Shu tariqa ikkinchi bosqich yakunlandi: mamlakatning ikkinchi hukumati Anqarada o‘rnashib, hokimiyat sukkasi va haqiqiy vakolatni qo‘lga oldi. Shu orada Istanbul hukumati kuchsiz va yaroqsiz hokimiyatga aylanib qoldi. Bu ikkinchi hukumat o‘rnashib, mamlakatni o‘z qo‘liga olishi bilan, Britaniya bu voqealar ortidan Gretsiya va Turkiyadan ko‘plab vakillar ishtirok etadigan London konferensiyasini chaqirdi. Britaniya shunday dedi: bu konferensiyani o‘tkazishdan maqsad Sharqiy inqirozga yechim izlashdir. Bu faqat Parijda imzolangan Sevr shartnomasining tinchlik shartlarini qayta ko‘rib chiqishni anglatishi mumkin edi, chunki rasmiy tinchlik konferensiyasida hal etilgan Sharqiy masalani o‘rganish uchun konferensiya chaqirilishi, Parijda ratifikatsiya qilingan Sevr shartnomasi amalga kirishidan oldin yoki umuman bajarilishidan oldin yana muhokama va o‘rganish predmeti bo‘lishini anglatardi. Darhaqiqat, shartnoma qo‘llanilmagan edi va uning bitta ham moddasi amalga oshirilmagan edi.

This is how the second phase ended with the settlement of the second government of the country in Ankara, making it the holder of the reins of power and the effective authority. Meanwhile, the Istanbul government turned into a powerless and deficient authority. No sooner than this second government had settled and took control of the country, Britain called in the wake of these events for the conference of London, to be attended by a host of deputies from Greece and Turkey. Britain said: “The purpose of holding this conference is to seek a solution for the Eastern crisis.” This could only mean a review of the peace terms of the Sèvres Treaty signed in Paris because the holding of a conference to look into the Eastern Issue, which had been settled at an official peace conference, could only mean that the Sèvres Treaty which had been ratified in Paris would again be the object of discussion and study before it could have any effect, or before it could be implemented altogether. Indeed the Treaty had not been applied and not one single article of it was implemented.

Bu shuni tasdiqlaydi: Britaniya Turkiyani tahdid qilish va o‘z maqsadlariga erishish vositasi sifatida foydalanish uchun Shartnomani tuzgan, uni amalga oshirish uchun emas. Buning isboti shundaki, u taxminan bir yil davomida tuzilgan holda yashirin saqlangan; u faqat Mustafa Kamol o‘rab olingan, deyarli yo‘q qilingan va uning isyoni deyarli bostirilgan paytda e’lon qilingan.

This confirms that Britain concluded the Treaty in order to threaten Turkey and use it as a means to carry out her aims, not to implement it. The proof for this is that it had been concluded for about a year during which time it was kept secret; it was only broadcast when Mustafa Kemal was surrounded and was nearly destroyed and his rebellion almost crushed.

Britaniyaning Sèvres shartnomasini qayta ko'rib chiqish uchun London konferensiyasini chaqirgani o'zi ajablanarli deb qaraldi, chunki shartnoma aynan Britaniya foydasiga edi. Frantsiya esa Sèvres shartnomasidan hech qanday qoniqmagan edi va uni rozi bo'lishga majburlangan edi; u Usmonli merosi ittifoqchisi Britaniyaning mulkiga aylanganini, va u eng katta ulushni olganini his qildi. Shu sababli Frantsiya Suriya va Kilikiya bilan kifoyalanishga majbur bo'ldi. Shunga qaramay, Frantsiya nazarida Suriya va Kilikiya bahs-munozaraga ochiq sovg'a edi. Italiya ham shartnomadan g'azablangan edi, chunki u O'rta er dengizidagi yunon hokimiyatiga qarshi edi, ayniqsa Kichik Osiyodagi yunon kengayishi urush paytida ittifoqchilar o'rtasida belgilangan Italiya ta'sir doiralari hisobiga bo'lgani uchun. Shunday qilib, ikki davlat — Frantsiya va Italiya — ko'proq o'ljaga ega bo'lish ishtiyoqi tufayli shartnomani istamasdan imzolagan edi.

