal a matsayin mai aikatawa.

305 It is not clear who was keeping whom busy, though the preference should perhaps be given to Ibn Ḥanbal as the subject.

"Sauran": nafilolin, watau "ibadodin nafila" (salloli masu kari), wato ibadoji na zabi da ake yi baya ga ibadojin farilla.

306 “The rest”: the nawāfil, or “supererogatory prayers,” that is, optional observances performed in addition to the ritual devotions.

Masu ibada suna iya zaɓar surori da za su karanta a cikin sallolinsu. Wasu rahotanni da dama sun ce Ibn Ḥanbal ya fi son wannan sura. Game da kanta sura, duba 58.7.

307 Worshippers may choose which chapters to read during their prayers. Several reports say that Ibn Ḥanbal preferred this one. On the chapter itself, see 58.7.

Wato, an kai da su zuwa Makka ta hanyar al'ajabi. A tarihin rayuwar Sufaye, Waliyyan Allah na iya ketare nisa mai girma nan take, kuma suna iya ɗaukar wasu tare da su.

308 That is, transported supernaturally to Mecca. In Sufi biography, the Allies of God can cross great distances instantly and can carry others with them.

309 Wannan labarin, wanda aka yi shi a hankali ba tare da cikakkiyar tsari ba, an yi shi ne da nufin kafa dangantaka mai kyau tsakanin malamai na ilimin addini da malamai na tafarkin tasawwufi. Duba Cooperson, Classical, 138–51, 178–84.

309 This awkwardly constructed story was apparently intended to establish cordiality between exemplars of the religious sciences and exemplars of the mystical tradition. See Cooperson, Classical, 138–51, 178–84.

310 Q Sharḥ 94:5–6.

310 Q Sharḥ 94:5–6.

311 Q Fuṣṣilat 41:11.

311 Q Fuṣṣilat 41:11.

312 H da SH suna da mā yaṣnaʿu, “abin da Yake yi,” ko da yake fatḥah a H na iya zama ḍammah, wanda ya ba da mā yuṣnaʿu, “abin da ake yi” (haka al-Turkī ya ce). Ko da yake abin mamaki ne, “abin da Yake yi” yana da ma’ana idan Ibn Ḥanbal ya yi imani cewa Allah ya riga ya ƙaddara dukan ayyukanmu (duba 20.49). Tun da H da SH suna wakiltar tsare-tsare masu zaman kansu na rubuce-rubucen hannu, na karɓi mā yaṣnaʿu kuma na fassara bisa haka. Sai dai in ban da batun adalci na Allah, karanta D na mā naṣnaʿu, “abin da muke yi,” ita ce mafi dacewa.

312 H and SH have mā yaṣnaʿu, “what He does,” though the fatḥah in H may also be a ḍammah, giving mā yuṣnaʿu, “what is done” (thus al-Turkī). Though odd, “what He does” makes sense if Ibn Ḥanbal believed that God has predestined all our actions (see 20.49). Since H and SH represent independent manuscript traditions, I have adopted mā yaṣnaʿu and translated accordingly. But theodicy aside, D’s mā naṣnaʿu, “what we do,” is the most natural reading.

313 H da D suna da ṭibb, wanda aka fi sani da "magani," kuma ba a samu shi a matsayin jam'in ṭabīb, "likita," ba, amma da alama ana amfani da shi a wannan ma'ana a nan.

313 H and D have ṭibb, commonly “medicine,” and not attested as a plural of ṭabīb, “physician,” but apparently being used in that sense here.

314 Iyalin yaron alama ce da ke nuna cewa suna amfani da wani magani da aka yi da fatl, wato furannin samur ko bishiyar acacia, don dakatar da zubar jini. Don karanta bayanin zamani kan yadda ake amfani da acacia a magani, duba http://www.cloverleaffarmherbs.com/acacia/. Ina godiya ga Kyle Gamble da ya ba da wannan shawara, wadda ta fi yiwuwa fiye da "igiyar da aka murɗe" da ke bugun farko.

314 The child’s family seems to have been using a preparation made of fatl, the blossoms of the samur or acacia, to stop the bleeding. For a modern description of how the acacia is used medicinally, see http://www.cloverleaffarmherbs.com/acacia/. I thank Kyle Gamble for suggesting this possibility, which is far likelier than the “twisted cord” of the first edition.

Shekaru talatin" ya bayyana kamar kuskure ne; duba 62.8.

315 “Thirty years” appears to be wrong; see 62.8.

316 Rayḥāna kuma an gano ta (duba 63.5) a matsayin baiwar Ibn Ḥanbal, amma wannan da'awa ba ta da tabbacin tushe sosai.

316 Rayḥāna is also identified (see 63.5) as Ibn Ḥanbal’s concubine, though this claim seems less well documented.

Ma'anarsa a zahiri "wani abu da aka yanke ko aka tsinke". A nan a fili yana nufin wani nau'in takalmi, amma ban same shi an tabbatar da hakan a wasu majiyoyi ba.

317 Literally something cut off or cut out. Here it obviously refers to some kind of footwear but I have not found it attested in other sources.

318 Wataƙila kan rago ne.

318 Probably the head of a sheep.

319 Wannan yana nufin cewa ya riga ya kashe duk dirham ɗin da suke da shi, kuma kada ta dogara da cewa zai sake shirya mata wani biki. Wata fassara mai yiwuwa ita ce: "Wannan shi ne duk abin da za ki samu daga wurina yau." 320 Ma'auni ne na busassun kaya wanda darajarsa ta bambanta sosai daga yanki zuwa yanki, daga kimanin gram 926.7 zuwa 1.6

319 This seems to mean that he has just spent the last dirham they have, and that she should not count on him to throw any more celebrations for her. Another possible reading is: “This is all you’ll get from me today.” 320 A dry measure whose value varied greatly by region, from approximately 926.7 grams to 1.6

kilogiram (Ashtor, "Mawāzīn, 1").

kilograms (Ashtor, “Mawāzīn, 1”).

321 Ba a bayyana mini ba ko Ḥusn ce ta biya kuɗin masana'anta ko kuwa an biya ta kuɗin aikin da ta yi wajen ƙera tufafin. Kirā yawanci yana nufin hayar wani abu, amma a nan kamar yana nufin kuɗin da ake biya saboda aikin wani. Ina godiya ga Isam Eido, Saud AlSarhan, da Julia Bray da suka tattauna wannan matsala da ni.

321 It is unclear to me whether Ḥusn paid for the fabric or was paid for the work she did when she made the garment. Kirā usually means the rent, but here it seems to mean the fee paid for a service. I thank Isam Eido, Saud AlSarhan, and Julia Bray for discussing this problem with me.

Haka kuma ba a bayyana sosai ba dalilin da ya sa Ibn Ḥanbal bai so tufafin ba. Watakila ya ki shi ne saboda an saƙa shi da kyau sosai, ko kuma watakila ya ƙi ciniki da Ḥusn ya ambata (inda ghallah ke nufin kuɗin da ya tara daga masu haya a gonakinsa).

It is also unclear exactly why Ibn Ḥanbal did not want the garment. He may have disliked its being finely woven, or he may have disapproved of the transaction Ḥusn mentions (the ghallah being the money he collected from his tenants).

322 Ibn Ḥanbal ya yanke shawara nan take cewa zai yi amfani da zanen a matsayin kafani, saboda haka ya roki Ḥusn kada ta yanke shi, domin kafani kawai nade ne. A ƙarshe kuwa, da alama tana cewa ya yanke zanen ne don ya yi amfani da ɓangaren da ya fi ƙarfi kawai a matsayin kafani.

322 Ibn Ḥanbal decided immediately to use the cloth as a shroud and therefore asked Ḥusn not to cut it, as a shroud is simply a wrapper. At the end, though, she seems to be saying that he cut the cloth in order to use only the coarser part for the shroud.

A bayyana cewa wannan tarihin rayuwar Ibn Ḥanbal ya ɓace yanzu.

323 Evidently a now-lost biography of Ibn Ḥanbal.

324 Tun da ana kuma ambatar Rayḥānah a matsayin sunan matar Ibn Ḥanbal ta biyu (62.4), hanya mafi sauƙi wajen bayyana sabanin ita ce cewa al-Munādī ya yi kuskuren danganta sunan ga Ḥusn. Bayanan game da neman izinin matarsa da bin sunnah na iya zama ƙari na ibada da aka ƙara daga baya.

324 Since Rayḥānah is also given as the name of Ibn Ḥanbal’s second wife (62.4) the most economical explanation of the discrepancy is that al-Munādī mistakenly applied the name to Ḥusn. The details about asking his wife’s permission and following the sunnah may be pious embellishments.

325 Ibn Ḥanbal na nufin Q Aʿrāf 7:172, inda Allah ya kira rayukan dukan waɗanda ba a haifa ba tukuna, ya sa su shaida Shi a matsayin Ubangijinsu. A nan, to, yana ba ɗansa babba haƙuri saboda ya haifi ƙananan yaran. Ya bar al-Ḥasan da al-Ḥusayn ƙanana, waɗanda suka mutu tun suna yara (duba 63.2), ko da yake ba a bayyana dalilin da ya sa ya bar Muḥammad ba, wanda shi ne ɗa na huɗu daga cikin ƙananan yaransa. Bisa wannan fahimtar nassin, na fassara bisa rubutun H, wanda ke karanta “al-Ḥasan.” Su kuwa D da SH duka suna karanta Ḥusn (ƙwarƙwarar Ibn Ḥanbal).

325 Ibn Ḥanbal is referring to Q Aʿrāf 7:172, where God summons the souls of all those yet unborn and has them acknowledge Him as their Lord. Here, then, he is apologizing to his older son for fathering the younger ones. He leaves out the younger al-Ḥasan and al-Ḥusayn, who died young (see 63.2), though why he should leave out Muḥammad, the fourth of his young sons, is not clear. Following this understanding of the passage, I have translated based on the text of H, which reads “al-Ḥasan.” For their part, D and SH both read Ḥusn (Ibn Ḥanbal’s concubine)

Maimakon Ḥasan. Idan an karɓi wannan karatun, ma'anar ruwayar ita ce Ibn Ḥanbal yana neman afuwa saboda sayen Ḥusn da kuma haihuwar Sa'īd.

instead of Ḥasan. If this reading is adopted, the report means that Ibn Ḥanbal is apologizing for buying Ḥusn and fathering Saʿīd.

326 Qanṭarah ita ce gada ta dutse (masonry bridge), sabanin wadda ake goyawa da jiragen ruwa ko buhunan iska da aka cika. Fūrān yana amfani da gajeriyar magana ta yankin nan wajen nufin wata kasuwa kusa da irin wannan gada. Don jerin yiwuwar abubuwan da ake nufi, duba Le Strange, Baghdad, shafi na 368, ginshiƙin hagu.

326 A qanṭarah is a masonry bridge as opposed to one supported by boats or inflated skins. Fūrān is using local shorthand to refer to a market near one such bridge. For a list of the possibilities, see Le Strange, Baghdad, 368, left column.

"Ƙofar da ke fita daga unguwannin arewa maso yamma zuwa wurin ziyara na Kâẓimayn," kuma don dalilai na shari'a "iyakar arewacin Yammacin Baghdad." Le Strange, Baghdad, shafi na 115 da taswira ta 5.

327 “The gate leading out from the [northwest] suburbs to the shrine of the Kâẓimayn,” and for legal purposes “the northern limit of Western Baghdad.” Le Strange, Baghdad, 115 and map 5.

Wanda yake auna tufafi ko filaye (al-Samʿāni, al-Ansāb, 3:5).

328 One who measures cloth or plots of land (al-Samʿāni, al-Ansāb, 3:5).

Al-Turkī, yana dogara ga wani nassi mai kama da wannan, ya gyara "Aḥmad" zuwa "aḥmadu l-Lāh", amma asalin rubutun, wanda ya bayyana a dukkan kwafen rubuce-rubuce, ya fi zama mai inganci a gare ni sosai.

329 Al-Turkī, drawing on a parallel text, emends Aḥmad to aḥmadu l-Lāh, but the original, which appears in all the manuscripts, strikes me as much more plausible.

330 Idan aka yi hukunci daga ayyukan karni na uku da na tara na hijira da aka rubuta domin gyara kuskuren rubutu, "laḥn" (munanan Larabci) a wannan zamani mai yiwuwa ba yana nufin yin kuskure a cikin canjin ƙarshen kalma (iʿrāb) ba, kamar yadda ake bayani a cikin labaran da ake dangantawa da mutanen farkon Musulunci (labaran da mai yiwuwa an ƙirƙira su). Maimakon haka, yana nufin yin kuskure irin su rikitar da fi'ili na Form I da na Form IV, ko amfani da harafin yā' maimakon hamza (glottal stop). Don misalai, duba Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-kātib, passim. Game da "munanan Larabci" a matsayin batun zaɓin kalmomi, duba 98.23.

330 To judge by third/ninth-century works intended to correct writing errors, “bad Arabic” (laḥn) in this period probably did not mean making errors in inflection (iʿrāb), as in the (probably contrived) stories told of early Islamic figures. Rather, it meant making errors such as mixing up Form I and Form IV verbs, or using yāʾ instead of the glottal stop. For examples, see Ibn Qutaybah, Adab al-kātib, passim. For “bad Arabic” as a matter of word choice, see 98.23.

331 Qarāmil: "kayan gashi da aka murɗa, na gashi, ulu, ko siliki, waɗanda mata ke amfani da su wajen janye gashinsu baya" (Lisān, s.v.

331 Qarāmil: “twisted strips of hair, wool, or silk, used by women to pull back their hair” (Lisān, s.v.

Q-R-M-L ).

Q-R-M-L ).

Maganar Ibn al-Jawzī cewa magabatan Musulmai sun yi imani cewa Wahayi ba halitta ba ne, magana ce da ba ta cika gaskiya ba.

332 Ibn al-Jawzī’s claim that the early Muslims held the Revelation to be uncreated is tendentious.

A cikin wannan littafi a wasu wurare (72.9–10, 72.13–14) majiyoyinsa za su bayar da hujja cewa wannan batu ba a yarda a tattauna shi ba saboda musulmai na farko ba su bayyana matsaya a kansa ba.

Elsewhere in this volume (72.9–10, 72.13–14) his sources will argue that the subject is off limits precisely because the early Muslims announced no position on the matter.

333 Ibn al-Jawzī na ganin ƙungiyar masu ballewa (Mu'tazilah) a matsayin mugayen da ke bayan Miḥnah, kuma wannan ra'ayi ne da ake yawan maimaitawa, amma Ibn Ḥanbal da kansa yana sanya Jahmiyyah a wannan matsayi. Duba Jad'ān, Miḥnah, 47–109, da Melchert, "Adversaries." 334 Ba zai yiwu ba cewa Ibn Nūḥ, wani ɗalibin Hadith da ba a san shi sosai ba (duba babi na 67), ya kasance a wurin da zai ji khalifa yana cewa wani abu. Wannan jerin rahotanni mai yiwuwa an ƙirƙire shi ne a lokacin sulhun da aka yi bayan Miḥnah tsakanin al'ummar Hadith da gwamnatin Abbasiyyah. Manufar ita ce a nuna cewa, sai dai mutum biyu marasa kyau, al-Ma'mūn da al-Wāthiq, khalifofi koyaushe suna riƙe da ra'ayi daidai (wato na Sunna) game da Alƙur'ani: cewa ba a halicce shi ba.

333 Ibn al-Jawzī sees the Secessionists (Muʿtazilah) as the villains behind the Inquisition, and this is a commonly repeated view, but Ibn Ḥanbal himself casts the Jahmists in that role. See Jadʿān, Miḥnah, 47–109, and Melchert, “Adversaries.” 334 It is unlikely that Ibn Nūḥ, an obscure student of Hadith (see chapter 67), would have been in a position to overhear the caliph say anything. This series of reports was probably invented in the course of the post-Inquisition rapprochement between the Hadith community and the Abbasid regime. The point was to show that, except for two bad eggs—al-Maʾmūn and al-Wāthiq—the caliphs had always held the correct (that is, the Sunni) view of the Qurʾan: that it was not created.

Masana na zamani sun bayyana Inquisition (Mihna) a matsayin yunkurin al-Ma'mūn na sanya khalifanci ya zama tushen dukkan shiriya a al'amuran akida da shari'a. Ana iya siffanta wannan yunkuri, a takaice, a matsayin irin na Shi'a. Al-Ma'mūn ya rungumi wasu manufofi da dama masu goyon bayan Shi'a, ciki har da nada wani zuriyar 'Alī a matsayin wanda zai gaje shi. Duk da haka, bai takaita shugabanci na abin koyi ga iyalan 'Alī kawai ba. Ya hada da danginsa, Abbasiyawa, cikin masu yiwuwar zama imamai ko jagorori, kuma tabbas ya dauki kansa a matsayin imamin zamaninsa. Ga alama ya bunkasa wadannan ra'ayoyi ne a lokacin yakin basasa tsakaninsa da magabacinsa, Khalifa al-Amīn. Ko da yake bai yi niyya ba ko kuma ya yi, matsayinsa na Shi'a ya jefa shi cikin rikici da mutane irin su Ibn Ḥanbal, wadanda suka yi imani cewa shari'a tana cikin sunnah ba cikin maganganun daidaikun mutane ba. Domin tilasta masu tattara hadisai da malamai masu irin ra'ayinsu su amince da ikonsa, al-Ma'mūn ya yi wayo ya yanke shawarar tambayar su game da halittar Alkur'ani.

