Britaniyaliklar Xilofatni barham berish va harbiy to‘ntarish yoki qurolli isyonga murojaat qilmasdan, qonuniy va huquqiy yo‘llar orqali respublika o‘rnatish bilan hukmron tizimda radikal o‘zgarish yuzaga keltirishni umid qilayotgandek tuyulardi. Shu sababli ular faqat siyosiy usullarga murojaat qildilar. Izzat posho lavozimidan chetlatilgach, Xalifa Tavfiq poshoga yangi hukumat tuzishni topshirdi. Tavfiq posho Britaniya agenti sifatida tanilgan edi. Abdulhamid hukmronligi davrida u davlat xizmatchisi bo‘lib, Usmonli davlatining Londondagi elchisi etib tayinlangan, u yerda britaniyaliklarning hamdardligi va roziligiga sazovor bo‘lishga muvaffaq bo‘lgan edi. Biroq hukumat tuzish paytida u saksonga kirgan qari odam bo‘lib, o‘ziga yuklangan vazifani bajarishga layoqatsiz edi. Shu sababli britaniyaliklar uning hukumat tuzishidan xavotirda edilar.

It seemed that the British were hoping to generate a radical change in the ruling system by destroying the Khilafah and establishing a republic through legitimate and legal means, without having to resort to a military coup or an armed rebellion. So they resorted to purely political styles. Once Izzet Pasha was removed, the Khaleefah instructed Tawfiq Pasha to form the new government. Tawfiq Pasha was known to be a British agent. During the rule of Abdul-Hamid he was a civil servant, appointed as ambassador of the Ottoman State to London, where he managed to gain the sympathy and the pleasure of the British. However, when he formed his government, he was an old man in his eighties and unfit to perform the role expected of him. Thus the British were uneasy about his forming of the government.

Lekin ularning hukumatni almashtirib, yangi hukumat tuzishdan oldin, Al-Mabutan kengashi deb ataladigan parlamentni tarqatib yuborishni istashgan. Buning sababi shundaki, bu kengashga Usmonli Davlatining, ya'ni Xilofat Davlatining barcha hududlaridan kelgan odamlar tomonidan saylangan edi. Shunga ko'ra, u faqat Turkiyaga xos bo'lgan turk parlamenti emas edi. Bundan tashqari, deputatlarning ko'pchiligi Yosh turklar va Ittihod va Taraqqiy jamiyati (C.U.P.) a'zolari edi. Boshqacha aytganda, bu Anvar va Jamol partiyasi bo'lib, ularning qarashlari Xilofatni va Usmonli Davlatining barcha qismlarini saqlab qolishni qo'llab-quvvatlar edi. Shu sababli, u Xilofatni bekor qilishga yoki Davlatning boshqa qismlarini Turkiyadan ajratishga rozi bo'lishi juda kam ehtimol edi. Ular, shuningdek, mamlakatda siyosiy bo'shliq yaratmoqchi edilar va parlamentni tarqatish bu bo'shliqni yaratishga yordam berardi. Shuning uchun ular uni tarqatishga qat'iy qaror qilgan edilar. Ular dastlab uni Sultanning aralashuvisiz, konstitutsiyaviy yo'l bilan tarqatishni istashgan. Aynan shu paytda Mustafo Kamol konstitutsiyaviy yechimlarni qo'llashga urinib ko'rdi va muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi.

However, prior to attempting to replace him and bringing a new government, they wanted to dissolve the parliament known as the council of “Al-Mab’uthan”. This was because that council was elected by people from all over the Ottoman State, namely the Khilafah State. Accordingly, it was not a Turkish parliament, exclusive to Turkey. Besides, most of the deputies were from the Young Turks and the Committee of Union & Progress (C.U.P.). In other words the party of Anwar and Jamal, whose views were in favour of maintaining the Khilafah and all the parts of the Ottoman State. Therefore, it would be very unlikely for it to agree to the abolition of the Khilafah, or to agree to the severing of the other parts of the Empire from Turkey. They also wanted to generate a political vacuum in the country, and dissolving parliament would help them generate this vacuum. Hence, they were determined to dissolve it. They wanted at first to dissolve it through constitutional means, without having to resort to an intervention from the Sultan in response to their demand. This was when Mustafa Kemal attempted to apply the constitutional solutions and failed.