The mere fact that the British called for the London conference to review the Sèvres Treaty was seen as bizarre because the Treaty was in favour of the British. Even though France was not satisfied with the Sèvres Treaty in the slightest and she had been coerced into agreeing to that Treaty; she deemed that the Ottoman legacy had become the property of her ally Britain, who had gained from it the lion’s share. Thus France had to be content with Syria and Cilicia. Still, Syria and Cilicia were, as far as France was concerned, a gift that was open to debate. Italy was also angry about the Treaty, for she was averse to the Greek sovereignty in the Mediterranean, especially because the Greek expansion in Asia Minor was in fact at the expense of the Italian areas of influence which had been drawn up between the allies during the war. Therefore, it was due to the greed of these two states, France and Italy, in gaining more spoils that they had signed the Treaty reluctantly.

Shunga ko'ra, Britaniya Sèvr shartnomasidan hech narsani amalga oshirmaslikni tanlaganda, garchi bu uning ittifoqchilariga nisbatan eng katta o'ljani keltirgan bo'lishi mumkin bo'lsa-da, bu e'tiborni tortdi va tabiiy emas deb topildi. Keyinchalik u shu shartnomani qayta ko'rib chiqishni talab qilganda, bu kutilmagan bo'ldi va eng g'alati deb topildi. Bundan ham ajablanarlisi shu bo'ldiki, yangi Anqara hukumatini vakillik qiluvchi delegatsiya Usmonli hukumatini vakillik qilgan delegatsiya bilan birga konferentsiyada qatnashdi, holbuki Turk yoki Usmonli bo'lishidan qat'i nazar, boshqa birorta muassasaning bunda ishtirok etishga haqqi yo'q edi, chunki urushga kirgan va mag'lub bo'lgan qonuniy hukumat Usmonli hukumati edi. Axir, bu konferentsiya ko'rib chiqish uchun o'tkazilgan Sèvr shartnomasini aynan o'sha hukumat imzolagan edi. Shuning uchun so'rash kerakki, hali hech kim tan olmagan yangi Anqara hukumatining mavqei qanday edi va nega u tinchlik shartlarini ko'rib chiqish uchun o'tkazilgan ushbu xalqaro konferentsiyada qatnashardi? Bu o'zi Anqarada ushbu hukumatning tashkil etilishi Britaniya tomonidan sahnalashtirilgani, uni avval tinchlik muzokaralarida ishtirok etishga majbur qilish va keyin yakuniy tinchlik shartlari bo'yicha yagona muzokarachi bo'lishiga ruxsat berish uchun amalga oshirilgani haqida yetarli dalil emasmidi?

Accordingly, when Britain chose not to implement anything from the Treaty, despite that fact the it would have yielded for her the largest spoils in comparison with her allies, this attracted attention and was deemed unnatural. When she afterwards demanded a review of this Treaty, it came as a surprise and was deemed most odd. What was more surprising than this was for a delegation representing the new Ankara government to attend the conference alongside the delegation which came to represent the Ottoman government, which clearly no other institution whether Turkish or Ottoman alike had the right to take part in apart from it, because the Ottoman government was the legitimate government that had entered the war and had been defeated. After all, it was that government that had signed the Treaty of Sèvres which this conference was held in order to review. Hence, it is to be asked what was the position of the new Ankara government which no one had yet recognised, and why was it attending this international conference held to review the terms of peace? Was this alone not ample proof that the establishment of this government in Ankara was staged by the British in order to make it first take part in the peace negotiations and then allow it to become the sole negotiator over the final terms of peace?

