Shuni e'tiborga olish kerakki, Mustafa Kamol Dardanel jangidan Istanbulga ingliz qo'shinlari ustidan qozongan g'alaba bilan qaytdi. Bu g'alaba Usmonli qo'shinlarining ruhiyatiga va butun Usmonli davlati bo'ylab musulmonlarga ta'sir ko'rsatdi. U ittifoqchilarga ham ta'sir qildi. Shunga qaramay, Mustafa Kamol o'zi boshchilik qilgan va g'alaba bilan chiqqan jangdan qaytdi-da, davlatning ingliz qo'shinlariga qarshi kurashish qobiliyati haqida odamlarda shubha uyg'otdi hamda davlatning urushdan chiqib, inglizlar bilan bir tomonlama tinchlik shartnomasi imzolashi g'oyasini ilgari surdi. U davlatni nemislardan voz kechib, inglizlar tomoniga o'tishga majbur qilish uchun ichki kurash boshlash maqsadida qaytdi. Jangdan oldin u shu fikrda bo'lgan bo'lsa-da, buni o'zida saqlab yurgan edi, ammo endi jangdan qaytgach, bu fikrlarini odamlar orasida, ayniqsa armiya zobitlari orasida tarqata boshladi hamda yuqori martabali va nufuzli shaxslarga ta'sir o'tkazishga urindi. U hatto vazirlar bilan uchrasha boshladi, ular bilan o'z fikrlarini ochiq gaplashib, ularga ta'sir qilishga harakat qildi.

What is striking is that Mustafa Kemal returned from the Dardanelles to Istanbul victorious over the British. The victory had its effects on the morale of the Ottoman armed forces and on Muslims all over the Ottoman State. It also had an effect on the Allies. Nevertheless, Mustafa Kemal returned from the battle that he had led and from which he had emerged victorious to arouse people’s doubts about the State’s ability to fight the British, and to generate the idea of the State withdrawing from the war and signing a unilateral peace treaty with the British. He returned to initiate a domestic battle with the State in order to make her forsake the Germans and side with the British. If before the battle he had held the same opinion, he kept it to himself, but now that he had returned from battle, he started spreading these opinions amongst people, especially the army officers, and attempted to influence the high ranking and powerful personalities. He even started to meet with ministers and talked to them openly of his opinions and attempted to influence them.

Bir safar u tashqi ishlar vaziri bilan uning idorasida ko'rishdi. O'sha paytda tashqi ishlar vaziri Nasimi Beik edi, u Turkiya Germaniya tarafida urushga kirishi kerak, deb taklif qilganlardan biri edi. Nasimi Beik Mustafa Kemalni Ana Forta qahramoni sifatida iliq kutib oldi va u bilan muloyim ohangda suhbatlashdi. Uning gapi go'zal optimizmga to'la edi, ayniqsa Davlat erishgan g'alabadan, Dardanel'da Ittifoqchilar qurolli kuchlarini mag'lub etib, qaytarganidan keyin. Vazir bu g'alabani qadrlar va uning Ittifoqchilarga ta'sirini bilardi, chunki bu Rossiyani juda zarur bo'lgan urush o'q-dorisi yetkazib berishdan mahrum qilishni, Rossiyaning ta'minot yetishmasligi sababli kurasha olmasligi tufayli Frantsiyani nemis yashin urushiga duchor qilishni anglatardi, bu esa nemislarning Sharqiy frontni ta'minlashini bildirardi. Kuchlar muvozanati Ittifoqchilarga qarshi nemislar va Usmonli Davlati foydasiga og'ib ketgan edi. Shu sababli vazir optimistik edi. Biroq Mustafa Kemal pessimizmni uyg'otishga va vazirni o'z qarashlariga ishontirishga urindi. U vazirning dalillari kuchli ekanini sezganga o'xshaydi, shuning uchun tahdidga murojaat qilib, vazirga dedi: Men sizga aytmoqchi bo'lgan gapimga e'tibor berishingiz kerak! Agar siz siyosatchilarning ta'siri ostida qolishda davom etsangiz, o'zingiz va siyosatchilar tasavvur qilganingizdan ham kattaroq muammo bilan yuzlashasiz. Shunda vazir bezovtalanib, kibr bilan dedi: Nimani nazarda tutayotganingizni bilmayman. Mustafa Kemal dedi: Men mamlakat halokat sari ketayotganini nazarda tutyapman, sizesa bunga ko'z yumib olgandek turibsiz. Shubhasiz, vazir mavqeyingiz tufayli bunday deyishga majbursiz; ammo shaxsiy e'tiqodingiz bunga butunlay zid bo'lsa kerak. Siz butun haqiqatni e'tibordan chetda qoldirmaysiz, shubhasiz, dardning manbai va falokat qayerda ekanini bilasiz. Vazir hayratda qoldi. U shundan so'ng u Mustafo Kamolga qat'iy ohangda murojaat qilib dedi: Polkovnik! Agar siz mamlakat ahvoli haqida shubhalaringizni bildirish uchun bu yerga kelgan bo'lsangiz, shuni aytib qo'yayki, bunday shubhalarni bildirish uchun na vaqt, na joy mos keladi. Siz mening oldimga kelib xato qildingiz, chunki men va mening hamkasb vazirlarim Bosh qo'mondonga to'liq ishonamiz. Shu sababli sizga uning oldiga borishni maslahat beraman, toki u sizning bu qo'rquvlaringizni tarqatib yuborsin va sizni tashvishga solayotgan narsalarni yo'qotsin. Shundan so'ng u uni o'z idoralaridan chiqarib yubordi.