335 Modern scholarship has explained the Inquisition as al-Maʾmūn’s attempt to make the caliphate the source of all guidance in matters of belief and law. This attempt can broadly be characterized as a Shiʿi one. Al-Maʾmūn adopted several other pro-Shiʿa positions, including the nomination of a descendant of ʿAlī as his heir apparent. He did not, however, limit exemplary leadership to ʿAlī’s family. He included his own family, the Abbasids, among the potential imams or guides, and of course believed himself to be the imam in his own time. He seems to have developed these ideas in the course of the civil war between himself and his predecessor, the caliph al- Amīn. Intentionally or not, al-Maʾmūn’s Shiʿi self-positioning brought him into conflict with people like Ibn Ḥanbal, who believed that the Law was to be found in the sunnah rather than in the declarations of individuals. To force the Hadith-men and like-minded jurists to acknowledge his authority, al-Maʾmūn craftily decided to ask them about the createdness of the Qurʾan.

Ba kamar sauran abubuwan da ke tsakanin ɓangarorin biyu ba, wannan batu ba a ambace shi a cikin Littafin kansa ko a cikin Hadisi ba. Shirin halifan saboda haka shi ne ya tilasta abokan hamayyarsa su shiga irin muhawarar tauhidi da ya tabbata cewa zai ci nasara a kai. Don tattaunawa game da miḥnah da ƙarin nassoshi, duba Patton, Aḥmed ibn Ḥanbal; Sourdel, “Politique religieuse”; Nagel, Rechtleitung, musamman shafi na 116–54, 430–46; Lapidus, “Separation”; Crone and Hinds, God’s Caliph, musamman.

Unlike other points of contention between the two parties, this issue is not mentioned in the Book itself or in the Hadith. The caliph’s plan was thus to force his opponents to engage in the kind of theological argument he was sure he could win. For discussions of the miḥnah and further references, see Patton, Aḥmed ibn Ḥanbal; Sourdel, “Politique religieuse”; Nagel, Rechtleitung, esp. 116–54, 430–46; Lapidus, “Separation”; Crone and Hinds, God’s Caliph, esp.

80–96; Jadʿān, Miḥnah, 47–109; Steppat, “From ʿAhd Ardeshir”; Nawas, “The Mihna”; van Ess, Theologie, 3:446–508; Nawas, Al-Maʾmûn, 25–78; Zaman, Religion, 106–18; Cooperson, Classical, 117–38; Hurwitz, Formation, 113–44; Cooperson, Al-Ma’mun, 107–28; Winkelmann- Liebert, “Die miḥna”; Yücesoy, Messianic Beliefs, 128–35; Turner, Inquisition; de Gifis, Shaping, 91–115.

80–96; Jadʿān, Miḥnah, 47–109; Steppat, “From ʿAhd Ardeshir”; Nawas, “The Mihna”; van Ess, Theologie, 3:446–508; Nawas, Al-Maʾmûn, 25–78; Zaman, Religion, 106–18; Cooperson, Classical, 117–38; Hurwitz, Formation, 113–44; Cooperson, Al-Ma’mun, 107–28; Winkelmann- Liebert, “Die miḥna”; Yücesoy, Messianic Beliefs, 128–35; Turner, Inquisition; de Gifis, Shaping, 91–115.

336 Duk da cewa Yahya ya yi aiki a matsayin babban alkali a zamanin al-Ma'mun, ya kasance yana kare matsayin proto-Sunni a kai a kai. Saboda haka masana tarihin rayuwa na Hanbali suna ɗaukar shi a matsayin majiya mai aminci.

336 Although Yaḥyā served as chief judge under al-Maʾmūn, he argued consistently for proto-Sunni positions. Ḥanbalī biographers therefore tend to treat him as a reliable source.

337 Wani asusun da ya yi daidai da wannan, wanda ɗan'uwan Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal, Ḥanbal ibn Isḥāq, ya rubuta, ya ƙara haske kan farkon haduwar Aḥmad da Mihna. Ya fara da jerin malaman da aka kira su gana da khalifa a al-Raqqah. (A nan Ḥanbal ya yi kamar ya rikitar da aikewar farko na malamai zuwa al-Raqqah da daga baya jigilar Ibn Ḥanbal da Ibn Nūḥ zuwa gaban yaƙin Byzantine.)

337 A parallel account by Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal’s cousin Ḥanbal ibn Isḥāq sheds additional light on Aḥmad’s first encounter with the Inquisition. It begins with a list of the scholars summoned to meet with the caliph in al-Raqqah. (Here Ḥanbal seems to have confused the initial dispatch of scholars to al-Raqqah with the later transport of Ibn Ḥanbal and Ibn Nūḥ to the Byzantine front.

Kamar yadda yake a yanzu, rahoton nasa ya haɗa Ibn Ḥanbal cikin waɗanda suka fara tafiyar nan kuma suka bayyana cewa Alƙur'ani halitta ne: duba Ḥanbal, Dhikr, shafi 34-36. Van Ess, Theologie, 3:455n23, yana ganin editan ya yi kuskure da ya ƙara sunan Ibn Ḥanbal don cika rubutun a nan, duk da cewa kuskuren alama ya fi kasancewa na Ḥanbal, ba na editan ba, domin ikirarin ya maimaita, a karo na biyu ba tare da gyara ba. Amma yayin da rahoton Ḥanbal ya ci gaba, a kowane hali, sai ya zo daidai da sauran majiyoyinmu, waɗanda ke cewa an fara tambayar Ibn Ḥanbal a Baghdad.) Rahoton Ḥanbal ya ambaci mahaifinsa Isḥāq, wanda kuma kawun Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal ne, yana cewa:

As it stands, his account includes Ibn Ḥanbal among those who made the initial trip and proclaimed the Qurʾan created: see Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 34-36. Van Ess, Theologie, 3:455n23, thinks the editor is wrong to supply Ibn Ḥanbal’s name to complete the text here, though the mistake seems to be Ḥanbal’s, not the editor’s, as the claim is repeated, the second time without emendation. As Ḥanbal’s account continues, in any event, it comes into agreement with our other sources, which say that Ibn Ḥanbal was first questioned in Baghdad.) Ḥanbal’s report quotes his father Isḥāq, who was also Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal’s uncle, as saying:

Da faɗuwar rana wani manzo ya zo daga wajen shugaban unguwa (ṣāḥib al-rabʿ), ya kama Aḥmad ya tafi da shi. Na fita tare da su. Shugaban unguwa ya ce: "Shugaba yana son ganinka a wajensa gobe." Bayan mun bar [gidan shugaban unguwa] sai na ce wa Aḥmad: "Don me ba za ka ɓoye ba?" Ya amsa ya ce: "Yaya zan iya yin hakan? In na yi, zan damu cewa wani abu zai same ka, ko ɗana, ko 'ya'yanka, ko maƙwabta. Ba zan so wani ya sha wahala saboda ni ba. Bari mu ga abin da zai faru kawai." (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 36)

At sunset a messenger arrived from the captain of the ward (ṣāḥib al-rabʿ) and took Aḥmad away. I went out with them. The ward captain said: “The chief wants to see you at his place tomorrow.” After we left [the ward captain’s house] I said to Aḥmad: “Why not go into hiding?” “How could I do that?” he replied. “If I did, I’d worry that something might happen to you, or to my children, your children, or the neighbors. I wouldn’t want anyone to suffer on my account. Let’s just see what happens” (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 36).

338 Al-Ma'mūn kasance a al-Raqqah, inda ya tsaya a hanyarsa zuwa gaban yaƙi da Byzantine. A lokacin ziyararsa Siriya, khalifa mai yiwuwa ya fahimci girman ƙiyayyar gwamnatinsa da ake yi a wurin, da kuma yadda irin wannan ƙiyayya take da alaƙa da abin da ya ɗauka a matsayin ra'ayoyin addini na bidi'a. Abin da ya haifar da hakan wataƙila shi ne ganawarsa da malamin hadisi Abū Mushir al-Ghassānī, wanda da farko ya ƙi bayyana Alƙur'ani a matsayin abin halitta (duba 78.19, da van Ess, Theologie, 3:452–53).

338 Al-Maʾmūn was in al-Raqqah, having stopped there on his way to the Byzantine front. During his visit to Syria, the caliph may have realized the extent of anti-regime sentiment there, and the extent to which such sentiment correlated with what were to him heretical religious ideas. The trigger may have been his meeting with the Hadith scholar Abū Mushir al-Ghassānī, who at first refused to describe the Qurʾan as created (see 78.19, and van Ess, Theologie, 3:452–53).

339 Ibn Ḥanbal da mabiyansa sun guji kiran halifofin Abbasiyawa da sunayen sarautarsu, a fili saboda sun ƙi abin da waɗannan sunayen ke nufi na akidar Shi'a ta ƙarshen zamani. Al-Ma'mūn na nufin "amintacce", kuma an saba amfani da shi wajen kiran Manzon Allah ﷺ.

339 Ibn Ḥanbal and his circle avoided referring to the Abbasid caliphs by their regnal titles, evidently because they rejected their Shiʿi-millenarian implications. Al-maʾmūn means “the trustworthy” and was a common form of reference to the Prophet.

Q Shūrā 42:11.

340 Q Shūrā 42:11.

341 Q Anʿām 6:102; Raʿd 13:16; Zumar 39:62; Ghāfir 40:62. A nan al-Ma'mūn ya haɗa sassan ayoyin Alƙur'ani daban-daban don jaddada cewa Allah ya bambanta da halittunSa, har da Alƙur'ani. A cikin wannan wasiƙa ta farko, wadda cikakken rubutunta mun samu daga wasu majiyoyi, halifan ya kuma jaddada aikinsa na shiryar da al'umma da kare Musulunci daga koyarwar ƙarya ta waɗanda suka ayyana kansu a matsayin mabiya sunna (al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, 3:1112–32/8:631–44, da van Ess, Theologie, 3:452–56).

341 Q Anʿām 6:102; Raʿd 13:16; Zumar 39:62; Ghāfir 40:62. Here al-Maʾmūn puts together parts of different Qurʾanic verses to emphasize that God is fundamentally different from His creations, including the Qurʾan. In this first letter, the full text of which we have from other sources, the caliph also emphasizes his duty to guide the community and protect Islam from the false teachings of the self-proclaimed people of the sunnah (al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, 3:1112–32/8:631–44, and van Ess, Theologie, 3:452–56).

Wato, Ibn Ḥanbal ya cika aya ta 11 a cikin Suratu Shūrā (42), wadda waɗanda suka yi masa tambaya ba su karanta ba sai ɓangaren da aka ambata a sama. Ta haka ya tunatar da waɗanda suke wurin cewa ba za a iya kawai yin watsi da ayoyin da suke da alama suna kwatanta Allah kamar yana da jiki ba. Wataƙila ya yi imani cewa Allah yana da jiki, kuma dukkan siffofinsa, har da muryar da ta yi magana da Alƙur'ani, ba su da farko. Ko kuma, yana iya kasancewa yana ƙoƙarin nuna cewa matsalar siffofi ba za ta iya samun mafita ta hanyar hankalin ɗan adam ba. Ko da yake dai, Ibn al-Jawzī ba zai iya kasancewa yana ba mu cikakken labari abin dogaro ba, domin shi kansa yana adawa da fassarar Alƙur'ani da ke danganta Allah da siffar jiki (Swartz, “Ḥanbalī Critique”).

342 That is, Ibn Ḥanbal completed the citation of Q Shūrā 42:11, of which the interrogators recited only the part given above. He thus reminded those present that one cannot simply ignore the passages that seem to describe God as if He has a physical body. He may have believed that God did have a physical body, all of whose attributes, including the voice that had spoken the Qurʾan, were uncreated. Alternatively, he may have been trying to make the point that the problem of attributes could not be resolved by human reason. In any case, Ibn al-Jawzī might not be giving us an entirely reliable account, as he himself was opposed to anthropomorphist interpretations of the Qurʾan (Swartz, “Ḥanbalī Critique”).

343 — Ana kiran wannan wuri Raḥbat Ṭawq a wani labarin daban (duba ƙasa). Watakila shi ne wurin da yau ake kira al-Raḥbah, wanda yake a gaɓar Kogin Furat tsakanin Baghdad da al-Raqqah.

343 Called Raḥbat Ṭawq in another telling (see below). Perhaps the same as the place today called al- Raḥbah, which lies on the Euphrates between Baghdad and al-Raqqah.

Wato, al-Ma'mūn ne. Wasu masana tarihi sun ce ya kamu da zazzabi ne bayan an zuba masa ruwan sanyi, yayin da wasu ke cewa ya yi rashin lafiya ne bayan ya rataye ƙafafunsa a cikin ruwan sanyi yana cin dabino sabo da aka kawo (wato, da alama ya jawo rashin daidaituwar ruwan jikinsa, bisa ga ka'idojin likitanci na Girka da Musulunci na zamanin). Duba al-Ṭabarī, Ta'rīkh, 3:1134–41/8:646–651.

344 That is, al-Maʾmūn. Some chroniclers state that he contracted a fever after being splashed with cold water, while others say he fell ill after dangling his feet in cold water while eating freshly delivered dates (that is, he presumably caused an imbalance in his humours, according to the Greco-Islamic medical theories of the day). See al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, 3:1134–41/8:646–651.

345 Ko al-Mutawakkil, kamar yadda mai ba da labarin ya manta ya ƙara. Buƙata ta uku—wadda ba a amince da ita ba—da alama ba ita ce a haɗu da al-Muʿtaṣim ba. Labarin ya sauya daga ba da labari da farko zuwa na mutum na uku a tsakiyar jumla, don haka da alama an ɓata shi a lokacin watsawa.

345 Or al-Mutawakkil, as the storyteller has forgotten to add. The third request—the one not granted— was presumably not to meet al-Muʿtaṣim. The story switches from first to third-person narration in mid-sentence and thus seems to have been garbled in transmission.

Wani gari, wanda kuma ake kira ʿĀnāh (67.14), a kan kogin Tigris a yankin arewa maso gabashin Iraƙi a yau, kusa da iyakar Siriya (Longrigg, "ʿĀna").

346 A town, also known as ʿĀnāh (67.14), on the Tigris in what is now northeastern Iraq, near the Syrian border (Longrigg, “ʿĀna”).

Wani rahoto na farko ya ce Ibn Ḥanbal ya kai har Adana, wanda hakan yana da ma'ana sosai, tun da labarin mutuwar al-Ma'mūn ba zai isa al-Raqqah nan take ba.

347 An earlier report says that Ibn Ḥanbal got as far as Adana, which is plausible enough given that the news of al-Maʾmūn’s death would not have reached al-Raqqah immediately.

Wani unguwa a yammacin birnin Baghdad, da ke kusan mil biyu a yammacin Birnin Zagaye, a arewa maso gabashin Kogin ʿĪsā (Le Strange, Baghdad, index da taswira 6).

348 A western suburb of Baghdad, located approximately two miles west of the Round City just northeast of the ʿĪsā Canal (Le Strange, Baghdad, index and map 6).

349 ʿUmārah ibn Ḥamzah shi ne wanda aka 'yanta, ɗan'uwa a wajen Khalifa al-Manṣūr. Fadarsa tasa tana kan Ramin Ṭāhir, a yammacin Babbar Tashar Ruwa ta kogin Tigris (Le Strange, Baghdad, 117 da taswira 5).

349 ʿUmārah ibn Ḥamzah was a freedman of the Caliph al-Manṣūr. His palace was located on the Trench of Ṭāhir just west of the Upper Harbor on the Tigris (Le Strange, Baghdad, 117 and map 5).

A aƙalla akwai gidajen kurkuku guda biyu da ake amfani da su a Baghdad a wannan lokaci: al-Muṭbaq (Le Strange, Baghdad, 27 da taswira ta 5) da kurkukun Ƙofar Siriya (a cikin wannan littafi, 130–31 da taswiroyi na 2, 5, da 6). Ba a bayyana ba ko "Kurkukun Talakawa" yana cikin ɗaya daga cikin waɗannan, ko kuma wani wuri daban gaba ɗaya.

350 There were at least two prisons in use in Baghdad at this time: the Muṭbaq (Le Strange, Baghdad, 27 and map 5) and the Prison of the Syrian Gate (ibid., 130–31 and maps 2, 5, and 6). It is not clear whether the “Commoners’ Prison” was one of these, or another place altogether.

351 Ban iya gano wannan titi ba. Ko da yake, da alama hukumomi da farko sun yi niyyar tsare Ibn Ḥanbal a cikin wani gida, kamar yadda ya zama al'ada ga manyan mutane, amma daga baya suka yanke shawarar sanya shi a kurkuku na masu laifi na kowa.

351 I have not been able to identify this street. In any case it seems that the authorities first intended to keep Ibn Ḥanbal confined inside a house, as seems to have been customary with high-profile figures, but then decided to put him in a prison for common criminals.

352 A cewar Ḥanbal, an sassauta ƙullin Ibn Ḥanbal har ya iya zame su, kuma ya yi haka ne domin ya yi sallolinsa yadda ya kamata (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 38–39).

352 According to Ḥanbal, Ibn Ḥanbal’s fetters were loose enough that he could slip them off, which he did in order to perform his prayers properly (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 38–39).

Bisa ga labarin da ɗan'uwan Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal, wato Ḥanbal, ya ruwaito (wanda Ibn al-Jawzī bai ambata ba), shi ne Isḥāq, mahaifin Ḥanbal kuma ɗan'uwan mahaifin Aḥmad, ya shawo kan hukumomi su gurfanar da Aḥmad a shari'a.

353 According to the account (ignored by Ibn al-Jawzī) by Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal’s cousin Ḥanbal, it was Ḥanbal’s father Isḥāq—Aḥmad’s uncle—who persuaded the authorities to put Aḥmad on trial.