Usmonli hukumati, ya'ni Xilofat hukumati, Anqara hukumatining ular bilan birga muzokaralarda ishtirok etishini rad etishi kerak edi, chunki buni qabul qilish uning boshqa davlatlar oldida rasman tan olinishi degani bo'lardi, shuningdek, bir mamlakatda ikki hukumatning mavjudligi, dushman oldida turib tinchlik shartlari yuzasidan muzokara olib borishi ularning nihoyatda zaifligi va vayronagarchiligini namoyon etardi. Shu sababli, Xilofat hukumati Anqara hukumati vakillarining ishtirokini rad etishi tabiiy edi, lekin aslida u buni qabul qildi. Uning zaifligi hatto Mustafo Kamolning konferensiyada qatnashish taklifidan uni o'ziga og'dirish va yarashtirish vositasi sifatida foydalanishga undadi. Shu munosabat bilan Tavfiq posho Yevropa davlatlarining London konferensiyasida qatnashish taklifi bilan Mustafo Kamolga murojaat qilib, dedi: Turk davlati nomidan va Usmonli imperiyasi uchun konferensiyada qatnashayotgan turk delegatsiyasi kuchli va birlashgan front ko'rsatishi, turklar taklif qilayotgan kun tartibi ham birlik bo'lishi kerak, bu ummatning o'zaro nizosi va bo'linishi emas, balki butun ummatning hamkorligi va birligini ko'rsatishi lozim. Biroq Mustafo Kamol buni rad etib dedi: Konstitutsiyaviy suverenitetga ega, mamlakatda yagona hokimiyat va boshqaruv huquqiga ega bo'lgan faqat Anqaradagi Milliy Majlisdir. Yevropa davlatlari taklifni shu Majlis orqali yuborishi kerak edi. O'sha paytda Milliy Majlis o'zini doimiy majlisga aylantirdi. U, shuningdek, tuzilishi to'liq to'qqiz oy davom etgan yangi konstitutsiya loyihasini tayyorladi. Konstitutsiya loyihasini tayyorlashga to'sqinlik qilgan asosiy to'siq va ko'p bahs-munozaralarga sabab bo'lgan masala Saltanat va Xilofat masalasi edi. Mustafa Kamol Pasha pressure ostida, Milliy Majlisdagi keng qamrovli konsensus va umumiy kayfiyat tufayli majbur bo'ldi — Majlis Otaturk Majlisi hisoblanardi, chunki uning barcha a'zolari uning tarafdorlaridan iborat edi — konstitutsiyada Saltanat va Xilofat saqlanishini aniq ko'rsatishga majbur bo'ldi. Shu sababli, Mustafa Kamol Bosh vazir Tavfiq posho unga murojaat qilib, turk delegatsiyasiga birdamlik va uyg'unlikni namoyon etishga ruxsat berishni so'raganida, javoban shunday dedi: Milliy Majlis o'z konstitutsiyasining birinchi moddasida Saltanatga zarar yetkazilmasligini va Xilofat qadriga putur yetkazilmasligini belgilab qo'ygan; Sulton Milliy Majlisni tan olishi kerak, shunda Anqara hukumati o'z delegatsiyasi bilan Sultonning hukumat delegatsiyasi bilan birga ishtirok etishi mumkin. Biroq Sulton Milliy Majlisni va u tuzgan konstitutsiyani tan olishdan bosh tortdi, chunki uni tan olish, konstitutsiyada Xilofatni nominal ravishda himoya qilish nazarda tutilgan bo'lsa ham, Xilofatning bekor qilinishini anglatardi. Bundan tashqari, konstitutsiyada hokimiyatning to'liq holda, hech qanday shartlarsiz xalqqa o'tgani, xalqning qonun chiqaruvchi manba bo'lgani, shuningdek, Milliy Majlisning xalq suverenitetini ifodalash bo'yicha eksklyuziv va mutlaq huquqqa ega bo'lgani va urush hamda tinchlik masalasini hal qiladigan aynan shu Majlis ekani belgilab qo'yilgan edi. Ravshanki, Sulton buni qabul qilishi mumkin emas edi. Shunday qilib, Xalifalik hukumati bilan Anqara hukumati o'rtasida delegatsiyani shakllantirish bo'yicha muzokaralar uzildi.

Ammo Yevropa davlatlari Mustafa Kamolning taklifni Sulton hukumati orqali kelgani uchun rad etganini anglagach, Britaniya unga ittifoqchi davlatlar nomidan Anqaraga to‘g‘ridan-to‘g‘ri taklif yubordi. Bu taklif uning tomonidan Anqara hukumatini aniq tan olish sifatida qabul qilindi. Shu sababli ikki delegatsiya alohida yo‘lga chiqdi. Tavfiq posho xalifalik delegatsiyasiga rahbarlik qildi, Bokir Somiy Bey esa Anqara delegatsiyasining boshlig‘i edi. Londondagi konferensiya 1921-yilning fevral oyida o‘tkazildi.

However when the European countries realised that Mustafa Kemal had refused the invitation because it had reached him through the Sultan’s government, Britain sent him a direct invitation to Ankara on behalf of the allied states. This invitation was regarded as a clear recognition from her of the Ankara government. Hence, the two delegations travelled separately. Tawfiq Pasha was the head of the Khaleefah’s delegation, while Bakir Sami Beik was the head of the Ankara delegation. The London conference was held in February 1921.

Sultonlar delegatsiyasi boshlig'i Anqara delegatsiyasi boshlig'iga ikki delegatsiya nomidan so'zlash huquqidan voz kechadi Ikki delegatsiya muzokara stoliga o'tirganda, Premyer Tavfiq posho o'rnidan turib, Istanbul delegatsiyasi boshlig'i sifatida o'z so'zlash huquqidan voz kechayotganini aytdi. Bu huquq ikki delegatsiya nomidan so'zlaydigan va turklarning milliy intilishlarini himoya qiladigan Bokir Sami beyga berildi. Shundan so'ng Istanbul jim qoldi va faqat Anqaraning ovozi eshitildi.