On one occasion he visited the foreign minister in his office. The foreign minister at the time was Nasimi Beik, who was from amongst those who suggested that Turkey should enter the war alongside Germany. Nasimi Beik greeted Mustafa Kemal warmly as the hero of Ana Forta and he talked to him in a courteous manner. His talk was full of graceful optimism, especially in the wake of the victory achieved by the State and her defeat and repulsion of the Allies’ armed forces in the Dardanelles. The foreign minister was appreciative of this victory and was aware of the defeat’s effect on the Allies, because it meant keeping Russia deprived of the supplies of the war ammunitions she desperately needed, and subjecting France to a German blitzkrieg due to Russia’s inability to fight through a lack of supplies, which meant that the Germans would secure the eastern front. The balance of power had tilted in favour of the Germans and the Ottoman State against the Allies. It was for this reason that the foreign minister was optimistic. However, Mustafa Kemal attempted to raise pessimism and to convince the minister of his views. It seemed that he sensed the strength of the minister’s arguments, thus he resorted to menace and said to the minister : “You ought to take note of what I am about to tell you! If you allow the politicians to continue affecting you, you will find yourself facing a problem bigger than you and the politicians will have imagined.” Upon this the minister was disquietened and said arrogantly : “I do not know what you mean.” Mustafa Kemal said : “I mean that the country is heading towards destruction, and now you pretend not to see it heading that way. Obviously you are compelled to say this because of your position as minister; however, your personal belief must be completely different to this. You undoubtedly do not ignore the whole reality, and you are undoubtedly aware of the source of the ailment and where the calamity lies.” The minister was stunned. He then turned to Mustafa Kemal and said to him in a sturdy tone : “Colonel! If you have come here to cast your doubts about the country’s situation, then let me tell you that this is neither the time nor the place to cast such doubts. You have made a mistake by coming to me, for my fellow ministers and I have total faith in the Commander in Chief; I therefore suggest that you go and see him so that he can dissipate these fears of yours and eradicate the things that are worrying you.” He then dismissed him from his office.

Ertasi kuni tashqi ishlar vaziri Bosh qo‘mondonga Mustafo Kemal bilan o‘rtasida bo‘lib o‘tgan suhbat haqida ma’lumot berdi va unga munosib jazo berishni talab qildi. Bosh qo‘mondon Mustafo Kemalni Kavkazga surgun qilishga qaror qildi.

The next morning, the foreign minister briefed the Commander in Chief about the conversation that had taken place between him and Mustafa Kemal and urged him to inflict on him the appropriate punishment. The Commander in Chief decided to banish Mustafa Kemal to the Caucasus.

U'zi darhol haydab yuborildi va bir yildan ortiq vaqt davomida hech qanday muhim faoliyat bilan shug'ullana olmay o'sha yerda qoldi.

He was instantly banished and remained there for over a year without being able to undertake any significant activity.