Shunda sulton kutilmagan qadam bilan farmon orqali parlamentni tarqatib yubordi; buni faqat unga ishonch hosil qilgan yoki rad etishni o'ziga ravo ko'rmagan talabgina asoslashi mumkin edi.

Then the Sultan, in an unexpected move, dissolved parliament by a decree; and this could only be based on a demand of which he was convinced or which he could not afford to refuse.

Xususan, Tawfiq Posho konstitutsiyaviy qoidalarga muvofiq parlamentning ishonch ovozini olishi zarur bo‘lib qoldi, shuning uchun bu ovozni berish maqsadida parlament majlisi o‘tkazilishi kerak edi. Aleppo va Adhanodan yangi qaytgan Mustafa Kamol deputatlarni hukumatga ishonchsizlik ovozini berishga ko‘ndirish uchun shoshilib qoldi. Uning ittifoqchi (unionist) do‘stlari orasida parlamentning ko‘pchilikni tashkil etuvchi qismi bor edi. Ular orasida kuch-qudratga va ta’sirga ega bo‘lgan Fathi Bey ham bor edi. Fathi Bey uning uchun bir qancha deputatlarni to‘pladi va qo‘shni xonada ular bilan munozara boshladi. Mustafa Kamol o‘z taklifini ilgari surdi, ya’ni hukumatga ishonchsizlik ovozini berish.

More specifically, it became imperative for Tawfiq Pasha to gain a parliamentary vote of confidence according to the constitutional rules,and so a parliamentary session to cast that vote was to be held. Mustafa Kemal who had just returned from Aleppo and Adhano, rushed to convince the deputies to give the government a vote of no confidence. He had some friends from among the unionists who represented the majority of parliament. From among those was Fathi Beik who had power and influence. Fathi Beik gathered for him a number of deputies and he initiated a debate with them in an adjacent room, and Mustafa Kemal put forward his proposal, that is, to give the government a vote of no confidence.

Biroq ular bunga e'tiroz bildirib, ishonchsizlik ovoz berish parlamentning tarqatilishiga olib kelishini da'vo qildilar. Shunda u endi o'z maqsadlarini yashirib tura olmadi va darhol javob berdi: "Bu uzoq muddatda yaxshiroq bo'ladi, chunki shu yo'l bilan biz vaqtni kutishimiz va o'zimiz xohlagan hukumatni tuzish uchun ishlarimizni tayyorlashimiz mumkin." Qo'ng'iroq jiringladi va deputatlar parlament zaliga kirdilar. Ammo ovoz berish vaqti kelib, spiker natijani e'lon qilganda, ko'pchilik hukumatga ishonch bildirdi. Mustafa Kamol buni bilgach, parlament binosidan chiqib ketdi va uyiga kelishi bilan saroyga telefon qilib, sultan bilan shoshilinch uchrashuv so'radi. Sulton Vahiduddin Mustafa Kamolning niyatlaridan xabardor edi va uning hokimiyatni egallash orzusini bilardi. Haqiqatan ham, u unda qandaydir kuchni sezdi va uning armiyada kuchli ittifoqchilari bor hamda armiya ustida ta'siri bor deb o'yladi. Vahiduddinning asosiy maqsadi taxtini saqlab qolish edi va u Mustafa Kamolni o'ziga tahdid deb hisoblardi. Shu sababli, u uchrashuv so'raganida, sulton darhol rozi bo'ldi.

However, they objected to this, claiming that casting a vote of no confidence would inevitably lead to the dissolution of the council. Upon this he could no longer conceal the objectives he was aiming for so he promptly replied : “And this would be better in the long term, for through this, we can bide our time and prepare our affairs to form the government that we want.” The division bell rang and the deputies made their way into the parliament chamber. But when the time came to cast the votes and the speaker announced the result, the overwhelming majority gave the government a vote of confidence. When Mustafa Kemal learnt this, he left the parliament buildings and as soon as he arrived home, he telephoned the palace requesting an urgent meeting with the Sultan. Sultan Wahid-ud-Deen was aware of Mustafa Kemal’s thoughts and knew about his ambition to seize power. Indeed, he sensed in him some power and thought that he had powerful allies in the army and had influence over the army. Wahid-ud-Deen’s main concern was to maintain his throne and he viewed Mustafa Kemal as a threat to him. Thus, when he requested an audience with him he immediately agreed.