The head of the Sultan’s delegation abdicates to the head of the Ankara delegation the right to speak on behalf of the two delegations When the two delegations sat at the negotiating table, Premier Tawfiq Pasha stood up and said that in his capacity as head of the Istanbul delegation, he was abdicating his right to speak to Bakir Sami Beik, who would speak on behalf of the two delegations and would defend the national aspirations of the Turks. Upon this Istanbul remained silent and only the voice of Ankara was raised.

Shundan so'ng Britaniyaning Lloyd Jorj, Fransiyaning Brian va Italiyaning graf Sforza konferensiyaning maqsadini tushuntirishga kirishdilar. Ular konferensiya faqat urushda to'qnashgan millatlar o'rtasidagi munosabatlarni uyg'unlashtirishga qaratilganini va ittifoqchilar tinchlik shartlariga, ayniqsa Gretsiyaga berilgan imtiyozlarga tegishli ba'zi o'zgartirishlar kiritishga tayyor ekanliklarini bildirdilar. Ular maxsus qo'mita tuzish va unga Izmir mintaqasidagi mahalliy aholining ahvolini ko'rib chiqish vazifasini yuklash to'g'risida qaror qabul qildilar, bu qo'mita qarorlari ikki tomon uchun majburiy bo'lishini ta'kidladilar. Delegatsiya boshlig'i Bokir Sami qo'mita yuborish g'oyasiga rozi bo'ldi, ammo yunonlar uni qat'iyan rad etdilar. Shundan so'ng Angora vakili va delegatsiya boshlig'i ikkala delegatsiya nomidan konferensiya davomida Izmirni nasroniy hukmdor boshchiligidagi ichki mustaqil vilayatga aylantirish taklifini kiritdilar. Biroq, bu taklifni inglizlar rad etdilar, yunonlar, fransuzlar va italiyaliklar ham shunday qildilar. Fransuz delegatsiyasi Kilikiyadan chiqib ketib, uni turklarga qaytarishga rozi bo'ldi va bu va'dani bajarishga kafolat berdi. Bokir Sami esa Fransiyaga Turkiya savdo qilgan boshqa davlatlardan ustun turadigan savdo imtiyozini berishga rozi bo'ldi, shu maqsadda Turkiya va Fransiya o'rtasida shartnoma tuzildi.

Then Lloyd George of Britain, Brian of France and Count Sforza of Italy set about explaining the purpose of the conference, stating that it merely aimed at harmonising relations between the nations which had clashed in the war, and that the allies were prepared to introduce certain modifications to the terms of peace, especially those pertaining the privileges offered to Greece. They decided to establish a special committee and assign to it the task of reviewing the situation of the local residents in the region of Izmir, stating that the decisions reached by this committee would be binding upon the two parties. The head of the delegation Bakir Sami agreed to the idea of the sending of the committee but the Greeks categorically rejected it. Upon this the Ankara representative and the head of the delegation, speaking on behalf of the two delegations, suggested during the conference that Izmir could be turned into a domestically independent Wilaya under a Christian ruler. However, the British rejected this proposal and so did the Greeks, the French and the Italians. The French delegation agreed to evacuate Cilicia and hand it back to the Turks, giving their assurances to honour this promise. Bakir Sami for his part agreed to grant France a commercial privilege which would give her preference over the other states which Turkey traded with, to which effect Turkey and France concluded a treaty.

Biroq London konferensiyasi muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi va faqat frantsuz hamda turk delegatsiyalari o‘zaro kelishib olgan narsadan boshqa hech narsaga erishmasdan yopildi. Ikki delegatsiya qaytib kelishi bilanoq, Mustafo Kamol Bokir Somiy imzolagan Frantsiya bilan shartnomani rad etdi. Shundan so‘ng Bokir Somiy tashqi ishlar vaziri lavozimidan iste’foga chiqishga majbur bo‘ldi va darhol Mustafo Kamolga qarshi chiqqanlar safiga qo‘shildi.

However, the London conference failed and was wound up without achieving anything apart from what the French and the Turkish delegations had agreed upon. No sooner had the two delegations returned, than Mustafa Kemal rejected the treaty which Bakir Sami had signed with France. Bakir Sami was then forced to resign his post as foreign minister and he immediately joined those who opposed Mustafa Kemal.