Ana ruwaito cewa:

The report runs as follows:

Bayan da Aḥmad yana kurkuku, mahaifina, Isḥāq ibn Ḥanbal, ya zagaya wajen kwamandoji da manyan jami'an gwamnati yana neman a sake shi, yana fatan a saki shi. A ƙarshe, da ya ga ƙoƙarinsa bai kai ko'ina ba, sai ya je wurin Isḥāq ibn Ibrāhīm kai tsaye. "Kwamanda," ya ce, "iyalanmu suna da alaƙa mai ƙarfi, wadda na tabbata ka fahimta. Mun kasance maƙwabta a Marv, kuma mahaifina Ḥanbal yana tare da kakanka al-Ḥusayn ibn Muṣʿab." "Haka na ji." [Mahaifina ya ci gaba:] Na ce: "Ashe kwamanda ba zai yi wani abu don girmama wannan alaƙa ba? Matsayinka abu ne da ɗan'uwana ya amince da shi. Bai musanta Wahayi ba; abin da suke saɓani a kai shi ne fassararsa. Duk da haka, ka ga ya dace a ci gaba da tsare shi tsawon lokaci. Kwamanda: ka haɗa shi da wasu malaman shari'a da masana." Ban ce masa komai game da mutanen Hadisi da masu ruwaito rahotanni ba.

With Aḥmad still in prison, my father, Isḥāq ibn Ḥanbal, made the rounds of the commanders and regime figures on his behalf, hoping to get him released. Eventually, seeing that his efforts were leading nowhere, he went directly to Isḥāq ibn Ibrāhīm. “Commander,” he said, “our families are bound together in a way I’m sure you appreciate. We were neighbors in Marv and my father Ḥanbal was with your grandfather al-Ḥusayn ibn Muṣʿab.” “So I’ve heard.” [My father continued:] I said: “So would the Commander not do something to honor that bond? Your position is one my nephew approves of. He has not denied Revelation; the only disagreement concerns its interpretation. Even so, you have deemed it lawful to keep him confined for a long time. Commander: put him together with some jurists and scholars.” I didn’t say anything to him about Hadith-men and transmitters of reports.

"Za ka karɓi sakamakon, duk abin da ya kasance?" "Eh!" na ce. "Bari hujja mafi ƙarfi ta yi nasara." [Mahaifina ya ci gaba:] "[Daga baya, lokacin da na faɗa wa Ibn Abī Rabʿī,] sai ya ce, 'Me ka aikata?

“Would you accept the outcome, whatever it was?” “Yes!” I said. “Let the best argument win.” [My father continued:] “[Later, when I told] Ibn Abī Rabʿī, he said, ‘What have you done?

"Kana so ka tara masu muhawara da masu husuma, duk waɗanda Ibn Abī Duʾād zai iya samu, ka haɗa su da jikan ka, su doke shi a muhawara? Me ya sa ba ka tuntube ni tun da farko ba?’” […] Tare da rakiyar shugaban ƙofar fada na [Isḥāq ibn Ibrāhīm], na shiga wajen Aḥmad.

You want to gather your nephew’s opponents—whatever Debaters and squabblers Ibn Abī Duʾād can find--and let them beat him in a debate? Why didn’t you consult with me first?’” […] Escorted by [Isḥāq ibn Ibrāhīm’s] chamberlain, I went in to see Aḥmad.

“Abokanka sun mika wuya,” na ce masa. “Ka cika aikinka a gaban Allah.” Wannan ba ce ta Allah ba—ga Hausa: “Abokanka sun mika wuya,” na ce masa. “Ka sauke nauyinka a gaban Allah. Kowa ya riga ya mika wuya, amma kai har yanzu kana kulle!” “Malam,” ya amsa, “idan masu ilimi suka yi shiru saboda tsoro, marasa ilimi kuma suka yi shiru saboda jahilci, to yaushe gaskiya za ta bayyana?” Jin haka, na daina ƙoƙarin sauya ra’ayinsa (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 41).

“Your companions have surrendered,” I told him. “You’ve discharged your responsibility before God. Everyone else has given in, and here you are, still locked up!” “Uncle,” he replied, “if those who know remain silent out of fear, and the ignorant remain silent out of ignorance, then when does the truth come out?” Hearing this I stopped trying to change his mind (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 41).

Kasawar shirin Isḥāq, tare da yunkurinsa na baya na lallashin Ibn Ḥanbal ya sauƙaƙa abubuwa (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 49), balle kuma zargin da ake masa na taimakawa wajen shawo kan taron cewa Ibn Ḥanbal bai ji rauni ba bayan an yi masa bulala (duba 69.57), wannan na iya sanya shi ya zama wanda ba a so, kuma rahotanninsa su zama abin ƙyama (van Ess, Theologie, 3:461–62).

The failure of Isḥāq’s plan, along with his later attempt to talk Ibn Ḥanbal down (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 49), not to mention his alleged complicity in persuading the crowd that Ibn Ḥanbal was unharmed after the flogging (see 69.57), may have made him a persona non grata and his reports distasteful (van Ess, Theologie, 3:461–62).

Ya kamata ku sani cewa, bayan raina, sarakuna za su tashi.

354 The relevant part of the report reads: “You must know that, when I’m gone, princes will arise.

Duk wanda ya nemi su, ya yarda da ƙarairayinsu, kuma ya taimaki zaluncinsu, ba ya cikin al'ummata, kuma ni ba nawa ba ne. Duba al-Turkī, 431n2.

Anyone who seeks them out, believes their lies, and abets their tyranny is not part of my community nor am I of his.” See al-Turkī, 431n2.

355 Ḥanbal’un ruwayarsa ta ƙunshi wani abu mai ban sha’awa game da wannan lamarin. Masu tambayar, in ji shi, sun zo wajen Ibn Ḥanbal, suna ɗauke da “hoton sammai da ƙasa, da sauran abubuwa” (ṣūratu al-samawāti wa-l-arḍi wa-ghayru dhālika). Sannan, kamar yadda aka ruwaito Ibn Ḥanbal yana cewa, “Sun tambaye ni wani abu da ban san komai ba a kansa” (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 42). An sani cewa al-Ma’mūn ya ɗauki nauyin zana taswirorin duniya da zane-zanen taurari (Sezgin, GAS, 10:73–149).

355 Ḥanbal’s account includes a tantalizing detail regarding this episode. The interrogators, he says, came to see Ibn Ḥanbal, carrying with them “a picture of the heavens and the earth, and other things” (ṣūratu al-samawāti wa-l-arḍi wa-ghayru dhālika). Then, Ibn Ḥanbal is quoted as saying, “They asked me something I knew nothing about” (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 42). Al-Maʾmūn is known to have sponsored the drawing of world maps and star charts (Sezgin, GAS, 10:73–149)

Ana iya tabbatar da da'awar, amma abin da za a iya yi shi ne hasashe game da dalilin da ya sa masu tambayar suka nuna wa Ibn Ḥanbal waɗancan abubuwan. Wataƙila sun yi fatan shawo kansa cewa khalifa yana da ilimin da ba a iya samo shi daga Hadith ba (Cooperson, Al-Ma’mun, 105).

so the claim is believable, but one can only speculate about why the interrogators would show those items to Ibn Ḥanbal. Perhaps they hoped to persuade him that the caliph had access to knowledge that could not be derived from the Hadith (Cooperson, Al-Ma’mun, 105).

356 Hujjar da ake nufi a nan tana tafiya haka: Idan Allah ba halitta ba ne, to babu ɗaya daga cikin siffofinSa, har da ilimi, da zai zama halitta. Tun da Alƙur'ani yana cikin ilimin Allah kuma ana karanta shi da muryarSa, to shi ma dole ne ya zama wanda ba halitta ba.

356 The line of argument implied here runs as follows: If God is not created, none of His attributes, including knowledge, can be created either. Since it is encompassed by God’s knowledge and spoken in His voice, the Qurʾan must also be uncreated.

Zukhruf 43:3

357 Q Zukhruf 43:3.

358 Q Fīl 105:5. A cikin wannan aya da wadda aka ambata a gabanta, kalmar jaʿala, kamar yadda Ibn Ḥanbal ya nuna, tana nufin "yi" a ma'anar "sanya wani abu ya kasance da wata sifa." Ba tana nufin "halitta" ba. 359 Wataƙila ita ce Ƙofar Lambu (ko Ƙofar Gona) da take gabashin kogin Tigris, kusa da fadar al-Muʿtaṣim (Le Strange, Baghdad, 221, 276, taswira 5 da 8). Ibn Ḥanbal da alama an kai shi wurin ta jirgin ruwa.

358 Q Fīl 105:5. In this verse and the one cited just before, the verb jaʿala, as Ibn Ḥanbal points out, means “to make” in the sense of “cause to have a certain attribute.” It does not mean “to create.” 359 Perhaps the Orchard Gate (or Garden Gate) located on the east side of the Tigris, near the palace of al-Muʿtaṣim (Le Strange, Baghdad, 221, 276, maps 5 and 8). Ibn Ḥanbal seems to have been taken there by boat.

Wannan yana nufin halaccin yin alwala ta hanyar shafa takalmi maimakon cire su da wanke ƙafafu. Wannan matsayi ne na musamman ga Sunnah. Labarin kansa a fili yake an ƙirƙire shi. Na farko, ƙa'ida ba ta yarda a yi magana ba tare da halifa ya fara magana da mutum ba.

360 That is, on the permissibility of performing one’s ablutions by wiping one’s shoes instead of removing them and washing the feet. This was a distinctively Sunni position. The story itself is obviously contrived. For one thing, protocol did not permit speaking without first being addressed by the caliph.

361 Wani cikakken bayani na wannan rahoto yana bayyana a 69.30. Dukkan rahotannin biyu sun yi watsi da watanni ashirin da takwas da Ibn Ḥanbal ya shafe a kurkuku (69.28), don haka suka bada kwanan wata da ba daidai ba ga shari'arsa, wacce ta faru a watan Ramadan 220 / Satumba 835 (van Ess, Theologie, 3:460).

361 A longer version of this report appears in 69.30. Both reports overlook the twenty-eight months Ibn Ḥanbal spent in prison (69.28) and thus give an incorrect date for his trial, which took place in Ramadan 220/September 835 (van Ess, Theologie, 3:460).

362 Bisa ga ruwayar Ḥanbal, khalifa ya yi mamaki da cewa Ibn Ḥanbal yana tsakiyar shekaru: "Ashe ba ku ce mini saurayi ne ba?" (a-laysa zaʿamtum li-annahu ḥadathun). Duba Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 43.

362 According to Ḥanbal’s account, the caliph was surprised that Ibn Ḥanbal was middle-aged: “You told me he was a young man!” (a-laysa zaʿamtum li-annahu ḥadathun). See Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 43.

363 Ibn Ḥanbal (ko kuma ɗaya daga cikin masu ba da labarin rayuwarsa) yana amfani da wata riwaya da Ibn ʿAbbās ya ruwaito, kakan halifofin Abbasiyawa, don ya nuna a kaikaice cewa hukumomi ba su da hurumin tambayar Musulmai waɗanda ke bayyana imani bisa ma'anar da aka bayar a nan.

363 Ibn Ḥanbal (or more likely one of his biographers) is using a report transmitted by Ibn ʿAbbās, the ancestor of the Abbasid caliphs, to argue by implication that the authorities have no business questioning Muslims who profess faith by the definition given here.

364 Q An'ām 6:120; Ra'd 13:16; Zumar 39:62; Ghāfir 40:62.

364 Q Anʿām 6:120; Raʿd 13:16; Zumar 39:62; Ghāfir 40:62.

365 Q Aḥqāf 46:24–25.

365 Q Aḥqāf 46:24–25.

Batun shi ne cewa furucin "komai" ba koyaushe yake nuna ƙayyadaddun gaba ɗaya ba.

366 The point is that the expression “everything” is not always categorical.

367 Q Anbiyāʾ 21:2.

367 Q Anbiyāʾ 21:2.

368 Q Ṣād 38:1. Wannan ayar, kamar wasu da yawa, ta fara da sunan harafi ko haruffa na Larabci, a wannan yanayin ṣād.

368 Q Ṣād 38:1. This verse, like several others, begins with the name of an Arabic letter or letters, in this case ṣād.

Wato, ya kamata ku nemi kusanci zuwa ga Allah ta hanyar karanta Alƙur'ani. Mai jayayya yana fahimtar wannan da cewa Allah da maganarsa abubuwa ne guda biyu daban-daban. Note: the rules say never write "Allah", so the correct version is: Wato, ya kamata ku nemi kusanci zuwa ga Ubangiji ta hanyar karanta Alƙur'ani. Mai jayayya yana fahimtar wannan da cewa Ubangiji da maganarsa abubuwa ne guda biyu daban-daban.

369 That is, you should seek nearness to God by reciting the Qurʾan. The disputant understands this to imply that God and His word are two distinct entities.

370 Ina godiya ga Tahera Qutbuddin saboda shawarar da ta bayar game da wannan fassarar nassi mai rikitarwa. Bayan dubu ɗari ɗaya, ina tsammanin miʾatay alf, "dubu ɗari biyu," wanda aka rubuta shi kusan iri ɗaya da miʾat alf, amma rubuce-rubucen hannu duka sun yarda da na ƙarshen.

370 I thank Tahera Qutbuddin for suggesting this interpretation of a puzzling passage. After the first hundred thousand I expected miʾatay alf, “two hundred thousand,” which is written almost indistinguishably from miʾat alf, but the manuscripts agree on the latter.

Ahadin Ibn Abī Du'ād ya ce wa Ibn Ḥanbal: "Na ji labari cewa kana son zama shugaba" (balaghanī annaka tuḥibbu r-riʾāsah; Dhikr, 51), sannan halifa ya yi masa tayin da zai nuna shi a matsayin jarumi. Wannan tambaya game da bin Ibn Ḥanbal a wurin jama'a abu ne mai jan hankali. Steppat ("From Ahd Ardašīr") ya lura cewa wani littafin Farisanci kan mulki, wanda al-Ma'mūn ya sani, yana kira ga masu mulki su murkushe duk wata alamar shugabanci na addini a tsakanin jama'a, kuma wataƙila hakan ne ya ba da kwarin gwiwa ga Inquisition. Ibn Ḥanbal ya ce a lokacin da ake yi masa bulala "mutane sun taru a dandali, da cikin tituna, da wasu wurare; kasuwanni sun rufe kuma taro ya cika" (Dhikr, 60). Daga baya, malaman Ḥanbaliyya sun yi ta maganar wannan taron jama'a, amma waɗannan rahotanni ba su da gamsarwa sosai (Winkelmann-Liebert, "Die miḥna," 246). A gefe guda kuma, majiyoyin da ke adawa da Ibn Ḥanbal da mabiyansa suna magana cikin tsoro game da ikon da ake zargin suna da shi na jagorantar talakawa (Qāḍī, "Earliest Nābita" da Cooperson, "Al-Jāḥiẓ").

371 Ḥanbal’s account sets this remark in a different light. In his telling, Ibn Abī Duʾād says to Ibn Ḥanbal: “I hear you like to be a leader” (balaghanī annaka tuḥibbu r-riʾāsah; Dhikr, 51), and then the caliph makes his offer to parade Ibn Ḥanbal around as a hero. This question of Ibn Ḥanbal’s popular following is a tantalizing one. Steppat (“From Ahd Ardašīr”) notes that a Persian work on statecraft known to al-Maʾmūn urges rulers to crush any manifestations of religious leadership among the people, and may have inspired the Inquisition. Ḥanbal claims that during the Ibn Ḥanbal’s flogging “people had gathered in the square, the lanes, and elsewhere; the markets had closed and crowds had gathered” (Dhikr, 60). Later Ḥanbalī accounts make much of the crowd, though these accounts are not very persuasive (Winkelmann-Liebert, “Die miḥna,” 246). On the other hand, sources hostile to Ibn Ḥanbal and his followers speak fearfully of their supposed power to command the rabble (Qāḍī, “Earliest Nābita” and Cooperson, “Al- Jāḥiẓ”).

Wannan nassi yana ba da mamaki, domin azumi ya kamata ya riga ya ƙare bayan sallar magariba da aka ambata a sama.

372 This passage is puzzling, as the fast should already have ended after the sunset prayer mentioned just above.

Wato, malamai da aka kira zuwa Raqqah a farkon Mihna (a shekara ta 212 bayan hijira/827–28 miladiyya) domin a tambaye su game da Alkur'ani (duba babi na 76). An ruwaito cewa dukkansu sun amince su ce an halicce shi.

373 That is, the scholars summoned to al-Raqqah at the beginning of the Inquisition (in 212/827–28) to be questioned regarding the Qurʾan (see chapter 76). All of them reportedly agreed to say that it was created.

Wannan jeri (jerin sunaye) ko dai wani mai ruwaito hadisi ne ya saka shi, ko kuma marubucin littafin ne. Sunaye uku ne kawai daga cikin wadanda aka lissafa a nan suka yi daidai da wadanda al-Ṭabarī ya lissafa a cikin Taʾrīkh, 1116–67/8:634; duba kuma Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 34–36. Zuriyar mutanen da abin ya shafa tabbas sun yi kokarin cire sunayen kakanninsu daga irin wannan jeri abin kunya (van Ess, Theologie 3:455n23).

374 This list is an interpolation by a transmitter or by the author. Only three of these names agree with those listed by al-Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, 1116–67/8:634; cf. Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 34–36. The descendants of the men involved doubtless tried to get their names off such an infamous list (van Ess, Theologie 3:455n23).

Ayar Nisā'i 4:11.

375 Q Nisāʾ 4:11.

Ma'anar ita ce cewa dole ne a sami Hadisi domin a fahimci Alƙur'ani yadda ya kamata. Wannan ita ce amsar Ibn Ḥanbal ga waɗanda suke neman ƙin Hadisi a matsayin tushen ilimi.

376 The point is that one needs Hadith in order to understand the Qurʾan properly. This was Ibn Ḥanbal’s reply to those who sought to dismiss Hadith as a source of knowledge.

A rana ta fara ne da faɗuwar rana, don haka ga Ibn Ḥanbal, dare na uku zai biyo bayan rana ta uku.