Biroq, u uchrashuv sanasini eng yaqin juma kuniga belgiladi.

However, he set the date of the meeting to be on the earliest Friday.

Vahid-ud-Din o‘sha kunni tanladi, chunki o‘sha kuni Salammalik bo‘lib o‘tgan edi, ya’ni Xalifa o‘ziga salom berish uchun kelgan odamlar bilan uchrashgan edi. Uning niyati Mustafa Kamolni Sultan bilan aloqasini e’lon qilishga va Xalifaga sadoqatini tasdiqlashga, shuningdek, u bilan birga Juma namozini o‘qishga majbur qilish edi. Shundan so‘ng u o‘zi bilishicha, Mustafa Kamolning nutqini yakka tartibda tinglash uchun tegishli choralarni ko‘rmoqchi edi.

Wahid-ud-Deen chose that day because it was the day when the “Salammalik” took place, meaning when the Khaleefah met with the people who came to greet him. His intention was to get Mustafa Kemal to declare his links with the Sultan and to confirm his loyalty to the Khaleefah along with performing the Juma’a prayer with him. Then he would take the appropriate arrangements to listen to his talk -which he knew- in private.

Salot tugagach, Vahideddin Mustafa Kemalga birga salonga o‘tishni so‘radi. Sulton uchrashuvni ataylab cho‘zdi, muzokara to‘liq bir soat davom etdi. Sulton Mustafa Kemalga murojaat qilib dedi: Men armiya qo‘mondonlari va zobitlarining sizga katta ishonch bilan qarashiga to‘liq ishonchim komil; shunday ekan, armiya menga qarshi biror harakat qilmasligiga menga kafolat bera olasizmi? Mustafa Kemal javob berdi: Janob oliylari, men kelajak haqida hech narsa bilmayman. Lekin hozirgi paytda ko‘rib turganimga qaraganda, qo‘mondonlar sizning taxtingizga qarshi isyon ko‘tarish uchun hech qanday asos topmayapti; hatto sizning qo‘rquvlaringiz uchun mutlaqo hech qanday asos yo‘qligini ham tasdiqlashim mumkin. Shunda Sulton dedi: Men hozirgi vaqt haqida gapirmayapman, balki kelajakda nima kutilayotganini bilmoqchiman. Mustafa Kemal nima deb javob berganini aniq bilib bo‘lmaydi, lekin u Sultonga uni tinchlantiradigan tarzda gapirgan ko‘rinadi, chunki Sulton keyinchalik unga dedi: Siz donishmand qo‘mondonsiz va shubhasiz, hamkasblaringizga ta’sir o‘tkazib, ularni tinchlantirishga va ehtiyotkorlik bilan ish tutishga chaqira olasiz. Bu maxsus uchrashuv, unda boshqa hech kim qatnashmagan, saroyda bo‘lgan odamlarning xayolini band qildi va ular uning mazmunini bilishga harakat qilishdi. Biroq xalifa uchrashuv kunining o‘zida farmon chiqardi, unda parlamentni tarqatib yuborishni buyurdi, yangi saylovlar sanasini belgilamasdan. Bu farmon hammani hayratga soldi, ayniqsa u hech qanday asossiz, o‘zboshimchalik bilan qabul qilingan chora bo‘lgani uchun. Parlamentni tarqatish uchun konstitutsiyaviy asoslar yoki sabablar ko‘rsatilmadi. Shu sababli odamlar Mustafa Kemal xalifaga parlamentni tarqatishni taklif qilgan va uning qarorига ta’sir ko‘rsatgan, deb o‘ylashdi, zero, u aslida shunday qilgan edi. Aynan shu narsa parlamentdagi vakillarni hukumatga ishonchsizlik ovozi berishga ko'ndirishga Mustafo Kamol urinayotgan paytda, xalifaning qabulga kirish iltimosi kelib tushganligi bilan bog'liq edi, chunki bunday ovoz berish muqarrar ravishda parlamentning tarqatilishiga olib kelar edi. Biroq tarqatish atrofidagi voqealar shuni ko'rsatadiki, xalifaning qarori Mustafo Kamolning ta'siri bilan umuman bog'liq emas edi. Buning sababi, u uchrashuv kuni o'sha kunning o'zida amalga oshgan edi va uchrashuvda aytilganlar natijasida bo'lgan bo'lishi juda ekin edi, ayniqsa uchrashuv jumа kuniga, ya'ni rasmiy dam olish kuniga to'g'ri kelganini hisobga olsak. Bundan tashqari, Mustafo Kamol sulh imzolanib, urush tugaganidan keyin birinchi marta sulton bilan uchrashayotgan edi va qanchalik ta'sirli bo'lmasin, uning iltimosi bunday chaqmoqdek tezlikda bajarilishi mumkin emas edi.