Mustafa Kamol keyin Fransiya hukumatiga yozdi va konferensiyaga yuborgan delegatsiyasi unga berilgan vakolatlardan oshib ketgan tarzda harakat qilganini bildirdi, shu sababli u qabul qilgan barcha qarorlar haqiqiy emas va bekor hisoblanadi, mamlakat ularni qabul qilmaydi va ularni bajarishga majbur bo‘lmaydi.

Mustafa Kemal then wrote to the French government stating that the delegation he had dispatched to the conference had acted in a manner which exceeded the powers with which it was delegated, thus all the resolutions it had adopted were null and void and the country would not accept them nor would she be liable to honour them.

Keyin Ankara hukumati va Fransiya o'rtasida muzokaralar o'tkazildi, natijada Ankara hukumati 1921-yil 20-oktabrda Fransiya bilan shartnoma imzoladi, unga ko'ra Turkiya Suriyani Fransiyaga topshirishni o'z zimmasiga oldi. Shuningdek, ular Turkiya va Suriya o'rtasidagi chegaralarni belgilashga kelishib oldilar. Ushbu shartnomaga binoan Fransiya o'z qo'shinlarini Kilikiyadan ham olib chiqdi. Shu tariqa Mustafa Kamol boshqa davlatlar bilan aloqalarni yo'lga qo'ydi, boshqa davlatlar esa o'z navbatida unga murojaat qilib, u bilan muomala qildilar va Xalifalik hukumati mavjud bo'lishiga qaramay, u bilan shartnomalar imzoladilar.

Negotiations then took place between the Ankara government and France at the end of which the Ankara government signed an agreement on 20th October 1921 with France, under which Turkey undertook to surrender Syria to France. They also agreed to determine the borders between Turkey and Syria. Pursuant to this agreement, France also evacuated her troops from Cilicia. Hence, Mustafa Kemal assumed contacts with other states and other states in turn contacted him and dealt with him, signing treaties with him despite the presence of the Khilafah government.

Shundan so'ng Yevropa davlatlari unga bo'lgan moyilligini namoyon qila boshladi. Frantsiya va Italiya uni o'ziga jalb qilish hamda unga yaqinlashishga urinishni boshladi, Britaniya esa xalqaro masalalarda uni ochiqdan-ochiq qo'llab-quvvatlay boshladi va Gretsiyani e'tibordan chetda qoldirib, unga nisbatan norozilik bildira boshladi.

The European states thereafter started to display their inclination towards him. France and Italy started attempting to win him over and get closer to him, while Britain started to openly support him in international issues and seemed to have snubbed Greece and started to show resentment towards her.

Mustafa Kamol ham urush tugatgan va u yerda kommunistik hukumat o'rnatilgan Rossiyaga murojaat qildi va uning yordamini so'radi. U Batumni unga topshirdi va Turkiya nomidan u bilan do'stlik shartnomasini imzolashga intildi, buni uning hukumatini rasman tan olish sifatida ko'rsatish uchun. Rossiya bunga rozi bo'ldi, chunki bundan hech narsa yo'qotmas edi va u Islomga va Islom xalifaligining mavjudligiga qarshi edi. Shunday qilib, u Mustafa Kamolni ingliz­larga va xalifalikka qarshi qo'llab-quvvatladi, so'ng hech narsa yo'qotmasdan Batumni egalladi, bu 1921-yil 16-martda sodir bo'ldi. Bundan oldin Italiya 1921-yil yanvarda Altaliadan o'z ixtiyori bilan voz kechdi va u yerdan chiqib ketdi. Shunday qilib, Fransiya, Italiya va Rossiya Anqara hukumati tomonida turdi va bu Mustafa Kamolning qo'lini mustahkamladi.

Mustafa Kemal also contacted Russia, which had withdrawn from the war and where the communist government had been established, and sought her help. He surrendered Batum to her and endeavoured to make her sign a treaty of friendship with him on behalf of Turkey, so as to consider it as an official recognition of his government. Russia agreed to this, as she did not loose anything by it and because she was against Islam and against the existence of an Islamic Khilafah. Hence, she supported Mustafa Kemal against the British and against the Khilafah, then she took Batum without loosing anything, and this was on 16th March 1921. Prior to this, Italy had relinquished Altalia out of her own free will and evacuated it in January 1921. Hence, France, Italy and Russia sided with the Ankara government and this strengthened the hand of Mustafa Kemal.