Dış işleri vaziri bilan uchrashuv Mustafo Kamolning davlatni urushdan chiqarish va davlat arboblari, vazirlar hamda zobitlarni shunga ko‘ndirishga qaratilgan birinchi rasmiy harakati bo‘ldi. O‘sha paytda uning ingliz tomoni bilan aniq aloqalarga tayangan holda bunday tashabbusni ko‘targanini ko‘rsatadigan hech narsa yo‘q edi. Shu sababli uning harakati shaxsiy fikr va faqat o‘zining sa'y-harakati deb baholandi. Uni chetlatish orqali davlat bu g‘oyadan xalos bo‘ldi. Biroq shundan keyin bir qator voqealar yuz berdi, ularni Mustafo Kamol o‘z fikrlarini kuch bilan amalga oshirish va hokimiyatni kuch bilan qo‘lga kiritish maqsadida boshlagan edi, shunda uning xiyonati oshkor bo‘ldi.

The meeting with the foreign minister marked the first official endeavour by Mustafa Kemal to lure the State out of the war and to persuade the statesmen, ministers and officers alike, to do so. There was no indication at the time to suggest that he pursued such an initiative on the basis of specific contacts with the British. Thus his action was deemed to be a personal opinion and an exertion solely from his part. By banishing him, the State was rid of this idea. However, a series of events took place afterwards, these being initiated by Mustafa Kemal in order to implement his thoughts by force and to seize power by force, whereupon his treason became manifest.

Birinchi voqea, u Kavkazda bo'lganida sodir bo'lgan. Davlat to'ntarishiga urinish uyushtirildi va u unga aloqador deb o'ylangan.

As for the first event, this took place while he was in the Caucasus. An attempted coup was staged and it was thought that he was implicated.

Mayor Yoqub Jamil Beik do'stlari bilan hukumatni ag'darish uchun fitna uyushtirdi. Uning do'stlariga aytgan so'zlaridan iqtibos keltiraman: "Katta bo'lib ko'rinayotgan o'sha odamlar aslida kichik, mamlakat esa ularni o'z lavozimlaridan olib tashlab, ularning o'rniga vatanparvarligi va samimiyligi yuqoriroq bo'lgan odamlarni qo'yishni talab qilmoqda." Do'stlari uni bo'lib: "Bunday odamlarni olib tashlash oddiy ish, ammo sizningcha, tuzumni o'zining avvalgi holatiga qaytara oladigan odam kim bo'lishi mumkin, shuni ayting-chi?" deb so'rashdi. Shunda Yoqub darhol javob berdi: "Mustafo Kamol." Keyinchalik fitna fosh bo'ldi, Yoqub va uning do'stlari qatl etildi. Mustafo Kamol Kavkazda turgan paytida bu xabarni eshitdi. Bu xabar uni chaqmoqdek urdi. Xabar unga fitnada ishtirok etgan, ammo Istanbuldan qochib Mustafo Kamolning oldiga borishga muvaffaq bo'lgan doktor Hilmi Beik orqali yetib keldi. Istanbuldagi hukumat Mustafo Kamolga doktor Hilmini darhol hibsga olib, qaytarib yuborishni buyurgan edi, ammo Mustafo Kamol hokimiyatlarga telegramma yuborib, shunday dedi: "Doktor Hilmi hozirdan mening himoyamda." Hukumat sukut saqlashdan boshqa ilojsiz edi, chunki Mustafo Kamol bilan to'qnashuv nojo'ya oqibatlarga olib kelishi mumkin edi. Shunday qilib, hukumatga, davlat va armiyaning ko'plab arboblariga aniq bo'ldiki, Mustafo Kamol hokimiyatni qo'lga olishga va urushdan chiqishga intilmoqda. Shunday qilib, Mustafo Kamol siyosiy sahnaga nafaqat o'zi ilgari surayotgan g'oyalar bilan, balki o'sha g'oyalarni amalga oshirishni maqsad qilgan usuli bilan chiqdi. Natijada u ehtiyotkorlik va xavotir ob'ektiga aylandi.