Once the Salah ended, Wahid-ud-Deen asked Mustafa Kemal to accompany him to the lounge. The Sultan was deliberately prolonging the meeting and the discussion took one whole hour. The Sultan addressed Mustafa Kemal by saying : “I am totally convinced that the army commanders and officers have a great confidence in you; so would you guarantee to me that the army would not undertake any action against me?” Mustafa Kemal replied: “Your Excellency, I know nothing about the future. But what I can see at the present time is that the commanders do not find any justification to rebel against your throne; I can even confirm to you that there is absolutely nothing to justify your fears.” Upon this the Sultan said : “I am not talking about the present time, but I wish to know what is expected to happen in the future.” It is not known what Mustafa Kemal replied, but it seems that he talked to him in a way that reassured him, for the Sultan said to him afterwards : “You are a wise commander, and undoubtedly you can influence your colleagues and persuade them to be calm and exhort them to use deliberation.” This special meeting, which no one else attended, caught the imagination of the people who were in the palace, and they tried to find out what it is was about. However, the Khaleefah issued on the very day of the meeting a decree in which he ordered the dissolution of parliament, without setting a date for new elections. This decree took everyone by surprise, especially as it was an arbitrary measure with no justification. No constitutional justifications or reasons were given for the dissolution. Hence, people thought that Mustafa Kemal had suggested to the Khaleefah to dissolve parliament and influenced his decision, as indeed he had done. This was particularly so as the request for an audience came in the wake of Mustafa Kemal’s endeavour to persuade the deputies to give the government a vote of no confidence, for this would have inevitably led to the dissolution of parliament. However, events surrounding the dissolution suggested that the Khaleefah’s decision had absolutely nothing to do with Mustafa Kemal’s influence. This was because it took place on the same day of the meeting and it was very unlikely for it to have been as a result of what was said in the meeting, especially as the meeting was on a Friday, which is a public holiday. Besides, Mustafa Kemal was meeting the Sultan for the first time after the signing of the truce and the end of the war, and no matter how influential he had been, the fulfilment of his request could not have been achieved at such a lightening speed.

Shunday qilib, voqealar parlamentni tarqatish masalasi yig'ilishdan oldin tayyorlangan bo'lganini ko'rsatadi va uni shunday o'zboshimchalik bilan e'lon qilinishi, hech qanday shubhasiz, bu Sultonning nazoratidan tashqari bo'lgan masalaga asoslanganini bildiradi. Bundan faqat shunday xulosa chiqarish mumkinki, bu ish inglizlar tomonidan uyushtirilgan edi, chunki ular bosqinchilik orqali Xalifa va mamlakatni bevosita nazorat qilardilar.

Therefore, events indicate that the issue of dissolving parliament had been prepared before the meeting, and that its declaration in such an arbitrary manner indicates without any shade of a doubt that it was based on a matter that was beyond the Sultan’s control. One could only deduce that it was orchestrated by the British, for they were directly in control of the Khaleefah and the country through occupation.

Shunga qaramay, parlamentning tarqatilishi butun mamlakatda katta g‘alayon va chalkashlikka sabab bo‘ldi. Mish-mishlar tarqaldi: ittihodchilar o‘z tarafdorlarini qurollantirib, Kichik Osiyoda inqilob e’lon qilmoqchi, chunki bu ittihodchilar uchun o‘limga olib keladigan zarba edi. Shu g‘alayon ichida Tavfiq posho g‘oyib bo‘ldi va uning o‘rniga “Ingliz janob” nomi bilan tanilgan Damad Farid posho keldi. U ham Sultonning kuyovi edi.