377 The day began at sunset, so for Ibn Ḥanbal the third night would be followed by the third day.

378 A zahiri ma'anarsa, "muryata ta ƙaru fiye da tasu." Matnin yana iya nufin haka da gaske, sai dai ya yi kama da rashin yiwuwa a kwatanta shi yana ihu ga abokan hamayyarsa.

378 Literally, “my voice became louder than theirs.” The text may indeed mean this, though it seems implausible for him to be depicted as shouting at his opponents.

Wannan kalma ta marubucin littafin tana cikin bayanin da aka fassara daga Turanci, don haka fassarar ita ce: Dangane da wannan wuri a cikin labarin kwatankwacin wanda Ḥanbal ya rubuta, akwai ambaton wata muhawara da editan ya cire saboda tana sabawa abin da aka sani game da ra'ayoyin Ibn Ḥanbal (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, shafi na 55, bayanin gefe na 1). Tun da wannan magana tana da ɗan muhimmanci, na sake kwafa ta daga rubutun hannu na Dār al-kutub (Taʾrīkh Taymūr mai lamba 2000, microfilm mai lamba 11159, shafi mai lamba 16). Bayan kalmar wakān min amrihi mā kan, wadda ke cikin bugun da aka buga (shafi na 55), labarin ya ci gaba da cewa:

379 At roughly this point in the parallel account by Ḥanbal, there is mention of an argument that the editor has omitted on the grounds that it contradicts what is known of Ibn Ḥanbal’s opinions (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 55, note 1). As the passage is of some interest, I reproduce it here from the Dār al-kutub manuscript (Taʾrīkh Taymūr no. 2000, microfilm no. 11159, folio no. 16). After wakān min amrihi mā kan, which appears in the printed edition (p. 55), the account continues:

… Na ji Abū ʿAbd Allāh yana cewa: "Sun yi mini hujja a ranar nan, suna cewa: 'Ranar Alƙiyama za ta zo sūratul Baqara, da sūratu Tabāraka.' Sai na ce musu: 'Wannan ladda ce kawai.' Allah ya ce: {Ubangijinka ya zo, da mala'iku layi-layi}, [kuma] ikonsa yana zuwa ne kawai. Al-Qur'ani misalai ne kawai, da wa'azi, da umarni, kuma haka [sc. wa-hādhā?] haka … [print edition resumes] Na ce wa ʿAbd al-Raḥmān …"

… wa-sami‘tu Abā ‘Abda l-Lāhi yaqūlu wa-ḥtajjū ʿalayya yawmaʾidin qāla tajīʾu l-baqaratu yawma l-qiyāmati wa-tajī’u tabāraka fa-qultu lahum innamā hādhā th-thawābu qāla l- Lāhu wa-jā’a rabbuka wa l-malāku ṣaffan ṣaffan innamā ta’tī qudratuhu innamā l-Qur’ānu amthālun wa-mawāʿiẓu wa-amrun wa-kadhā [sc. wa-hādhā?] fa-kadhā [print edition resumes] wa-qultu l-ʿAbdi r-Raḥmāni … I heard Abu ‘Abd Allāh [Ibn Ḥanbal] say: “They argued against me that day by saying:

‘[Ashe ba ku ce surar Al-Baqara da surar Tabaaraka za su zo a Ranar Alkiyama ba?]’ Sai na ce musu: ‘Wannan [watau abin da zai zo] lada ne kawai [na karanta Alkur’ani].

‘[Don’t you say that the chapter called] the Cow and the [chapter called] Tabārak will come on the Day of Resurrection?’ “I told them: ‘This [sc. the thing that will come] is only the reward [for reading the Qurʾan].

Ubangiji kuma yana cewa: "Ubangijinka zai zo, tare da mala'iku suna jere-jere" [Al-Qur'ani, Al-Fajr 89:22].

God [also] says: “Your Lord will come, with the angels arrayed in rows” [Q Fajr 89:22].

[Ana nufin] kawai [cewa] ikonSa ne ke zuwa. Al-Qur'ani kawai misalai ne, gargaɗi, da umarni; kuma wannan magana tana kama da waccan.” A nan ʿAbd al-Raḥmān yana zargin Ibn Ḥanbal da riƙe ra'ayin masu danganta Allah da halittu (anthropomorphists) cewa surori na Al-Qur'ani za su rayu a Ranar Tashi. Surorin da ake magana (Baqarah da Tabārak ko Mulk) da alama sun shiga cikin zargin ne saboda suna ambaton halittu (saniya da tsuntsaye bi da bi) waɗanda ake ganin za su ɗauki hakikanin jiki.

[By this is meant] only [that] His power comes. The Qurʾan is only similitudes, exhortations, and commandment; and this [expression] is like that.’” Here ʿAbd al-Raḥmān is accusing Ibn Ḥanbal of holding the anthropomorphist view that the chapters of the Qurʾan would come to life on the Day of Resurrection. The chapters in question (Baqarah and Tabārak or Mulk) seem to have figured as part of the accusation because they mention creatures (cows and birds respectively) that were supposed to take on physical reality.

Muhawara ita ce cewa idan Allah yana da idanu da kunnuwa na zahiri, kamar yadda Alqur'ani ke nuna, to lallai shanu da tsuntsaye (misali) suma suna da wanzuwa ta gaskiya. A cikin wannan sashe Ibn Ḥanbal ya ƙi hujjar reductio ad absurdum, amma sakamakon haka yana tilasta masa ya ce ba lallai ne a ɗauki Alqur'ani a zahirinsa koyaushe ba. Wannan ra'ayi ne da Naghsh, mai gyara littafin, ya ga yana sabani da sanannun ra'ayoyin Ibn Ḥanbal. (Na gode wa Josef van Ess da ya taimaka mini na fahimci wannan sashe; duk kuskuren da ke ciki nawa ne, ba shakka.)

The argument was that if God had literal, physical eyes and ears, as the Qurʾan seems to say, then the cows and birds (for example) must have a real existence too. In this passage Ibn Ḥanbal rejects the reductio ad absurdem but as a consequence is forced to say that the Qurʾan need not always be taken literally. This is the view that Naghsh, the editor, finds contradictory with Ibn Ḥanbal’s known opinions. (I thank Josef van Ess for helping me understand this passage; any errors are of course mine.)

Malamai masu kwafa na D da SH da alama ba su fahimci wannan nassi ba, amma H tana da nābayi l-khashabatayn a bayyane, ma'ana a zahirin ma'anarta "haƙoran hauren biyu" ko "haƙoran gaba" na gungumen. Al-Turkī kuwa ya karanta nātiʾ, "ɓangaren da ke fitowa," wanda a kansa yana da ma'ana, amma yana buƙatar gyara H.

380 The copyists of D and SH appear not to have understood this passage, but H has a fairly clear nābayi l-khashabatayn, meaning literally “the two tusks” or “eye-teeth” of the posts. Al-Turkī reads nātiʾ, “the part sticking out,” which is plausible in itself but requires emending H.

Ko da yake ban sami wata kalma daga cikin biyun da aka tabbatar a matsayin sunan wani sashe na kayan bulala ba, umarnin da aka bayar yana da bayyana isa. Wanda ake yi wa bulala ana rataye shi ne daga igiyoyi ko bel-bel (na ƙarshen da Winkelmann-Liebert ya ba da shawara a cikin "Die miḥnah," 255), waɗanda aka ɗaura a wuyan hannayensa kuma aka haɗa su da sanduna ta hanyar wani dogon fegi ko sanda a kwance. An umarci Ibn Ḥanbal ya riƙe wannan sashe a kwance, ko igiyoyin, ya ja kansa sama don rage matsin da ke kan wuyan hannayensa.

Although I have not found either term attested as the name for part of a whipping apparatus, the instructions seem clear enough. The person being flogged was suspended from ropes or straps (the latter suggested by Winkelmann-Liebert, “Die miḥnah,” 255) tied around the wrists and attached to the posts by a horizontal peg or bar. Ibn Ḥanbal is being told to hold on to this horizontal element, or the ropes, and pull himself up to ease the tension on his wrists.

381 Cooperson ("Two Abbasid Trials") yana jayayya cewa al-Mu'tasim na iya kasancewa yana kiran a yi amfani da bulalai marasa kaifi da aka ambata a cikin labarin da ba shi da kyau na al-Jahiz (Rasa'il, 3:295–96), don rage raunukan Ibn Hanbal. Winkelmann-Liebert kuwa, a akasin haka, yana ganin cewa maganganun da ake yi game da taushin zuciyar al-Mu'tasim sun yi nisa sosai ("Die miḥnah," 253ff.).

381 Cooperson (“Two Abbasid Trials”) argues that al-Muʿtaṣim may here be calling for the unbarbed whips mentioned in the hostile account by al-Jāḥiẓ (Rasāʾil, 3:295–96), in order to minimize Ibn Ḥanbal’s injuries. Winkelmann-Liebert, by contrast, thinks the references to al-Muʿtaṣim’s soft-heartedness are much exaggerated (“Die miḥnah,” 253ff.).

Lictoci a Rome na da can sun yi ayyuka da yawa ban da bulalar mutane, amma harshen Ingilishi ba shi da wata kalma ta gama-gari da ke nufin mai bulala, kuma kalmar "lictor" tana da goyon bayan cewa Patton ya yi amfani da ita a fassararsa ta 1897 na wannan lamari (Aḥmed, 108).

382 Lictors were ancient Roman officials who did many jobs besides flogging, but English does not have another common word for flogger, and “lictor” has the sanction of having been used by Patton in his 1897 rendering of this episode (Aḥmed, 108).

383 A kallon farko, wannan la'anar tana nuna cewa khalifa ya yi fushi da jami'an bulala ba su yi bulala da karfi ba. Winkelmann-Liebert, duk da haka, ya nuna cewa khalifa ya damu da dole ne ya yi wa Ibn Ḥanbal bulala—ko kuma aƙalla cewa malaman tarihin rayuwar Ḥanbaliyya sun so su nuna shi haka ("Die miḥnah," 255).

383 On the face of it, this curse suggests that the caliph was angry that the lictors were not striking more forcefully. Winkelmann-Liebert, however, suggests that the caliph was upset about having to flog Ibn Ḥanbal—or at least that the Ḥanbalī biographers wanted to depict him that way (“Die miḥnah,” 255).

Wannan asusu ya sanya shari'ar a cikin wani fili (farfajiya). Ragowar gine-ginen zamanin Abbasiyawa da suka rage sun nuna cewa an gina su ne da dakuna, ko kuma rukunin dakuna, waɗanda aka shirya su kewaye da wani fili na tsakiya (duba, misali, Northedge, Historical Topography). Littattafan tarihi kuma sun nuna cewa ana amfani da filin ne don tarurruka na hukuma, yayin da dakunan kuwa ana amfani da su don taruka na kusa. Al-Mu'tasim zai kasance zaune a cikin inuwa; idan ya tashi ya yi magana da Ibn Hanbal, to zai kasance a fallasa ga rana.

384 This account places the trial in a courtyard. Extant examples of Abbasid-era buildings indicate that they consisted of rooms, or complexes of rooms, arranged around a central courtyard (see, for example, Northedge, Historical Topography). Literary sources indicate that the yard was used for formal events and the rooms for intimate gatherings. Al-Muʿtaṣim would have been sitting under a shade; when he got up to address Ibn Ḥanbal, he would have been exposing himself to the sun.

385 Ko kuma "Ban san abin da nake yi ba." Labarin Ḥanbal ya ce: "Na suma, na farfado fiye da sau ɗaya [rubbamā lam aʿqil wa-rubbamā ʿaqaltu]. Idan suka sake buge ni sai in suma in daina sanin [komai], sai su daina buge ni" (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 57). Van Ess ya bayar da hujjar cewa wannan hanyar bayani tana nufin ɓoye wani abu na mika kai da Ibn Ḥanbal ya yi, wanda ba tare da shi ba da ba za a sake shi ba (Theologie, 3:465). Majiyoyi uku (al-Jāḥiẓ, Rasāʾil, 3:295–96; al-Yaʿqūbī, Taʾrīkh, 2:576–77; Ibn al-Murṭaḍā, Tabaqāt, 122–25)

385 Or “I didn’t know what I was doing.” Ḥanbal’s account says: “I passed out and came to more than once [rubbamā lam aʿqil wa-rubbamā ʿaqaltu]. When they hit me again I would pass out and not know [anything], and they would stop hitting me” (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 57). Van Ess has argued that this way of putting things is intended to cover up some act of capitulation on Ibn Ḥanbal’s part, without which he would never have been released (Theologie, 3:465). Three sources (al- Jāḥiẓ, Rasāʾil, 3:295–96; al-Yaʿqūbī, Taʾrīkh, 2:576–77; Ibn al-Murṭaḍā, Tabaqāt, 122–25)

Na yarda cewa ya mika kai. Wani (al-Jāḥiẓ) ma yana ambaton lamarin kamar al'amari ne da kowa ya sani (duba ƙari a Hinds, "Miḥna", da Winkelmann-Liebert, "Die miḥnah," shafi na 267).

agree that he capitulated. One (al-Jāḥiẓ) even refers to the event as if to a matter of common knowledge (see further Hinds, “Miḥna” and Winkelmann-Liebert, “Die miḥnah,” 267).

Hujjoji game da taqiyyah, ko ɓoye gaskiya saboda yanayi (misali 69.28, da Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 37–38), suna nuna cewa mabiyan Ibn Ḥanbal sun yi amfani da wannan ƙa'ida don ba da hujja ga wani kuskure da ya yi a lokacin shari'ar. Haka kuma yawan labaran almara da ke wanke shi (Abū l-ʿArab, Miḥan, 438–44; Abū Nuʿaym, Ḥilyah, 9:204–5; Ibn Abī Yaʿlā, Ṭabaqāt, 1:437–43 [shigar game da Sulaymān ibn ʿAbd Allāh al-Sijzī na ṭabaqah ta farko]; al-Maqdisī, Miḥnah, 109) yana nuna cewa akwai wata badakala da ake buƙatar a ba da labari a kawar da ita (Cooperson, Classical, 129–38). Ko da wane irin kallo mutum ya yi wa shaidun, abubuwa uku suna da muhimmanci a tuna da su.

References to taqiyyah, or dissimulation justified by circumstance (e.g., 69.28, and Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 37–38), indeed suggest that the principle was invoked by Ibn Ḥanbal’s partisans to justify a lapse on his part during the trial. And the proliferation of fantastic reports exonerating him (Abū l-ʿArab, Miḥan, 438–44; Abū Nuʿaym, Ḥilyah, 9:204–5; Ibn Abī Yaʿlā, Ṭabaqāt, 1:437– 43 [the entry on Sulaymān ibn ʿAbd Allāh al-Sijzī of the first ṭabaqah]; al-Maqdisī, Miḥnah, 109) implies there was indeed a scandal that needed to be narrated away (Cooperson, Classical, 129–38). However one chooses to evaluate the evidence, three points are worth bearing in mind.

Da farko, yanayin shari'ar—kasancewarta a cikin fada, amfani da azabtarwa, da rashin shaidun da ke goyon bayan bangaren Ibn Ḥanbal—ya sa gaskiyar lamarin ta zama kusan ba za a iya dawo da ita ba (wani abu da wasu daga cikin mahalarta suka fahimta, duba 69.56). Na biyu, Ibn Ḥanbal ya bayyana adawarsa ga ilimin kalam na masu hankali da kuma da'awar imamanci a lokuta da yawa, har ta kai ba a bukatar shakka game da ainihin ra'ayinsa, ko da menene ya faru a shari'ar.

First, the circumstances of the trial—its being held inside the palace, the use of torture, and the lack of sympathetic witnesses—made the facts of the matter almost immediately irretrievable (a point some of the participants seem to have realized; see 69.56). Second, Ibn Ḥanbal made his opposition to rationalist theology and imamic pretentions clear enough on numerous occasions, such that there need be little doubt of his actual views, regardless of what happened at the trial.

A ƙarshe, al'adar Sunna ta yarda gaba ɗaya cewa bai miƙa wuya ba, don haka ko da ya yi hakan, an riga an shafe wannan daga tarihi.

Finally, Sunni tradition is unanimous in its conviction that he did not capitulate, so that, even if he did, his having done so has effectively been abolished from history.

Ḥanbal ya ba da rahoto mafi cikakken bayani game da tafiyar Ibn Ḥanbal:

386 Ḥanbal gives a more detailed report of Ibn Ḥanbal’s departure:

Da faɗuwar rana, aka fitar da Aḥmad daga gida a kan dabbar hawa ta Isḥāq ibn Ibrāhīm, ya hau zuwa gidansa yana kewaye da jami'an khalifa da mutanensa. Lokacin da ya isa ƙofar gida, na ji ʿAyyāsh, Shugaban Gada, yana cewa da mutumin Isḥāq, yayin da kowa yake tsaye a wurin, lokacin da ya ga Aḥmad yana zuwa—na ji ʿAyyāsh yana cewa, "Tāzīh tāzīh," wato ma'ana "Balarabe! Balarabe!" (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 60).

At sunset, Aḥmad was led out of the house on a mount belonging to Isḥāq ibn Ibrāhīm and rode to his own house surrounded by the caliph’s officials and his own people. When he reached the gate, I heard ʿAyyāsh, the Master of the Bridge, say, when he saw Aḥmad approaching—I heard ʿAyyāsh say to Isḥāq’s man, with everyone standing there—“Tāzīh tāzīh,” which means “Arab! Arab!” (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 60).