Major Yaqub Jamil Beik conspired with his friends to topple the government. To quote from what he said to his friends : “Those men who think they are big are in fact small and the country calls for their removal from their posts to replace them with men who have more patriotism and more sincerity.” His friends interrupted : “The removal of such men is a simple matter, but could you tell us about the man who in your view could restore the regime to its old self?” Upon this Yaqub instantly replied : “Mustafa Kemal.” The conspiracy was later uncovered and Yaqub and his friends were executed. Mustafa Kemal heard of this news during his stay in the Caucasus. Its impact upon him was like a thunderbolt. The news reached him via Doctor Hilmi Beik, who was an accessory to the conspiracy, but he had managed to flee from Istanbul and go to Mustafa Kemal. The government in Istanbul had ordered Mustafa Kemal to arrest Doctor Hilmi and send him back at once, but Mustafa Kemal sent a telegram to the authorities in which he said : “Doctor Hilmi is as of now under my protection.” The government could do little but remain silent, for a confrontation with Mustafa Kemal would have led to adverse consequences. Hence, it became clear to the government and to many personalities within the State and the army that Mustafa Kemal was aspiring to seize power and to withdraw from the war. Thus Mustafa Kemal emerged on the political scene not only with the thoughts that he carried, but also with a method by which he aimed at executing those thoughts. Consequently, he became the object of caution and apprehension.

Uchinchi voqea esa masalaning endi shunchaki fikr bildirish va oddiy isyon bo'lmay qolganini aks ettirdi, chunki Mustafa Kamol hokimiyatni egallash maqsadida o'z harakatini davom ettira boshladi. Shuningdek, u o'z g'oyalarini amalga oshirish uchun inglizlar bilan aloqa o'rnatganini ko'rsatadigan ko'plab ishlarni amalga oshirdi.

As for the third event, it reflected the fact that the issue was no longer a mere voicing of an opinion and a mere rebellion, for Mustafa Kemal started to persist in his quest to seize power. He also undertook a host of activities from which one could deduce that he had established contact with the British in order to implement his thoughts.

1918-yil 3-iyulda Sulton Muhammad Rashad vafot etdi va taxtga uning o'rniga Muhammad Vahid-ud-Din, boshqacha aytganda Muhammad V o'tirdi. Mustafo Kamol bu imkoniyatdan foydalanib hokimiyatni egallash vaqti kelganini his qildi, chunki u yaqinda Vahid-ud-Dinni Germaniyaga olib borgan va ular Hindenburg bilan uchrashgan edi. Anvar Mustafo Kamolni Vahid-ud-Din bilan birga Germaniyaga yuborgan edi, o'sha paytda Vahid-ud-Din taxt vorisi edi. Anvar buni Germaniyaning qudratini o'z ko'zi bilan ko'rib, fikrini o'zgartirishi umidida qilgan edi.

On 3rd July 1918, Sultan Muhammad Rashad died and he was succeeded to the throne by Muhammad Wahid-ud-Deen, otherwise known as Muhammad 5th. Mustafa Kemal decided that the opportunity had come for him to seize power, for he had just accompanied Wahid-ud-Deen to Germany where they met with Hindenburg. Anwar had sent Mustafa Kemal to Germany with Wahid-ud-Deen, who at the time was heir apparent, so that he could see for himself the might of Germany in the hope that he would change his views.

Ular sayohatdan qaytishlari bilan Muhammad Rashad vafot etdi va taxtga Vahid-ud-Din o‘tirdi. Mustafa Kamol bu imkoniyatdan darhol foydalanishga shoshildi, chunki u Vahid-ud-Din bilan birga safarda bo‘lgan edi, va uni o‘z qarashlariga ishontirib, hukumat boshlig‘i etib tayinlashga urindi. U yangi sultonni do‘stona munosabatda ziyorat qildi va Vahid-ud-Din uni iliq va xushmuomalalik bilan kutib oldi.

No sooner had they returned from their trip than the death of Muhammad Rashad occurred and Wahid-ud-Deen acceded to the throne. Mustafa Kemal jumped at the opportunity of having just accompanied Wahidud- Deen and attempted to convince him of his views so that he could appoint him the head of the government. He visited the new Sultan on a friendly basis and Wahid-ud-Deen greeted him warmly and courteously.