Nevertheless, the dissolution of parliament caused a major uproar and confusion throughout the country. Rumours spread that the unionists had armed their supporters in order to declare the revolution in Asia Minor, for this was a fatal blow to the unionists. Amidst this uproar, Tawfiq Pasha disappeared and was succeeded by Damad Farid Pasha who was known as the “English Gentleman” and he also was the Sultan’s son-inlaw.

Mustafa Kamol esa Biraning chekkasidagi Shilly shahrida bir uy ijaraga oldi va u yerda oddiy odam sifatida yashadi. U siyosatni tark etdi va o'zini ko'rsatmaslikka harakat qildi. Ba'zi klublarga tez-tez borib turgani va oliy jamiyat vakillari bilan aralashgani ko'rilardi. Shunga qaramay, u juda ehtiyotkor bo'lib qoldi, uning gaplari biror narsani anglatmas edi va hech kim uning Sultonni qo'llab-quvvatlayotgani yoki unga qarshi ekani haqida bilmas edi.

As for Mustafa Kemal, he rented a house in Shilly, a suburb of Bira, and lived there as an ordinary individual. He deserted politics and kept a low profile. He used to be seen frequenting some clubs and mixing with people in high society. However, he remained very discreet, his talk did not imply anything in particular and no one knew whether he was with or against the Sultan.

Ammo Sulton Mustafo Kamolning niyatlarini bilar edi, chunki uning fikrlari va rejalari bilan tanish edi. Shu sababli u Mustafo Kamolga qattiq qarshilik ko'rsatar va unga hujum qilar edi. U o'z atrofidagilarga, Mustafo Kamol turklarni o'z oilasidan begonalashtirmoqchi va uni olib tashlash uchun uning va xalq o'rtasida adovat keltirmoqchi, deb aytardi. Biroq, Mustafo Kamolning siyosiy faoliyatdan chetlanishi unga qarshi biron bahona bermadi. Ko'p odamlar Sulton Mustafo Kamolga nisbatan bildirgan dushmanligini ma'qullamadi.

However, the Sultan was aware of Mustafa Kemal’s intentions, for he was acquainted with his thoughts and his designs. Hence, he used to fiercely resist him and attack him. He used to say to his entourage that Mustafa Kemal wanted to estrange the Turks from his family and cause animosity between him and the masses in order to remove him. However, Mustafa Kemal’s retirement from political activity did not give him any excuse over him. So many people disapproved of the Sultan’s hostility towards Mustafa Kemal.

Damad Farid hukumatni tuzgach va Britaniya uning tuzilishini ma'qullagach, sulton qo'rquvi ortdi va Britaniyaning yordamisiz o'z taxtini saqlab qola olmasligini o'yladi.

Once Damad Farid had formed the government, and once the British showed their approval of it, the fears of the Sultan increased and he thought that he could not maintain his throne without the help of Britain.

Shunday qilib, u Damad Farid'ni o'ziga katta ittifoqchi va yordamchi deb bilardi.

Thus he used to see in Damad Farid a major ally and supporter of his.

Sulton va damod inglizlarni xursand qilish uchun qo'lidan kelgan barcha vositalarni ishga soldilar.

The Sultan and Damad exhausted all possible means to please the British.

Ular bir uyushma tuzdilar va uni "Britaniya do'stlari" deb nomladilar. Hukumat bu uyushmani barcha vositalar bilan qo'llab-quvvatladi. Inglizlar esa o'z navbatida uni vasvasali oltin bilan mo'l-ko'l moliyalashtirdilar. Biroq oddiy xalq, yoshlarning ko'pchiligi va harbiy zobitlar inglizlarni hurmat qilmas, bosqinchilarga nafrat va adovat saqlardilar.

They established an association which they named “Friends of Britain”, and the government backed this association with all means. The British for their part copiously financed it with tempting gold. However, the common people, and the majority of the youth and army officers used to despise the British and to harbour malice against the occupiers.

Shuning uchun Sulton va uning Bosh vaziri o'zlarini butunlay inglizlar quchog'iga tashladilar va ularga to'liq tayandilar. Shu vaqtga kelib inglizlar mamlakat siyosiy ishlarini boshqarish uchun Istanbulda Oliy komissar tayinlagan edilar, shuningdek ittifoqchi qo'shinlarning Bosh qo'mondoni, general Harrington ham shu yerda edi. Shunday qilib, ular Sultonga o'z fikrlarini buyura boshladilar va uni xohishlaricha boshqarib, chalg'ita boshladilar.