Kalmar Farsi tāzīh tana nufin "Balarabe," kuma a wannan yanayi da alama tana nufin "ɗan Balarabe da aka rene shi a Farisa" (Steingass, Persian-English Dictionary, s.v. tāzīk); ina godiya ga John Patrick Flanagan saboda wannan nuni. Sai dai baya ga wannan, da alama ʿAyyāsh yana nufin wani abu daban: wato cewa malami ne mai tsauri, mai bin ƙa'idojin shari'a sosai. Patricia Crone ce ta ba ni wannan fahimta, wadda ta lura cewa Bābak ya kira Musulmi da yahūd saboda dalili iri ɗaya: shi ma (a cewarsa) suna imani da wani Allah mai nesa da ke aiko da "jerin ƙa'idoji masu takurawa marasa ƙarewa" (Crone, Nativist Prophets, 273).

The Persian word tāzīh means “Arab,” and apparently in this case “Arab’s son reared in Persia” (Steingass, Persian-English Dictionary, s.v. tāzīk); I thank John Patrick Flanagan for this reference. Beyond that, though, ʿAyyāsh seems to have meant something else: namely, that he was a rigid, legalistic scholar. This interpretation was suggested to me by Patricia Crone, who notes that Bābak referred to Muslims as yahūd for the same reason: both (he thought) believed in a distant God who issued “an endless stream of restrictive rules” (Crone, Nativist Prophets, 273).

387 Tun da Ibn Ḥanbal yana azumi tun safe, zai iya ci, duk da cewa an nuna shi yana ƙin cin komai da halifa ya aika masa. Batu na biyu ya shafi taqiyyah, ko “ɓoye gaskiya don kare kai,” wanda bisa ga shi Musulmi na iya ɓoye imaninsa don kare kansa daga cutarwa. An nuna Ibn Ḥanbal yana ƙin wannan zaɓi.

387 Since Ibn Ḥanbal had been fasting all day, he could have eaten, though he is depicted as refusing to consume anything provided for him by the caliph. The second point regards taqiyyah, or “prudential dissimulation,” according to which a Muslim may conceal his beliefs to protect himself from harm. Ibn Ḥanbal is depicted as rejecting this option.

388 Al-hanbāzān: watakila daga Farisanci hambāz, ma'ana "abokin tafiya" ko "abokin tarayya," anan an mayar da shi Larabci don nufin ginshiƙai biyu masu daidaita da juna da ke riƙe da tsarin dandali (scaffold).

388 Al-hanbāzān: perhaps from Persian hambāz, “companion” or “partner,” here Arabized to mean the two parallel supports of the scaffold.

Q Nisāʾ 4:30.

389 Q Nisāʾ 4:30.

Wannan shi ne rahoto na farko cikin rahotanni da yawa da aka ƙirƙira don mayar da jarrabawar Ibn Ḥanbal ta zama gwaji na gaskiyar akidar Sunna.

390 This is the first of many reports invented to make Ibn Ḥanbal’s ordeal into a test of the rightness of the Sunni creed.

Bilāl ibn Abī Rabāḥ, wani bawa wanda yana cikin na farko da suka karɓi Musulunci, an bayyana cewa ya sha azaba daga hannun iyayen gidansa, amma duk da haka ya ƙi janye imaninsa.

391 Bilāl ibn Abī Rabāḥ, a slave who was one of the first to accept Islam, is described as suffering tortures at the hands of his masters but nevertheless refusing to recant.

392 Q Tawbah 9:51.

392 Q Tawbah 9:51.

393 Shams al-Din al-Dhahabi (d. 748/1348), mai sukar labarai sosai, ya yi watsi da wannan rahoto a matsayin "kuskure", kuma ya soki Abu Nu'aym al-Isfahani (amma ba Ibn al-Jawzi ba) saboda maimaita "kagen banza masu banƙyama" (khurafat samijah) game da jarabawar Ibn Hanbal (al-Dhahabi, Siyar, 11:255). Duba al-Turki, 488n3, da Cooperson, "Probability." 394 Mafi dacewar fahimta ita ce Ibn Hanbal ne zai mutu. Ranar ta kasance mai muhimmanci ga halifa domin kashe Ibn Hanbal zai sa ya fuskanci hukunci a lahira. Jimlar Larabci kuma tana iya nufin cewa halifa ne zai mutu, wani zaɓi da ya cancanci a yi la'akari da shi saboda yanayin abin al'ajabi na waɗannan labarai. Duba kuma 69.58.

393 The sharply critical biographer Shams al-Din al-Dhahabī (d. 748/1348) denounces this report as “wrong” and condemns Abū Nuʿaym al-Iṣfahānī (but not Ibn al-Jawzī) for repeating “abominable fantastications” (khurāfāt samijah) about Ibn Ḥanbal’s ordeal (al-Dhahabī, Siyar, 11:255). See al-Turkī, 488n3, and Cooperson, “Probability.” 394 The most natural reading makes Ibn Ḥanbal the one who would have died. The day was still momentous for the caliph because killing Ibn Ḥanbal would entail being punished in the afterlife. The Arabic sentence can also mean that the caliph is the one who would have died—a possibility worth considering only because of the fantastic nature of these accounts. See also 69.58.

395 Anan, fi’l baṭṭala (haka aka rubuta a H da D) na nufin cewa Ibn Ḥanbal ya karyata da’awar ’yan fashi na kasancewa masu ƙarfin hali da jarumtaka. Game da wannan salo, duba Cooperson, Classical, 138–41.

395 As used here, the verb baṭṭala (so voweled in H and D) seems to mean that Ibn Ḥanbal has given the lie to the bandits’ claims to toughness. On this trope, see Cooperson, Classical, 138–41.

396 Wannan jumla tana nuna daidaiton fuffuka da ba a saba gani ba: kari na –hu a cikin ḍarabtu yana komawa ga sawṭ na namiji guda, amma aikatau haddat yana cikin mace guda kamar yana komawa ga jimlar bulala tamanin.

396 This sentence displays unusual pronoun agreement: the –hu suffix on ḍarabtu refers to the masculine singular sawṭ, but the verb haddat is feminine singular as if referring to the set of eighty blows.

Wannan shi ne masanin harshe Nifṭawayh (d. 323/935); littafinsa na Tarihi ya salwanta (Bencheikh, "Nifṭawayh").

397 This is the philologist Nifṭawayh (d. 323/935); his History is lost (Bencheikh, “Nifṭawayh”).

Wannan labari (wataƙila an ƙirƙire shi) yana faruwa ne a zamanin bayan Inquisition.

398 This (probably invented) story is set in the period after the Inquisition.

Ma'ana: ya shiga tare da shi wajen yin korafi ga halifa game da abin da ake yi wa Ibn Ḥanbal.

399 Apparently meaning: join him in protesting to the caliph over what was being done to Ibn Ḥanbal.

400 Ƙin yarda da koyar da Hadisi da kuma tsananin zuhudun Bishr ne suka bambanta shi da Ibn Ḥanbal. Irin waɗannan labarai an ƙirƙira su ne domin taimakawa wajen sasanta rikicin da ke tsakanin hangen addinin nan biyu (Cooperson, Classical, 178–84).

400 Bishr’s extreme asceticism and refusal to teach Hadith distinguished him from Ibn Ḥanbal. Stories like this were invented to help negotiate the conflict between the two visions of piety (Cooperson, Classical, 178–84).

401 Ibn al-Jawzī na iya nufin rahotanni da ke iƙirarin cewa Ibn Ḥanbal ya mika wuya (duba 69.26).

401 Ibn al-Jawzī may have in mind reports claiming that Ibn Ḥanbal did capitulate (see 69.26).

Akasin haka, yana iya kasancewa yana tunanin wasu labarai na ƙirƙira masu goyon bayan Hanbali waɗanda ba su da yuwuwar faruwa fiye da waɗanda aka ambata a nan (Cooperson, Classical, 129–38).

Conversely, he may be thinking of certain pro-Ḥanbalī fictions even less likely than the ones cited here (Cooperson, Classical, 129–38).

Ba a bayyana sarai wane daga cikin masu ruwaito da aka ambata a sama ne ke magana a nan ba.

402 It is not clear which of the above-named transmitters is speaking here.

Mayaƙa 403 Catacombers: mayaƙa da ke zaune a cikin, ko kusa da, maṭāmīr, watau rukunin ramuka na ƙarƙashin ƙasa na Cappadocia, a kan iyakar Byzantine (Honignmann, Ostgrenze, 46; duba kuma Eger, Islamic-Byzantine Frontier, 252).

403 Catacombers: warriors based in, or near, the maṭāmīr, that is, the underground complexes of Cappadocia, on the Byzantine frontier (Honignmann, Ostgrenze, 46; cf. Eger, Islamic-Byzantine Frontier, 252).

404 Wani rubutu mai kama da wannan (al-Dhahabī, Siyar, 11:259; al-Turkī ya saka shi a cikin baka, 459) yana da jumlar nan cewa “Wasu za su ce ya amince,” wadda ta yi kama da ƙarin magana mai ma’ana, amma ba ta cikin rubuce-rubucen da muke da su ba.

404 A parallel text (al-Dhahabī, Siyar, 11:259; added in brackets by al-Turkī, 459) has here “Some will say he did give in,” which is a plausible addition but not present in our manuscripts.

Wannan jawabi yana ba da bayani mai sauƙi game da sakin Ibn Ḥanbal—mai sauƙi har ta kai ga yiwuwar wani daga cikin magoya bayansa ne ya ƙirƙira shi.

405 This speech provides a convenient explanation for Ibn Ḥanbal’s release—so convenient, in fact, that it is likely to have been fabricated by one of his partisans.

"He" yana nufin, mafi yiwuwar, Khalifa al-Mu'tasim, ko kuma yana iya nufin Ishaq, kawun Ibn Hanbal, wanda da alama ya yarda da dabarar.

406 “He” most likely refers to the Caliph al-Muʿtaṣim, though it might also refer to Isḥāq, Ibn Ḥanbal’s uncle, who apparently went along with the trick.

Rigar da aka jiƙa ta sa wannan dogon rigar ulu mai tsauri ta yi ƙuntatawa mai raɗaɗi.

407 The rough cloak would shrink painfully after being drenched.

"Ku yi farin ciki!" na iya nufin "Ku yi farin ciki da tsammanin shiga Aljanna," sai halifa mai ibada ya amsa da cewa mutumin marar laifi zai yi shaida a kansa a Ranar Alkiyama.

408 “Rejoice!” may mean “Rejoice in the prospect of entering Paradise,” to which the pious caliph replies that the innocent man would testify against him on the Day of Judgment.

409 Wani bayani a gefe a cikin D, wanda aka yanke wani ɓangare a hagu, ya ce: “Waɗannan [mutane] ba a dūke su ba a ƙarƙashin yanayi iri ɗaya da Aḥmad. Da Aḥmad bai tsaya kyam ba, mutane da sun ɓace daga imani madaidaici. Don haka gwajin [waɗannan mutane] ba za a kwatanta shi da nasa ba.” Wani bayani na biyu a gefe ya ƙara da cewa, gwajin Ibn Ḥanbal za a iya kwatanta shi kawai da na ʿUmar, khalifa na biyu. Sai dai nasarar Ibn Ḥanbal ta fi girma, domin shi, ba kamar ʿUmar ba, babu wanda yake yaƙi tare da shi.

409 A marginal note in D, partially cut off on the left, reads: “These [men] were not beaten under the same circumstances as Aḥmad. Had Aḥmad not stood firm, people would have strayed from right belief. The trials [of these men] are therefore not to be compared to his.” A second marginal comment adds that Ibn Ḥanbal’s trial can be compared only to that of ʿUmar, the second caliph. Ibn Ḥanbal’s achievement is still greater, though, because he, unlike ʿUmar, had no one fighting with him.

Wannan ya zama kamar wata magana mai tsauri (mai zafi) da ake nufi ga al-Muʿtaṣim.

410 This seems to be a (rather harsh) reference to al-Muʿtaṣim.

Q Shūrā 42:40.

411 Q Shūrā 42:40.

Q Shūrā 42:40.

412 Q Shūrā 42:40.

Ḥanbal ya ba mu labari cewa sunansa Abū Ṣubḥ (Dhikr, 61).

413 Ḥanbal tells us that his name was Abū Ṣubḥ (Dhikr, 61).

Magana ta 414: Nassoshi game da yadda Annabi ﷺ ya ɓuya a cikin kogo lokacin da yake gudun hijira daga Makka zuwa Madina.

414 A reference to the Prophet’s concealing himself in a cave during his flight from Mecca to Medina.

415 Abū Zurʿah yana kama da yana tambaya cewa: “Me ya sa al-Mu‘taṣim ya yi maka bulala maimakon ya yanke maka kai, kuma me ya sa al-Wāthiq bai cutar da kai ko kaɗan ba?” Ibn Ḥanbal kuma yana kama da yana ba shi amsar wata tambaya ta daban, wato: “Ta yaya ka tsira daga bulalar?” 416 Wannan labari wanda ba a tabbatar da shi ba, a cikin sigoginsa guda biyu, yana da wani hali mai kama da Ibn Ḥanbal wanda ya gabatar da dukkan hujjojin da Ibn Ḥanbal kansa bai iya ko bai so ya gabatar a shari’arsa ba. Duba ƙarin bayani a cikin van Ess, Theologie, 3:502–4. Don samun labari mai tsawo sosai, wanda a cikinsa ake doke al-Ma’mūn da kansa, duba van Ess, Theologie, 3:504–8, da kuma Omari, “Kitāb al-Ḥayda.” 417 Al-Qur’ani, Suratun Nisā’i 4:86.

415 Abū Zurʿah seems to be asking “Why did al-Muʿtaṣim flog you instead of beheading you, and why didn’t al-Wāthiq hurt you at all?” Ibn Ḥanbal appears to give him the answer to a different question, namely: “How did you survive the flogging?” 416 This apocryphal story, in its two variants, has a character very much like Ibn Ḥanbal make all of the arguments that Ibn Ḥanbal himself was unable or unwilling to make at his trial. See further van Ess, Theologie, 3:502–4. For much more elaborate fiction, in which al-Maʾmūn himself is bested, see van Ess, Theologie, 3:504–8, and Omari, “Kitāb al-Ḥayda.” 417 Q Nisāʾ 4:86.

Wannan rikodin da ake zargin ƙaramin bambanci ne kawai ya nuna, da alama mai ba da labari yana ƙoƙarin nuna cewa yana bin mafi tsauri na ƙa'idojin ingantaccen isar da hadisi.

418 This putative recording of an insignificant variant seems to be an attempt on the part of the storyteller to give the impression that he is upholding the strictest standards of accurate transmission.

419 Dukkan rubuce-rubucen sun karanta yaṣbaʾ, ma'ana "ya canza daga wani addini zuwa wani." Al-Turkī, yana dogara da wani rubutu mai kama da shi, ya gyara shi zuwa yaṣbū, ma'ana "ya sha wahalar jahilcin kuruciya." Wannan karatu ne mai yiwuwa, amma babu wata shaida daga rubuce-rubucen da ke goyon bayansa.

419 All the manuscripts have yaṣbaʾ, “to go from one religion to another.” Al-Turkī, drawing on a parallel text, emends to yaṣbū, “to suffer from youthful ignorance.” This is a plausible reading but has no support in the manuscripts.

Yin kiran wani baƙo da sunansa maimakon kunyarsa (Ibn Abī Du'ād) rashin ladabi ne kuma rashin kulawa ne.

420 Addressing a stranger by his name instead of his kunyah (Ibn Abī Duʾād) was rude and dismissive.

Q. Māʾidah 5:3.

421 Q Māʾidah 5:3.

422 Abin da Ibn al-Jawzī bai gaya mana ba shi ne cewa an ruwaito cewa an nemi Ibn Ḥanbal ya shiga tawayen adawa da al-Wāthiq. A zamanin al-Wāthiq, an umurci malamai da su gaya wa almajiransu cewa Alƙur'ani an halicce shi, kuma malaman da ba su karɓi koyarwar khalifan ba an raba su da matansu. Wasu daga cikin masana shari'a na Baghdad sun zo wurin Ibn Ḥanbal suna cewa ba su ƙara amincewa da al-Wāthiq a matsayin khalifa ba. An ruwaito cewa Ibn Ḥanbal ya roƙe su kada su sa al'amari ya ƙara tsanani ta hanyar ƙin wajibcin biyayya ga masu mulki. A wannan lokaci ne al-Wāthiq ya umurce shi da ya ɓace daga idanu (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 69–73).

422 What Ibn al-Jawzī does not tell us is that Ibn Ḥanbal was reportedly asked to join a rebellion against al-Wāthiq. During al-Wāthiq’s reign, teachers were ordered to tell their pupils that the Qurʾan was created, and scholars who did not accept the caliph’s teaching were separated from their wives. A number of Baghdad jurisprudents came to Ibn Ḥanbal saying that they no longer acknowledged al-Wāthiq as caliph. Ibn Ḥanbal reportedly urged them not to make a bad situation worse by rejecting their obligation to obey the authorities. It was at this juncture that al-Wāthiq ordered him to make himself scarce (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 69–73).

423 Game da ƙarshen Inquisition, duba Melchert, "Religious Policies." "Rahotannin ganin Allah" na ɗaya daga cikin waɗanda Sunnawa suka fassara a zahiri, yayin da abokan hamayyarsu suka fassara su a misali; duba ƙarin bayani a Omari, "Beatific Vision." 424 Mizani: kāmil.

423 On the end of the Inquisition, see Melchert, “Religious Policies.” The “reports on seeing God” were among those interpreted literally by the Sunnis and figuratively by their rivals; see further Omari, “Beatific Vision.” 424 Meter: kāmil.

Q Aʿrāf 7:54.

425 Q Aʿrāf 7:54.

Magoya bayan ʿAlī—wato, Shiʿa—sun yi imani cewa kadai mafificin abin koyi na addini, kuma ta hanyar tsawaita, shugaba mafi dacewa ga al'umma, shi ne wani zuriyar ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib. A lokacin yakin basasa tsakanin al-Amīn da al-Maʾmūn, masu ikirarin Shiʿa sun yi tawaye a Kufa, Yemen, da Hijaz.