U unga iliq munosabatda bo'ldi va hatto unga sigareta tutatib berdi. Bu Mustafa Kamolni o'z qarashlari haqida ochiq gapirishga ruhlantirdi. Shu sababli u o'z strategiyasini tushuntirishga kirishdi va mamlakatga tahdid solayotgan halokatning yaqinlashib qolganini unga qayta-qayta ta'kidladi. Shuningdek, Sulton qurolli kuchlar ustidan bevosita to'liq nazoratni o'z qo'liga olishi, haqiqiy hukmdor bo'lib, shunchaki nomigagina sulton bo'lib qolmasligi uchun Anvar va nemis qo'mondonlarini barcha vakolatlaridan mahrum etishi kerakligini aytdi. U, shuningdek, Oliy qo'mondonlik mas'uliyatini o'z zimmasiga olishga tayyorligini tasdiqladi va shu tariqa Usmonli davlatini tanazzul jari yoqasidan qutqarib qolishni ko'zda tutdi.

Dördinchi voqea bilan bog'liq holda, bu Mustafa Kamolning ingliz qo'shinlariga qarshi kurashish uchun Suriya frontiga borganida, aksincha, mamlakatni ularga topshirib, Anadoluga chekinishida namoyon bo'ldi. Unga buyruqlar berilgach, u Suriya frontidagi shtab-kvartirasiga yo'l oldi va 1918-yil avgust oyi oxirida u yerga yetib bordi hamda nemis Oliy qo'mondoni Liman fon Sanders huzuriga hisobot berdi, chunki Falkengayn bahorda allaqachon Germaniyaga qaytib ketgan edi. Fon Sanders uni iliq kutib oldi, chunki u Ana Forta davridan beri uni tanardi va unga mudofaa chizig'ining o'rta qismini egallagan yettinchi armiya qo'mondonligini topshirdi. Frontda armiya qo'mondonligini qabul qilgach, u buyraklari bilan bog'liq og'riqlardan shikoyat qildi va 1918-yil 1-sentyabrdan boshlab Nablusdagi qo'mondonlik markazida to'shakka mixlanib qoldi. 19-sentyabrda frontda ingliz hujumi boshlandi, shuning uchun Mustafa Kamol qo'shinlari bilan Iordan daryosi tomon chekindi. Keyin u daryodan o'tdi, qo'shinlarini yig'di va cho'l tomon yo'l oldi, temir yo'l liniyasi bo'ylab to'xtovsiz, shoshilinch ravishda Damashqqa yetguncha chekindi.

As for the fourth event, this was reflected in the fact that when Mustafa Kemal travelled to the Syrian front to fight the British, he instead surrendered the country to them and withdrew to Anatolia. After having been given his orders, he travelled to his headquarters in the Syrian front and arrived there at the end of August in 1918 and he reported to the German High Commander Liman von Sanders, for Falkenhayn had already returned to Germany in the spring. von Sanders greeted him warmly, for he knew him since the days of Ana Forta, and he handed him the command of the seventh army which dominated the middle part of the line of defence. After assuming the command of the army at the front, he complained of kidney troubles, and he remained bed ridden at the command’s centre in Nablus from 1st September 1918. On 19th September the British attack on the front started, so Mustafa Kemal withdrew with his troops back to the River Jordan. He then crossed the river and gathered his troops and headed towards the desert, hastily withdrawing with them alongside the railway line, without pause until they reached Damascus.

Damaskda, oliy qo'mondon fon Sanders unga 27-sentyabrda Riaqda yangi mudofaa chizig'ini tashkil etishni buyurdi. U shu vazifani bajarish uchun ketdi. So'ngra u Liman fon Sandersning huzuriga qaytib, Riaqda mudofaa chizig'ini tashkil etish befoyda ekanini va qo'shinlarni tartibga solish uchun ko'p vaqt kerak bo'lishini aytdi. Shuningdek, u armiyaning yana 100 mil Halab tomon chekinishi, butun Suriyani tark etishi kerakligini taklif qildi, shunda ular oldinga siljib kelayotgan dushmanlar qarshisida Turkiyaning o'ziga boradigan yo'lni to'sib qo'yishlari mumkin edi.

In Damascus, the High Commander von Sanders ordered him on 27th September to establish a new defence line in Riaq, so he went to accomplish that task. He then went back to Liman von Sanders and informed him that it would be useless to organise a line of defence in Riaq and that the organising of troops would require ample time. He also suggested that the army should withdraw a further 100 miles towards Aleppo and abandon the whole of Syria, so that they could block the way to Turkey itself in the face of the advancing enemies.