Therefore, the Sultan and his Prime Minister threw themselves completely into the embrace of the British and they fully relied upon them. The British had by then appointed a High Commissioner in Istanbul in order to run the political affairs of the country, alongside the British General Harrington, the Commander in Chief of the allied forces. Hence, they started dictating their opinions to the Sultan and manipulating him at will.

Natijada u o'zining samarali hokimiyatini yo'qotdi va asirga o'xshab qoldi.

Consquently, he lost his effective authority and became like a prisoner.

Amaldagi haqiqiy hokimiyat ittifoqchilar qo'liga, aniqrog'i faqat ingliz qo'liga o'tdi, ularni Britaniya Oliy komissari va general Xarrington vakillik qilardi.

The effective authority fell into the hands of the allies, or more specifically in the hands of the British alone, who were represented by the British High Commissioner and General Harrington.

Bundan tashqari, britaniyaliklar mamlakatda siyosiy bo‘shliq yaratmoqchi edi, shunda uni o‘zlari xohlagancha to‘ldirishlari mumkin bo‘lardi. Ko‘rinishda ular mamlakatning siyosiy masalalarini o‘z xalqiga boshqarishni qoldirdilar, ammo o‘z agentlarini siyosiy faoliyatga kirishtirdilar. So‘ngra ular parda ortida turib, mamlakatda tartibsizlik va siyosiy beqarorlikni keltirib chiqardilar, shu tariqa mahalliy aholining mamlakatni boshqarishga qodir emasligini ko‘rsatish va bunga orqali siyosiy bo‘shliq yuzaga keltirish uchun. Buning sababi shuki, bo‘shliq harakat qila olmaslik va sabr-toqat bilan davom eta olmaslik degani; boshqacha aytganda, kuch bor, ammo bu kuch o‘zini o‘ziga mos shaklda va yetarli qobiliyat bilan namoyon etmaydi, degani.

Furthermore, the British wanted to generate a political vacuum in the country so that they could fill it themselves as they wished. On the surface, they left the political matters of the country to be run by her own people while they pushed their agents into undertaking the political activities. Then they stood behind the scenes and generated in the country turmoil and political instability, in order to highlight the inability of the locals to govern the country, thereby causing a political vacuum. This is so because the vacuum means the inability to act and the inability to persevere; in other words it means that there is a force, but this force does not manifest itself in its appropriate form and with an adequate capability.

Bo‘shliq siyosiy, harbiy yoki strategik bo‘lishi mumkin.

The vacuum could either be political, military or strategic.

Siyosiy bo'shliq davlat beqaror, muvofiqlashtirilmagan bo'lib, tashvish va siyosiy beqarorlikka botganda yuzaga keladi. Bu holatda bu bo'shliqni to'ldirish, davlatga faoliyat yuritish va barqaror turish uchun kuch hamda imkoniyat berish zarur bo'lib qoladi. Usmonli davlatni egallagan inglizlar uni Turkiya hududi bilan chegaralab qo'ydilar va mamlakat siyosatini hamda mamlakat ishlarini boshqarishni unga topshirdilar.

The political vacuum occurs when the state is unstable, uncoordinated and plunged into disquiet and political instability. It becomes imperative in this case to fill this vacuum by giving the state the power and the ability to function and persevere. Having occupied the Ottoman State, the British confined her to the Turkish region and left her in charge of the country’s policies and of looking after the country’s affairs.

Shunday qilib, mamlakatda siyosiy kuch shakllandi, ammo ular bu kuchning munosib shaklda va yetarli darajadagi qobiliyat bilan namoyon bo‘lishiga to‘sqinlik qiladigan ko‘plab harakatlarni amalga oshirdilar; shuningdek, uni hukumat mas’uliyatini o‘z zimmasiga ola olmaydigan va barqaror tura olmaydigan holatga solib qo‘ydilar. Shu sababli ular notinchlik va beqarorlikni keltirib chiqarish maqsadida parlamentni tarqatib yuborish hiylasini amalga oshirdilar.