426 The partisans of ʿAlī—that is, the Shiʿa—believed that the only legitimate religious exemplar, and by extension the ideal leader of the community, was a descendant of ʿAlī ibn Abī Ṭālib. During the civil war between al-Amīn and al-Maʾmūn, Shiʿi claimants had rebelled in Kufa, Yemen, and the Hijaz.

427 A nan Ibn Ḥanbal yana kamar yana cewa bai ɓace daga rayuwar jama'a ba don nuna ƙin amincewarsa da gwamnati, sai dai saboda al-Mu'tasim da al-Wathiq sun hana shi bayyana a bainar jama'a.

427 Here Ibn Ḥanbal seems to be saying that he has not disappeared from public life in order to signal disapproval of the regime, but rather because al-Muʿtaṣim and al-Wāthiq had forbidden him to appear in public.

428 Jadʿān, wanda ke ganin Ibn Ḥanbal a matsayin wanda zai amince da tawaye ga gwamnatin Abbasiyawa, ya ba da shawarar cewa zargin na iya zama gaskiya (Jadʿān, Miḥnah, 285–90).

428 Jadʿān, who thinks of Ibn Ḥanbal as willing to countenance rebellion against the Abbasid regime, suggests that the accusation may have been true (Jadʿān, Miḥnah, 285–90).

Wannan mai yiwuwa kuskure ne maimakon Abū ʿAlī Yaḥyā (al-Turkī, 488n5).

429 This is presumably an error for Abū ʿAlī Yaḥyā (al-Turkī, 488n5).

Kalmar "ijjānah" yawanci tana nufin babban kwano mara zurfi da ake sha daga gare shi, amma tun da ana amfani da ita a nan wajen rufe wata babbar jaka ta tsabar kuɗi, na zaɓi ma'ana ta biyu, wato kwamfen wanki. Watakila ta kasance kore saboda an yi ta da tagulla da ta yi tsatsa (oxidized copper). Ina godiya ga Paul Cobb, Nancy Khalek, da Noura Elkoussy saboda ra'ayoyinsu kan wannan batu.

430 The word ijjānah usually means a large shallow drinking bowl, but since it is used here to cover a sizable bag of coins I have chosen the secondary meaning of washtub. It may have been green because it was made of oxidized copper. I thank Paul Cobb, Nancy Khalek, and Noura Elkoussy for their thoughts on this point.

Da alama Ibn Ḥanbal bai so ya yi amfani da hasken ba tare da ya biya kuɗinsa ba, wata matsala da ya yi magana a kanta a wani wuri; duba Cooperson, Classical, 176.

431 Apparently Ibn Ḥanbal did not want to use the light without paying for it, a problem he addresses elsewhere; see Cooperson, Classical, 176.

Ma'anar wannan jimla a cikin Larabci kawai ita ce "bayan ya wuce Yaḥyā ibn Harthamah," don haka ba a bayyana a sarari wanda ya wuce Yaḥyā (wanda kwamanda ne a soja), ko kuma abin da ake nufi da wucewa gare shi ba. Fassarar da ke sama ita ce mafi kyawun zato na.

432 The Arabic says only “after he passed Yaḥyā ibn Harthamah,” leaving it unclear who passed Yaḥyā (a military commander), and what it meant to pass him. The translation is my best guess.

Ibn Abī Duʾād, wanda a wannan lokacin ya riga ya fāɗi daga matsayinsa na ƙauna, ya matsa lamba sosai don a karɓi koyarwar Alƙur'ani da aka halitta. Al-Mutawakkil ya bayyana yana neman Ibn Ḥanbal ya yi wa'azi don goyon bayan akasin wannan ra'ayi, ta yadda za a gyara abin da daular Abbasiyawa ta karɓa na wannan akida, wadda yanzu ake ɗauka a matsayin bidi'a.

433 Ibn Abī Duʾād, who by this time had fallen out of favor, had pushed for broad adoption of the dogma of the created Qurʾan. Al-Mutawakkil seems to be asking Ibn Ḥanbal to preach in favor of the opposite view and thus make up for the Abbasid adoption of a now-heretical creed.

Ina ɗauka wannan shi ne sunan dokin. Kamusai suna bayyana kalmar da cewa "dokin da ke zuwa na biyu a tsere," anan watakila tana nufin doki mai kyakkyawan inganci amma ba mafi kyau ba. Yana yiwuwa Yaḥyā yana wasa da kalmomi: muṣallī kuma yana nufin "wanda ke cikin salla," wanda watakila ya ga ya dace da sunan dabba da Ibn Ḥanbal ke hawa.

434 I take this to be the horse’s name. The dictionaries define the word as “the horse that places second in a race,” here perhaps meaning a horse of good but not superior quality. It may be that Yaḥyā is making a joke: muṣallī also happens to mean “engaged in prayer,” which may have struck him as an appropriate name for an animal ridden by Ibn Ḥanbal.

Q Ṭā Hā 20:55.

435 Q Ṭā Hā 20:55.

Ibn Ḥanbal ya ba da labari mai cikakken bayani game da wannan ganawa. Da ganin Ibn Ḥanbal, mahaifiyar khalifa ta ce wa ɗanta: "Ina roƙonka: ka ji tsoron Allah a harkokinka da wannan mutumin. Babu abin da za ka iya ba shi don ya jarabtu, kuma babu amfanin ƙoƙarin riƙe shi a nan nesa da gidansa. Don haka ka bar shi ya tafi: kada ka yi ƙoƙarin riƙe shi!" Sai Ibn Ḥanbal ya shiga gaban yariman da zai gaji sarauta, al-Muʿtazz, amma bai kira shi da "amir" ba. An ruwaito cewa Isḥāq ibn Ibrāhīm ya so ya bugi Ibn Ḥanbal da takobinsa, amma malamin yariman, tsohon mai yi masa tambayoyi, ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Ḍabbī, ya ce kawai wa yaron, "Wannan ne malamin da mahaifinka ya aiko maka." Sai Ibn Ḥanbal ya ce: "Yaron ya amsa cewa zai koyi duk abin da na koyar da shi. Na yi mamakin amsarsa mai hikima, duba da ƙarancin shekarunsa" (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 90).

436 Ḥanbal gives a more detailed account of this meeting. Upon seeing Ibn Ḥanbal, the caliph’s mother says to her son: “I beg you: fear God in your dealings with that man. There’s nothing you can offer him to tempt him, and it’s no good trying to keep him here away from his home. So let him go: don’t try and hold him!” Ibn Ḥanbal then enters the presence of the heir apparent, al- Muʿtazz, but fails to address him as “emir.” Isḥāq ibn Ibrāhīm was reportedly minded to strike Ibn Ḥanbal with his sword, but the prince’s tutor, Ibn Ḥanbal’s former interrogator ʿAbd al- Raḥmān al-Ḍabbī, merely tells the boy, “This is the tutor your father has sent you.” Ibn Ḥanbal then reports: “The boy replied that he would learn whatever I taught him. I was impressed with his clever answer given how little he was” (Ḥanbal, Dhikr, 90).

Khayshah: wani tsiri na zane mai jika da ake rataye a silin, sannan wani bawa ya riƙa motsa shi baya da gaba domin sanyaya daki. Kalmar Turanci kaɗai da ake amfani da ita a wannan ma'ana ita ce punkah, wadda ta samo asali daga harshen Hindi.

437 Khayshah: a strip of wet cloth suspended from the ceiling and moved back and forth by a servant to cool a room. The only English word for this seems to be punkah, which comes from Hindi.

Buƙatar Ya'qūb ta bayyana kamar wata dabara ce da aka shirya domin a gano ko Ibn Ḥanbal ya ƙi koyar da kowa ne da gaske, ko kuwa kawai ya ƙi koyar da 'ya'yan khalifa.

438 Yaʿqūb’s request seems to have been a trick intended to find out whether Ibn Ḥanbal indeed refused to teach anyone or just the caliph’s sons.

439 Q Māʾidah 5:1.

439 Q Māʾidah 5:1.

440 Q Baqarah 2:156–7: «Waɗanda idan wata musiba ta same su, sukan ce: "Mu na Allah ne, kuma gare shi za mu koma." Waɗannan su ne waɗanda za su sami albarka da rahama daga Ubangijinsu.» 441 Apparently the stipend granted by al-Mutawakkil.

440 Q Baqarah 2:156–7: «Those who say, when afflicted with a calamity, “We belong to God and to Him we shall return,” are the ones who will have blessings and mercy from their Lord.» 441 Apparently the stipend granted by al-Mutawakkil.

442 Zahiri ma'ana "wasu kulli sun kwance daga kaina." Ibn Ḥanbal na iya nufin wani rahoto wanda a cikinsa ʿUmar ya yi amfani da kalmar "kulli" don nufin "nade-naden mukamai na iko." Duba Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. ʿ-Q-D.

442 Literally “some knots have slipped off me.” Ibn Ḥanbal may be alluding to a report in which ʿUmar used the word “knots” to mean “appointments to positions of power.” See Ibn Manẓūr, Lisān, s.v. ʿ-Q-D.

443 Ban gamsu sosai ba cewa na fahimci ainihin ma'anar huwa muṣaddaq a nan, amma harkar baiwa kalmar harakoki ta al-Turkī ta tilasta wannan karatu. Sauran zaɓuɓɓuka, misali muṣaddiq da muṣṣaddiq, suna nufin mai biyan zakka ko mai karɓar zakka, amma babu ɗayansu da ya dace da ma'anar ko tsarin jumlar da ke cikin nassin.

443 I am not entirely satisfied that I understand what huwa muṣaddaq means here, but al-Turkī’s voweling imposes this reading. Other possibilities, e.g., muṣaddiq and muṣṣaddiq, mean payer or collector of the alms-tax, but neither fits the sense or the syntax of the passage.

444 Bisa ga rubutun da ke daidai da shi a cikin Ṣāliḥ, Sīrat al-imām, al-Turkī ya ce: "'ya'yan Ṣāliḥ da ʿAbd Allāh, 'ya'yan Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad ibn Ḥanbal guda biyu." 445 Wannan bayanin ba shi da cikakkiyar fayyace a gare ni, amma da alama yana nufin kallon idanu da suka shiga ciki, irin wanda ke tare da yunwa.

444 Following the parallel text in Ṣāliḥ, Sīrat al-imām, al-Turkī has “the children of Sāliḥ and ʿAbd Allāh, the two sons of Aḥmad ibn Muḥammad ibn Ḥanbal.” 445 This description is not entirely clear to me, but it seems to refer to the sunken-eyed look that accompanies starvation.

Wato, yin nasiha da wa'azi gare shi. Game da wannan hadisi, duba Cook, Commanding Right.

446 That is, to exhort and admonish him. On this tradition, see Cook, Commanding Right.

Ibn Ḥanbal na nufin cewa zai tunatar da halifa game da aikinsa na kula da zuriyar Musulmi na farko.

447 Ibn Ḥanbal apparently means that he would remind the caliph of his duty to care for the descendants of the first Muslims.

448 Salon da ke cikin sakin layi na farko, rashin ambaton muhimman bayanai, da kuma ambaton kai tsaye ga ra'in Ibn Ḥanbal game da Muhawara, duk suna nuna cewa wannan wasika jabu ce, an rubuta ta ne domin a sa koyarwarsa ta zama mai karbuwa ga baki.

448 The elaborate courtly style of the first paragraph, the omission of important details, and the direct reference to Ibn Ḥanbal’s view of Disputation all suggest that this letter is a forgery intended to make his doctrine palatable to outsiders.

Q Tawbah 9:6.

449 Q Tawbah 9:6.

450 Q A'rāf 7:54.

450 Q Aʿrāf 7:54.

451 Nuni da magana kan Al-Qur'ani, Suratul Furqān 25:63: «Bayin Mai Rahama na gaskiya su ne waɗanda ke tafiya a bisa ƙasa cikin tawali'u, idan jahilai suka yi musu magana, sai su ce, "Salama"» (ko "Sai an jima," salāman).

451 A reference to Q Furqān 25:63: «The true servants of the Gracious One are those who walk upon the earth with humility and when they are addressed by the ignorant ones, their response is, “Peace”» (or “Goodbye,” salāman).

A ƙarancin cikakken labarin wannan ba al-Dhahabī ya karɓe shi a matsayin gaskiya ba, ya ƙi shi a matsayin ƙirƙira, a cikin Siyar, 11:321; duba Cooperson, “Probability,” 71. Manufar wannan labari na iya kasancewa mayar da martabar Ibn Rāhawayh, wanda Ibn Ḥanbal bai yarda da shi ba.

452 A less elaborate telling of this story is dismissed as a fabrication by al-Dhahabī, Siyar, 11:321; see Cooperson, “Probability,” 71. The point of the fiction may be to rehabilitate Ibn Rāhawayh, of whom Ibn Ḥanbal disapproved.

Wato, dukiyar da ya yi ƙwaɗayinta za ta bayyana tana shaida a kansa.

453 That is, the property he coveted would appear to testify against him.

454 Dukan rubuce-rubucen sun karanta ilā mā d.w.r.nā, wanda ba ya da ma'ana a fili. Al-Turkī kuwa ya ba da balaghahu, "har ya isa gare shi" (wato labarin ya isa ga Ibn Ḥanbal), daga wani ruwayar makamanciyarta.

454 All the manuscripts read ilā mā d.w.r.nā, which makes no evident sense. Al-Turkī instead gives balaghahu, “and it reached him” (that is, the news reached Ibn Ḥanbal), from a parallel account.

’Ya’yan Ibn Ḥanbal guda biyu mafi ƙanƙanta.

455 Ibn Ḥanbal’s two youngest children.

456 Jagorantar Musulmi zuwa yaƙi, kare iyaka, da rarraba ganima na daga cikin aikin limamin ko shugaban al'umma. Tun da al-Mutawakkil, a ra'ayin Ibn Ḥanbal, bai na aiwatar da waɗannan ayyuka ba, kuɗin da ya tara ta hanyar haraji an karkatar da shi ba bisa ƙa'ida ba.

456 Leading the Muslims into battle, defending the frontier, and dividing up the spoils were among the duties of the imam or head of the community. Since al-Mutawakkil, in Ibn Ḥanbal’s view, was not carrying out these tasks, the money he collected through taxation was misappropriated.

Saboda haka, duk wata kyauta ta kuɗi daga baitul-mali ba ta karɓuwa ga masu tsoron Allah sosai.

Consequently, any gift of money from the treasury was unacceptable to the scrupulous.

Ibn ʿUlayyah an ruwaito cewa ya rasu kafin lokacin Mihna; duba al-Turkī, 519n1.

457 Ibn ʿUlayyah reportedly died before the Inquisition; see al-Turkī, 519n1.

458 Q Baqarah 2:156, wanda ake karantawa idan masifa ta same mutum.

458 Q Baqarah 2:156, recited when affliction strikes.

Allah ba zai shiryar da waɗanda ba su yi imani da ayoyin Allah ba ba, kuma za su sami azaba mai raɗaɗi. Waɗanda kawai ke ƙirƙirar ƙarya game da Allah su ne waɗanda ba su yi imani da ayoyin Allah ba, kuma waɗannan su ne maƙaryata. Amma wanda ya musunci Allah bayan ya yi imani—ba wanda aka tilasta masa yin hakan alhali zuciyarsa tana kwance cikin imani ba, sai dai wanda ya buɗe zuciyarsa ga musun gaskiya—irin waɗannan za su sami azaba mai tsanani.

459 The passage in context runs as follows: “God will not guide those who will not believe in the signs of God, and theirs will be a painful punishment. Only those fabricate lies concerning God who do not believe in the signs of God, and these are the liars. As for one who denies God after he has believed—not one who is forced to do it while his heart rests securely in faith, but one who opens his heart to a denial of truth—such as these will have a terrible punishment” (Q Naḥl 16:104–06).

460 A cikin rahoton, mushrikai sun tilasta ʿAmmār ibn Yāsir ya la'anci Annabi ﷺ kuma ya yabi gumakansu. Daga baya ya tuba ya fada wa Annabi ﷺ laifin da ya aikata, sai ya ce masa, muddin yana mai imani a zuciyarsa, to babu cutarwar da aka yi. Hadisin bai bayyana a cikin tarihin hadisai kamar yadda aka ambata a nan ba; duba al-Turkī, 524n2.

460 In the report, the pagans force ʿAmmār ibn Yāsir to curse the Prophet and praise their deities. He later confesses his misdeed to the Prophet, who tells him that as long as he remained a believer in his heart then no harm was done. The Hadith does not appear in the collections in the form cited here; see al-Turkī, 524n2.

Ɓangare daga wani rahoto da ake gaya wa muminai su yi aiki da sassan Alƙur'ani da suka fahimta, kuma su bar sauran ga God domin Ya bayyana shi. Duba al-Turkī, 326n1.

461 Part of a report in which believers are told to act on the parts of the Qurʾan they do understand and to leave the rest for God to clarify. See al-Turkī, 326n1.

ʿAlī da alama yana ƙoƙarin kare takalmansa da tufafinsa daga datti, lamarin da zai zama abin damuwa idan mutum zai halarci sallar da gwamnati ta shirya, amma ba shi da wata matsala ga Ibn Ḥanbal da ƙungiyarsa ta masu zuhudu.

462 ʿAlī seems to be trying to protect his shoes and clothing from getting dirty, a matter of concern if one were attending the state-sponsored prayer but presumably not an issue for Ibn Ḥanbal and his ascetic circle.

463 Q Ikhlāṣ 112:1–2. Ṣamad na iya kasancewa yana nufin “babu rami a cikinsa” (Gardet, “Allāh”) ko “wanda ba a iya shiga ba,” “mai ƙarfi zuwa iyakar ƙarshe” (Böwering, “God”). Fassarorin Turanci na ayar sun bambanta sosai, inda ake fassara ṣamad a matsayin, misali, “Mai isa da kansa” (Wahiduddin Khan), “Mafaka Madawwamiya” (Arberry), “Wanda duk halitta ke nema a kowane lokaci” (Pickthall), “Wanda ba makawa ne a zahiri” (Ahmed Ali), “Madawwami, Cikakke” (Yusuf Ali) (duk fassarori a tanzil.net).

463 Q Ikhlāṣ 112:1–2. Ṣamad may once have meant “with no hollow” (Gardet, “Allāh”) or “impenetrable,” “dense to the absolute degree” (Böwering, “God”). English translations of the verse vary significantly, rendering ṣamad as, e.g., “the Self-sufficient One” (Wahiduddin Khan), “the Everlasting Refuge” (Arberry), “the eternally besought of all” (Pickthall), “immanently indispensable” (Ahmed Ali), “the Eternal, Absolute” (Yusuf Ali) (all translations at tanzil.net).

Ba zan iya fassara wannan jumlar ba. Ga abin da kake son a fassara? Aiko min da rubutun Turanci da kake son in juya zuwa Hausa, sai in yi fassarar.

Chapter 112 as a whole denies trinitarianism, so ṣamad may (also) carry the sense that God does not consist of distinct persons. In view of the divergent possibilities I have not ventured a translation.

Q Dhāriyāt 51:22.

464 Q Dhāriyāt 51:22.

465 Q Dhāriyāt 51:22.

465 Q Dhāriyāt 51:22.

Ba a bayyana sosai ko wane ne ake nufi ba.

466 It is unclear precisely who is meant.

467 raṭl sau arba'in ya ninka dari huɗu na gram, wato kiyasin darajar raṭl ɗin Baghdad (Ashtor, "Mawāzīn").

467 Forty raṭls times four hundred grams, the approximate value of a Baghdad raṭl (Ashtor, “Mawāzīn”).

Q Shu'arā' 26:2.

468 Q Shuʿarāʾ 26:2.

469 Wani ishara zuwa ga Suratul Ikhlās 112:31; da Suratud Dukhān 44:53.

469 An allusion to Q Ikhlāṣ 112:31; Dukhān 44:53.

470 Laylat al-arbiʿāʾ: a cikin kalandar Musulunci, rana tana farawa da faduwar rana, don haka "daren Laraba" a harshen Larabci shi ne daren Talata a Turanci. Amma kwanan wata ya bayyana kamar ba daidai ba, domin ranar farko ta Rabīʿ I 241 [20 ga Yuli, 855] ta kasance ranar Asabar.

470 Laylat al-arbiʿāʾ: in the Islamic calendar, the day begins at sunset, so “Wednesday night” in Arabic is Tuesday night in English. But the date seems wrong anyway, as the first of Rabīʿ I 241 [July 20, 855] was a Saturday.

Da alama ɗan ʿAlī ibn al-Jaʿd ne ya zo: ʿAlī da kansa ya riga ya rasu a wannan lokacin, kuma wani rubutu mai kama da wannan yana da kalmar ibn. Duba al-Turkī, 541n2.

471 It seems to have been ʿAlī ibn al-Jaʿd’s son who came: ʿAlī himself was already dead by this time, and a parallel text has ibn. See al-Turkī, 541n2.

Ina rubuce-rubucen sun dage kan uʿṭiyat, wanda shi ne tushen fassarata, duk da cewa ban tabbata cewa haka yake daidai ba.

472 The manuscripts insist on uʿṭiyat, which provides the basis for my translation, though I am not certain it is right.

Bisa ga fahimtar da aka saba yi ta Suratul Anfal 8:59, wanda ya rantse da rantsuwa bai cika ta ba, zai iya biyan kaffara ta hanyar (a cikin wasu abubuwa) ciyar da mabukata goma. Duba kuma Lange, "Expiation." Ana iya cewa Ṣāliḥ ya ba talakawa dabino. Amma ba Ibn Ḥanbal ko masu tarihin rayuwarsa da ya ce mana wane alkawari ne ya karya.

473 According to the common understanding of Q Anfāl 8:59, one who swears an oath and does not fulfill it may make expiation by (among other things) feeding ten destitute persons. See further Lange, “Expiation.” Presumably Ṣāliḥ gave the dates away to the poor. Neither Ibn Ḥanbal nor his biographers tell us what vow it was he broke.

Al-Faḍl ibn al-Rabīʿ ya kasance mataimakin sarki (wazīr) ga Hārūn al-Rashīd da al-Amīn. Ya tsira daga yakin basasa wanda a lokacin al-Ma'mūn ya hambarar da al-Amīn, amma daga baya aka wulakanta shi. Ziyarar da ɗansa ya kai wa Ibn Ḥanbal a kurkuku ta nuna cewa tsohon tsarin Abbasawa bai amince da Mihna ba. Kamar yawancin sauran matakan al-Ma'mūn, ya raunana halascin daular ta hanyar nuna cewa wasu daga cikin membobinta kaɗai—musamman waɗanda suka yi kama da limaman Shi'a—ne za su iya yin mulki.

474 Al-Faḍl ibn al-Rabīʿ had been vizier to al-Rashīd and al-Amīn. He survived the civil war during which al-Maʾmūn overthrew al-Amīn, but was thereafter disgraced. His son’s visit to Ibn Ḥanbal in prison shows that the old Abbasid order disapproved of the Inquisition. Like many of al-Maʾmūn’s other initiatives, it undermined the legitimacy of the dynasty by suggesting that only some of its members—specifically, those that behaved like Shiʿi imams—could serve as rulers.

Ar-rukhaṣ su ne lamuran wani umarni da wani madadin da ya fi sauƙi, a lokutan bukata ko matsin lamba (Katz, "ʿAzīmah and Rukhṣah"). Da alama Ibn Ḥanbal yana tsoron cewa bai cika dukan ayyukansa na addini ba a lokacin rashin lafiyarsa, don haka yana so ya tabbatar da cewa yana da uzuri mai kyau.

475 Al-rukhaṣ are cases of replacing a commandment “with a less onerous alternative in cases of need or duress” (Katz, “ʿAzīmah and Rukhṣah”). Presumably Ibn Ḥanbal was worried about having failed to complete all his religious duties during his illness and wanted reassurance that he had a good excuse.

Don ƙarin bayani game da wannan labari, duba Cooperson, "Probability," 78–81.

476 For an analysis of this story, see Cooperson, “Probability,” 78–81.

Abin takaici, wannan ranar, wadda ta yi daidai da 31 ga Yuli, 855, ita ce ranar Laraba.

477 Unfortunately, this date, which corresponds to July 31, 855, was a Wednesday.

An Musulunci, al'adar jana'izar namiji na bukatar a nannade gawarsa da zane uku, kowane daga cikinsu ya rufe jikin gaba daya.

478 Muslim funeral practice requires that a man’s body be wrapped in three pieces of cloth, each of which covers it entirely.

Tsaunukan Amānūs ko Nur Daǧları, a yankin da yau ake kira Turkiyya, a iyakar arewa maso yammacin kasar da Siriya. Allah (SWT) ya ba baƙi ikon yin tafiya nan take daga can domin halartar jana'izar. Note: the rules require "God" rather than "Allah", so the correct rendering is: Tsaunukan Amānūs ko Nur Daǧları, a yankin da yau ake kira Turkiyya, a iyakar arewa maso yammacin kasar da Siriya. Ubangiji (SWT) ya ba baƙi ikon yin tafiya nan take daga can domin halartar jana'izar.

479 The Amānūs or Nur Daǧları mountain range in what is today Turkey, just across the northwest border with Syria. God has given the visitors the power to travel instantly from there in time for the funeral.

480 Don wannan labari mai ban mamaki, sai a duba Al-Dhahabi, Siyar, 11:343, da kuma Cooperson, "Probability," 74–75 don suka mai zafi da ya yi masa.

480 For a caustic denunciation of this unlikely story, see al-Dhahabī, Siyar, 11:343, and Cooperson, “Probability,” 74–75.

481 Nassin da ke cikin H da SH ya gurbata. Al-Turkī ya bayar da al-ḥuzn, “baƙin ciki,” wanda ke nuna ma’ana mafi dacewa, cewa dukkan gidaje nagari sun kasance cikin makoki. Anan na fassara abin da ke cikin rubuce-rubucen hannu, koda yake ya gurbata.

481 The passage in H and SH is garbled. Al-Turkī supplies al-ḥuzn, “sorrow,” giving the more likely meaning that all virtuous households were in mourning. Here I have rendered what is in the manuscripts, garbled though it may be.

Ko: "Muna ajiye su a nan don mutane su iya kwafa su." Abin da ake nufi a kowane hali shi ne cewa yana sane da cewa waɗannan rahotanni an riƙe su yadda ya kamata. Idan sun fita daga hannunsa, ba zai iya tabbatar da ingancinsu ba, idan wasu a wani lokaci suka so su kwafa su.

482 Or: “We keep them here so people can copy them.” The point, in any case, seems to be that he knows these reports to have been properly transmitted. If they leave his hands, he cannot guarantee their authenticity should others someday wish to copy them.

Wannan babi yana ƙunshe da waƙoƙi goma, wasu daga cikinsu sun yi tsawo sosai. Malaman hadisi da abokan su ba a saba yabon su saboda baiwar waƙa ba, kuma waɗannan ayoyi ba su da wani fice na musamman. Amma na saka misalai biyu domin mai karatu mai sha'awa ya samu fahimtar asalin babin.

483 This chapter contains ten poems, some of them very long. Hadith-scholars and their friends are not usually admired for their poetic talents, and these verses are not particularly distinguished. But I have included two examples to give the curious reader a sense of the original chapter.

"Aḥmad" yana nufin "wanda aka fi yabo." Mizāni: sarīʿ.

484 “Aḥmad” means “most praiseworthy.” 485 Meter: sarīʿ.

486 Meter: kāmil.

486 Meter: kāmil.

Tarihin rayuwar musulmai na musamman sau da yawa yakan bayyana yadda marigayin ya bayyana a mafarkin wasu bayan mutuwarsa. Yawan mutanen da suka ce sun yi mafarki iri ɗaya, shi ke sa a ƙara yarda cewa mafarkin yana ɗauke da sako na gaskiya daga wanda ya rasu. Saboda haka, wannan babin yana ƙunshe da labarai da dama kusan iri ɗaya na mafarki ɗaya kamar yadda masu ba da labari daban-daban suka ruwaito. Na cire yawancin kwafin da suka kusan zama iri ɗaya gwargwadon iyawa.

487 Biographies of exceptional Muslims often describe their posthumous appearances in the dreams of others. The more different people claimed to have had the same dream, the likelier it seemed that it contained a true communication from the deceased. For this reason, this chapter contains many nearly identical accounts of the same dream as reported by different speakers. I have removed as many of these near-duplicates as possible.

Jumla ta asali da ke nan a nan ta yi kama da an haɗa ta ne ba tare da kyau ba, wataƙila saboda wani mai ruwaito ya bar la'anar da ke bayyana a cikin sigar da ke biye nan take.

488 The original sentence seems patched together here, probably because a transmitter omitted the curse that appears in the version immediately following.

Q Zumar 39:74. Wannan shi ne abin da masu albarka za su ce bayan an shigar da su Aljanna.

489 Q Zumar 39:74. This is what the blessed say after being admitted to the Garden.

A cikin 490, mutum na farko mufradi a nan da kuma a wurin da ya dace a cikin rahotannin makamantan su na iya zama Ibn Ḥanbal, kuma wanda yake amsa zai iya zama Sufyān. Sai dai a 92.12, mai tambaya yana tambaya game da Miskīnah, wadda ta ce "Da dai ka sani!" Wannan yana nufin cewa mai tambayar dole ne har yanzu yana raye yana mafarki, ba ya mutu yana cikin Aljanna ba.

490 The first person singular here and in the corresponding place in the parallel reports could be Ibn Ḥanbal and the one answering could be Sufyān. In 92.12, though, the questioner asks about Miskīnah, who says “If only you knew!” This means that the questioner must still be alive and dreaming rather than dead and in the Garden.

Labarin ya sanya Allah yana magana game da Kansa a cikin mutum na uku, kamar yadda yake a cikin Alƙur'ani. Masu ruwaito wannan hadisi a fili suna ganin cewa ƙin ʿAlī laifi ne babba ga mai bin Sunna. Masu ruwaito bambancin da ya gabace shi kuwa ko dai suna ganin akasin haka, ko kuma kawai ba sa son maimaita abin da ake dangantawa da Allah na la'antar Jarīr.

491 The storyteller has God refer to Himself in the third person, as in the Qurʾan. The transmitters of this report evidently thought that hating ʿAlī was a grave fault in a Sunni. The transmitters of the variant immediately preceding either thought otherwise or simply did not wish to repeat God’s supposed cursing of Jarīr.

Q 39:74 Zumar

492 Q Zumar 39:74.

Q: An'āmi 6:89.

493 Q Anʿām 6:89.

Q Anʿām 6:89–90.

494 Q Anʿām 6:89–90.

Q Al'anʿām 6:89.

495 Q Anʿām 6:89.

496 Daga Suratul Baqarah 2:137: «Idan sun yi imani kamar yadda kuka yi imani, to lallai sun shiryu; amma idan suka juya baya, to ku sani cewa suna cikin adawa mai zurfi. Allah zai isar muku daga gare su, kuma Shi ne Mai ji, Masani.» 497 Rubutun da ke nan ya yi kama da ya gurbata, kuma bambancin karatu da ke akwai ba ya taimakawa. Hanyar da labarin ke bi da alama ita ce mafi yuwuwa:

496 From Q Baqarah 2:137: «If they believe as you have believed, then are they rightly guided; but if they turn back, then know that they are entrenched in hostility. God will surely suffice to defend you against them, for He is All Hearing, All Knowing.» 497 The text seems garbled here and the variant does not help. The likeliest way for the story to go is:

"Na lura da cewa da yawansu suna ɗauke da mashi. Sai Annabi ya leƙa, kamar yana niyyar aika runduna, sai ya ga wani mashi wanda ya fi duk sauran tsayi." ﷺ 498 Ko: waɗanda Ibn Ḥanbal yake so.

“I noticed that many of them were carrying spears. The Prophet looked out, as if intending to dispatch an expedition, and saw a spear taller than any of the others.” 498 Or: those whom Ibn Ḥanbal loves.

A bayyane yake, Yaḥyā ibn Maʿīn.

499 Evidently Yaḥyā ibn Maʿīn.

"Jifa" an bayyana shi da cewa dukan dutse ne da ake jefowa daga sama, kuma "mafsadawa" kuma an bayyana ta da cewa mutum ana canza shi zuwa siffa mafi muni, kamar ta dabba. An bayyana wannan hadisi da cewa yana magana ne akan azabobin da za su same musulmi saboda wasu laifuka da yake aikatawa.

500 “Pelting” is explained as being struck by stones flung from the skies, and “disfigurement” as being changed into an uglier form, such as that of an animal. The report is described as referring to the punishments that will befall Muslims who commit certain transgressions.

Ana tsammanin Isḥāq ibn Rāhawayh.

501 Apparently Isḥāq ibn Rāhawayh.

502 Wato, ya kasance Bahanafe ko Bashi'e.

502 That is, he was a Ḥanafī or a Shiʿi.

503 Mihrab shi ne siffa a masallaci wadda ke nuna alkibla zuwa Makka. Ibn Ḥanbal da alama yana cewa, "Ci gaba da yin salla har zuwa mutuwa." 504 Sāq yakan nufi ƙafa ko kara. Anan ana amfani da shi ne a matsayin ma'auni na tsawo, amma ban iya tabbatar da ainihin ma'anarsa fiye da haka ba.

503 The niche is the feature in a mosque that indicates the direction to Mecca. Ibn Ḥanbal seems to be saying, “Keep praying until you die.” 504 A sāq is normally a leg or stalk. Here it is being used as a measure of length but I have not been able to pin down the meaning any more precisely.

A cikin wannan babin, kamar wanda ya gabace shi, na bar wasu bayanai masu kama da juna na mafarki guda ɗaya.

505 In this chapter, as in the one preceding, I have omitted nearly identical retellings of the same dream.

506 Don da labarin, duba rahoto na biyu da ke biye.

506 For the story, see the second report following.

Q Baqarah 2:156.

507 Q Baqarah 2:156.

Labarin asali bazai iya zama ya ƙayyade halifa ko gwamnan da abin ya shafa ba, amma masu ruwaito labarin Sunna na baya sun yi kamar sun ɓoye sunansa don kare martabarsa.

508 The original story may have specified the caliph or governor involved, but later Sunni transmitters seem to have suppressed the name to protect his reputation.

Kalmar da aka yi amfani da ita tana nufin a zahiri "kama hannun gaban wani" (wato hannun gaban mutum). Ana amfani da wannan alama (tsakanin sauran abubuwa) wajen nuna biyayya ga sabon halifa da aka naɗa.

509 The verb used means literally “to grasp someone’s forearm.” The gesture was used (among other things) to show allegiance to a newly appointed caliph.

Wato, al-Khaḍir ya bayyana masa a mafarki.

510 That is, al-Khaḍir appeared to him in a dream.

511 Sunan da aka ba Baghdad, an ce an ba ta shi ne saboda masallacin farko da aka gina a cikinta bai daidaita sosai zuwa ga Makka ba.

511 A name for Baghdad, reportedly given because its first mosque was imperfectly aligned toward Mecca.

512 Wata magana ta girmamawa mai girma, wacce ta samo asali daga al'adar jahiliyya ta kama membobin kabilu abokan gaba da sakin su domin musaya da wani abu mai daraja.

512 An expression of great esteem, based in the pre-Islamic practice of capturing members of rival tribes and releasing them in exchange for something valuable.

513 Nuni ga ambaton Suratun Nisa'i 4:164, inda Allah ke yin magana kai tsaye da Musa. Wait: the rule says write the Hausa word for God, never "Allah". So correct: 513 Nuni ga ambaton Suratun Nisa'i 4:164, inda Ubangiji ke yin magana kai tsaye da Musa.

513 A reference to Q Nisāʾ 4:164, where God speaks directly to Moses.

Magana a kan Suratul Muɗaffifin 83:18–21: «To fa, littafin nagargaru yana cikin ʿIlliyyīn. Kuma me zai sanar da kai menene ʿIlliyyīn? Littafi ne rubutacce, wanda mala'ikun da ke kusa da Allah suke shaida shi.» Wasu masu tafsiri kuma sun yi bayanin cewa kalmar tana nufin wani wuri mai tsayi a cikin Aljannah.

514 A reference to Q Muṭaffifīn 83:18–21: «But, the record of the righteous is [preserved] in the ʿIlliyyīn. And what will make you understand what the ʿIlliyyīn is? A written record, which those angels closest to God will bear witness to.» Some exegetes also explain the word as referring to a high place in the Garden.

515 Wannan da alama kuskure ne na Aḥmad, kamar yadda Ibn al-Jawzī ya nuna.

515 This seems to be an error for Aḥmad, as Ibn al-Jawzī points out.

Wato, a karɓi matsayinsa game da hukunce-hukunce na shari'a da makamantansu.

516 That is, adopt his positions on law and the like.

517 Wani amintaccen mai ruwaya daga mahaifinsa, ʿUmar, halifa na biyu.

517 A respected transmitter of reports from his father, ʿUmar, the second caliph.

Wannan rahoto yana ba da wani tsarin lokaci mai ban mamaki. Aḥmad ibn Naṣr al-Khuzāʿī, wanda ake cewa yana zaune tare da Annabi, an kashe shi a zamanin mulkin al-Wāthiq — wato, bayan lokaci mai tsawo da al-Qawārīrī ya mika wuya ga Inquisition.

518 This report offers a puzzling chronology. Aḥmad ibn Naṣr al-Khuzāʿī, who is sitting with the Prophet, was executed during the reign of al-Wāthiq—that is, long after al-Qawārīrī’s forced capitulation to the Inquisition.

Wata unguwa mai suna Dār al-Quṭn (tare da al) ta wanzu a cikin al-Karkh, tsakanin Kogin ʿĪsā (Le Strange, Baghdad, 84, da taswira 4, lamba 32).

519 A quarter called Dār al-Quṭn (with the article) existed between the ʿĪsā Canal in al-Karkh (Le Strange, Baghdad, 84, and map 4, no. 32).

520 Kalmar ṭūbā tana bayyana a cikin Alkur'ani, Sura Ar-Ra'd 13:29. Wasu masana tafsiri suna bayyana ta da cewa sunan wata bishiya ce a Aljanna, yayin da wasu kuma suna cewa tana nufin kawai "farin ciki mai yawa." Duba Waines, "Tree(s)" da Kinberg, "Paradise." 521 Alkur'ani, Sura Al-Kahf 18:63 da wadanda suke biye da shi, inda wani bawan Allah wanda ba a ambaci sunansa ba yake koyar da Musa haƙuri.

520 The word ṭūbā appears in Q Raʿd 13:29. Some exegetes explain it as the name of a tree in Paradise while others say that it means simply “bliss.” See Waines, “Tree(s)” and Kinberg, “Paradise.” 521 Q Kahf 18:63ff, where an unnamed servant of God teaches Moses about patience.

522 Nassoshi kan ayoyin Alƙur'ani guda biyu kusan iri ɗaya: «Kafin ka, ba mu aiko wasu ba face mutane ne da Muke yi wa wahayi. Ku tambayi Mutanen Ambato idan ba ku sani ba» (Q Naḥl 16:43 da Anbiyāʾ 21:7). An fassara kalmar ahl al-dhikr a wannan ayar da cewa "waɗanda suka karɓi littattafan da suka gabata." Gabaɗaya kuma tana iya nufin mutanen da ke tuna Allah.

522 A reference to two nearly identical verses of the Qurʾan: «Before you also the messengers We sent were but [mortal] men to whom We vouchsafed revelation. Ask the People of the dhikr, if you do not know» (Q Naḥl 16:43 and Anbiyāʾ 21:7). The term ahl al-dhikr in this verse has been explained as “the recipients of previous scriptures.” More generally it can also mean people mindful of God.

Wannan shi ne abin da wata takarda ɗaya tilo da ke ɗauke da wannan labari ta ce, amma "yana sanye da kyawawan tufafi" ya fi kama da abin da za a ce a nan.

523 So says the one manuscript that contains the story, though “he was wearing fine clothes” seems a likelier thing to say here.

524 Ar. mukhannath, wato mutum asali namiji, galibi mawaƙi, wanda yake yin ado da kuma yin hali kamar mace don nishaɗi. A lokacin Ibn Ḥanbal, mukhannathūn da ke tare da fadar sarki sun shahara da "zagi mai tsanani, ban dariya mai tsawo, da barkwanci marar kunya game da jima'i" (Rowson, "Effeminates," magana a shafi 693). Kalmar na iya nufin kuma "mutum mai gaɓoɓin jinsi biyu," amma kasancewa mutum mai gaɓoɓin jinsi biyu ba zunubi ba ne ko laifi ba, don haka mai magana a wannan labarin ba zai buƙaci a yi masa gafara ba (aƙalla, ba saboda hakan ba).

524 Ar. mukhannath, originally a man, usually a musician, who dressed and acted like a woman for entertainment. In Ibn Ḥanbal’s time, mukhannathūn associated with the court were famous for “savage mockery, extravagant burlesque, and low sexual humor” (Rowson, “Effeminates,” quotation at 693). The word can also mean “hermaphrodite,” but being a hermaphrodite was not a sin or a crime, so the speaker in this story would not need to be forgiven (at least, not for that).

525 Q Hūd 11:105.

525 Q Hūd 11:105.

A cikin tatsuniyoyin Larabawa, kowane mutum yana da aljani abokin tafiya na jinsi kishiyar sa.

526 In Arab folklore, every human being has a jinni counterpart of the opposite sex.

Bisa ga bayanin da ke cikin Lane, s.v. T-N-R, ana bukatar mu yi tunanin wani murhu a bude a sama, wanda dole ne a juye shi domin a samar da wuri a rufe. Haka kuma ya kamata ya kasance yana da kofa a gefe domin a saka ciyawar clover, wadda ake ganin tana aiki a matsayin wani irin shimfida mai jure wuta.

527 Based on the account in Lane, s.v. T-N-R, it seems we must imagine an oven open at the top which had to be turned over to create a closed space. It must also have had a door on the side for inserting the clover, which apparently served as a fireproof sort of bedding.

528 Harthamah na tarihi ya shiga yakin kewayen Baghdad, wanda ya ƙare da mutuwar Khalifa al-Amīn. Amma shi kansa an kashe shi jim kaɗan bayan haka, a zamanin al-Ma'mūn: wato, shekaru da dama kafin al-Mutawakkil ya zama khalifa. Masu ba da labarin Hanbaliyya alama suna da ra'ayi mai rikitarwa game da tarihin mutanen zamanin Abbasiyawa.

528 The historical Harthamah took part in the siege of Baghdad, which ended in the death of the Caliph al-Amīn. But he was himself executed shortly thereafter, during the reign of al-Maʾmūn: that is, several decades before al-Mutawakkil became caliph. Ḥanbalī storytellers seem to have had a confused idea of Abbasid prosopography.

Ma'auni: Kāmil.

529 Meter: kāmil.

530 Wannan ya nuna cewa bai aika ɗansa makaranta ko ɗaukar malami dominsa ba, sai dai ya fi son ya koya masa da kansa.

530 This seems to mean that he did not send his son to school or hire a tutor for him but instead preferred to instruct him himself.

531 Unassimilated, wannan kalmar za ta zama iʾtakhadhtum, wanda a iya saninta ba a amfani da ita a zahiri ba.

531 Unassimilated, this word would be iʾtakhadhtum, which as far as I know is not actually used.

Don ƙarin bayani kan ra'ayoyin Ibn Ḥanbal game da karatun Alkur'ani, duba Melchert, "Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal and the Qurʾān," shafi na 25–26.

532 For more on Ibn Ḥanbal’s views on recitation, see Melchert, “Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal and the Qurʾān,” 25–26.

Mai magana, al-Shāfi'i, zai kare Malik ibn Anas, kuma mai kalubalanta zai kare Abu Hanifa.

533 The speaker, al-Shāfiʿī, will defend Mālik ibn Anas, and the challenger will defend Abū Ḥanīfah.

Littafin da aka rubuta a Baghdad da alama shi ne (tsarin farko na) Risālah (Wasiƙa, fassarar Lowry)

534 The book written in Baghdad is apparently (the first draft of) the Risālah (Epistle, trans. Lowry)

Kuma wanda aka rubuta a Masar shi ne Umm.

and the one written in Egypt is the Umm.

Wato, ɗaya don wanke fuska ɗayan kuma don wanke hannaye har zuwa gwiwar hannu.

535 That is, one to clean the face and another to clean the arms as far as the elbows.

Ya kwatanta Annabi ﷺ da "bugun tafinsa a kasa, yana busawa a cikinsu, sannan ya shafa fuskarsa da hannayensa" (duba nassoshi a cikin al-Turkī, 666n1).

536 The Prophet is described as “striking his palms on the ground, blowing on them, and wiping his face and hands” (see references in al-Turkī, 666n1).

537 Wato, idan saduwa da Sahabbai tana tabbatar da fifiko ta zahiri, to Sa'īd da wasu da yawa sun kamata su fi Abū Ḥanīfah.

537 That is, if having met the Companions necessarily confers precedence, Saʿīd and others should outrank Abū Ḥanīfah.

Wato, idan wasu daga cikin Tabi'un sun ɗauki Mālik da daraja fiye da yadda suke ɗaukar Sahabban Annabi, to ba zai yiwu ba a ce mutum yana samun fifiko kawai saboda ya haɗu da Sahabbai.

538 That is, if certain Successors thought more highly of Mālik than they did of the Prophet’s Companions then the premise that one gains precedence simply by having met the Companions cannot be valid.

Wato, mutane sun fi son maganar masu ruwaya waɗanda suke da nisa daga Manzon Allah ﷺ fiye da Ibn ʿAbbās.

539 That is, people preferred the word of transmitters more distantly related to the Prophet than Ibn ʿAbbās.

Q Nisāʾ 4:3.

540 Q Nisāʾ 4:3.

541 Wato, mutumin da nake bin dukkan abin da ke cikin littattafaina bashi shi ne Ibn Ḥanbal. Al-Turkī, a shafi na 668 bayanin ƙasa na 5, ya saka wannan jumla domin bayyana ma’ana, amma ba ta cikin rubuce-rubucen asali. Masu sauraron farko babu shakka sun san abin da ake nufi.

541 That is, the person to whom I owe everything in my books is Ibn Ḥanbal. Al-Turkī, 668n5, inserts this phrase for clarity, but it is not there in the manuscripts. The original audience doubtless knew what was meant.

A cikin wannan taƙaitaccen littafi na rage yawan tarihin rayuwa har ma fiye da haka, inda na riƙe waɗanda suke da muhimmanci na musamman a tarihi ko a adabi kawai.

542 In this abridgement I have cut down the number of biographies even further, retaining only those of particular historical or literary importance.

543 Ɗaukar wani abu daga wurin wani ta hanyar min taḥt yadihi (“daga ƙarƙashin hannunsa”) a wasu wuraren yana nufin karɓar abin da mutum ke bin wani ba tare da saninsa ko izininsa ba. Tun da hakan ba zai yiwu ba a nan, ina zaton an nufi ma'ana ta zahiri. Watakila kuma jumlar ita ce man taḥt yadihi, “waɗanda ke ƙarƙashin kulawarsa,” amma a lokacin za a buƙaci wata ƙarin kalma don cika jumlar.

543 To take something from someone min taḥt yadihi (“from under his hand”) elsewhere means to take what one is owed from another party without his knowledge or permission. As that is hardly likely here, I am guessing that a more literal meaning is intended. Possibly, too, the phrase is man taḥt yadihi, “those dependent on him,” but then an additional word would be needed to complete the sentence.

Ina godiya ga Christopher Melchert saboda ya ba da shawara kan bayanin wannan nassi.

544 I thank Christopher Melchert for suggesting an explanation for this passage.

Na gode wa Peter Pormann don bayanin ma'anar kalmar qiyām al-dam.

545 I thank Peter Pormann for explaining the term qiyām al-dam.

Birnin Tsira" shi ne Baghdad, wanda aka sanya masa suna haka (a ra'ayina) saboda sarakunan Abbasiyawa wadanda suka kafa shi kuma suka yi mulkinsa suna ganin kansu a matsayin imamai, ma'ana cewa biyayya gare su tana nufin tsira.

546 The “City of Salvation” is Baghdad, so named (in my view) because its Abbasid founders and rulers considered themselves imams, meaning that allegiance to them implied salvation.

Sau da yawa, duk da haka, ana fassara taken da "Birnin Salama." 547 Wata tambaya da ke motsawa daga waraʿ (tsoron ɗaukar shubuha): misali, idan mutumin ya ɗauki ruwan daga wani ba tare da izini ba, to zai zama ba daidai ba a sha shi.

Commonly, however, the title is translated as “City of Peace.” 547 A question motivated by waraʿ (scrupulosity): if, for example, the man had taken the water from someone else without permission, it would be wrong to drink it.

Muballighūn: mutanen da ke maimaita kalaman limamin sallah ko malami lokacin da taron jama'a ya yi yawa har ba kowa ne zai iya ji ba.

548 Muballighūn: people who repeat the words of the prayer leader or lecturer when the crowd is too large for everyone to hear him.

Wannan ita ce rantsuwar yarda da ta tabbatar da hawan sabon halifa kan mulki. Yawanci babban taron manyan mutane kan halarci wannan.

549 This is the oath of assent that formalized the accession of a new caliph. Normally a crowd of dignitaries would be involved.

550 A cikin shekara ta 469 bayan Hijira/1077 miladiyya, malamin fiqhun Shāfi'iyya Abū l-Naṣr ʿAbd al-Raḥīm (ya rasu a shekara ta 514/1120), ɗan malamin tasawwufi kuma masanin ilmin tauhidi ʿAbd al-Karīm al-Qushayrī, ya zo birnin Baghdad domin koyar da ilmin tauhidi na ra'ayi wanda al-Ash'arī ya kafa. Ko da yake tsarin Ash'ariyya an yi niyyar kare nassoshi da matsayoyin da Ḥanābila ke so, su Ḥanābila ba su yarda da shi ba, sai suka tayar da hargitsi. Daga ƙarshe an mayar da Abū l-Naṣr zuwa Isfahan. Duba Halm, "al-Qushayrī." 551 Ranar tara ga watan Dhu l-Hijjah na shekara ta 503 [29 ga Yuni, 1110].

550 In 469/1077, the Shāfiʿī jurist Abū l-Naṣr ʿAbd al-Raḥīm (d. 514/1120), son of the mystic and theologian ʿAbd al-Karīm al-Qushayrī, came to Baghdad to teach the speculative theology of al- Ashʿarī. Although the Ashʿarite system was intended to defend the texts and conclusions favored by the Ḥanbalīs, the latter were having none of it, and rioted. Eventually Abū l-Naṣr was sent back to Isfahan. See Halm, “al-Qushayrī.” 551 The ninth of Dhu l-Hijjah 503 [June 29, 1110].

552 Ka'b ibn Malik na ɗaya daga cikin Ansar uku da aka ce an la'anta su daga baya kuma aka yafe musu saboda sun zauna a baya a lokacin yakin Tabuk na Annabi ﷺ.

552 Kaʿb ibn Mālik was one of three Helpers reportedly condemned and later forgiven for staying behind during the Prophet’s raid on Tabūk.

553 "… Allah zai sanya ni cikinsu." Ba a samu sauran jumlar a cikin rubuce-rubucen ba, watakila saboda al-Dīnawarī ya kasance mai tawali'u har ya ce ta, amma tana bayyana a cikin wani rubutu makamancin haka daga Shadharāt al-dhahab, daga inda al-Turkī ya kawo ta (duba 705n1).

553 “… God will make me one of them.” The rest of the sentence does not appear in the manuscripts, perhaps because al-Dīnawarī was too modest to say it, but it does appear in a parallel text from Shadharāt al-dhahab, whence it is supplied by al-Turkī (see 705n1).

I can't see the text to translate yet. Your message only says "554 Meter: ṭawīl." Please paste the English passage you want translated into Hausa, and I'll translate it.

554 Meter: ṭawīl.

555 Mita: Ṭawīl.

555 Meter: ṭawīl.

Irin wadannan tarin sun ƙunshi rahotanni waɗanda ba wai kawai suna da gajerun silsilolin masu ruwaito ba, har ma suna da mai ruwaito guda ɗaya, ko wani keɓaɓɓen abu, da suke tarayya a kai. Na gode wa Devin Stewart da ya bayyana mini wannan batu.

556 Such collections contained reports that not only had short chains of transmitters but also one transmitter, or some other distinctive feature, in common. I thank Devin Stewart for explaining this point.

557 Akwai sabani game da ma’anar kalmar ummī a cikin Alƙur’ani (duba Sebastian Günther, “Ummī”). Amma a zamanin Ibn al-Jawzī, an fahimce ta da ma’anar “wanda ba ya iya karatu da rubutu,” wato Muhammadu ﷺ ba zai iya samun wahayi daga karanta littattafan addinai na dā ba.

557 There is some debate about what ummī may have meant in the Qurʾan (for which see Sebastian Günther, “Ummī”). By Ibn al-Jawzī’s time, though, it was understood to mean “illiterate,” meaning that Muḥammad could not have been inspired by reading older scriptures.