Британия, по-видимому, не созывала окончательную мирную конференцию до тех пор, пока не завершила все свои маневры и не добилась желаемых результатов. Если рассмотреть все действия, предпринятые только в Турции, с момента заключения Мондросского перемирия и до первой Лозаннской конференции, становится ясно, что британцы с величайшей хитростью играли самую грязную роль, чтобы уничтожить Халифат. Британский генерал Харрингтон был главнокомандующим союзных армий, оккупировавших турецкие земли, и полностью контролировал Стамбул и все турецкие территории.

It seems that Britain did not call for the final peace conference until she had finished all her manoeuvres and achieved the results that she had wanted. By reviewing all the actions undertaken in Turkey alone since the holding of the Mondros truce, up until the first conference of Lausanne, it appears that the British had played with utmost shrewdness the dirtiest of roles in order to destroy the Khilafah. The British General Harrington was the Commander in Chief of the Allied armies occupying the Turkish lands and he was in total control of Istanbul and all the Turkish lands.

Turkiya o'sha paytga kelib boshqa islomiy yerlardan allaqachon ajratib olingan edi. Shu sababli, ular ko'ngillarida yashirib yurgan rejalarini amalga oshirish imkoniyati qulay bo'lib qolgan edi. Ularning faoliyati Xalifalikni yo'q qilishga va Turkiyani ittifoqchilar — Fransiya, Italiya va Gretsiyadan uzoqlashtirishga qaratilgan edi.

Turkey by then had already been severed from the rest of the Islamic lands. Hence, the prospect of undertaking what they had been harbouring had become favourable. Their activities were focused on destroying the Khilafah and alienating the allies - France, Italy and Greece, from Turkey.

Shunday qilib, ular ikki vazifani, ya'ni Xilofatni yo'q qilish va ittifoqchilarni begonalashtirishni osonlik bilan amalga oshmasligini anglagan holda o'z harakatlarini boshlashga kirishdilar.

So they proceeded to initiate their manoeuvres while realising that these two tasks, of destroying the Khilafah and alienating the allies was not going to be an easy ride.

Shuning uchun ular eng yuqori darajadagi ikkiyuzlamachilik va ayyorlik bilan harakat qildilar. Ittifoqchilarni chetlashtirish jarayonini Britaniya hukumati turli siyosiy va diplomatik uslublar, xalqaro va harbiy manevrlar orqali, shuningdek, Xilofatni yo'q qilish vositalaridan biri sifatida foydalangan ichki urushni avj oldirish yo'li bilan amalga oshirdi. Xilofatni yo'q qilish jarayoniga kelsak, bu ishni Britaniya hukumati bevosita Turkiyaning o'zida amalga oshirdi; uni bajarish uchun ikki ingliz generali, Harrington va Uilson ishlatildi, shuningdek, bu siyosiy uslublar va xalqaro manevrlarga qo'shimcha ravishda. Bu dahshatli rolda Mustafa Kamol yordam bergan odam edi va agar u bo'lmaganida, ularning fitnalari muvaffaqiyatsizlikka mahkum bo'lardi.

Therefore, they proceeded with the utmost malice and shrewdness. The process of secluding the allies was assumed by the British government through various political and diplomatic styles, international and military manoeuvring and through flaring up a domestic war, which she also used as one of the means to destroy the Khilafah. As for the process of destroying the Khilafah, this was carried out by the British government through direct actions inside Turkey itself , with the two British Generals, Harrington and Wilson being used to execute it, in addition to these political styles and international manoeuvres. Mustafa Kemal was the man who aided in this horrific role, and had it not been for him their conspiracies would have been doomed to failure.

Shuningdek, Turk hududlarining o'zida bir qator bevosita harakatlar amalga oshirgan, o'zi unchalik mashhur bo'lmagan boshqa ingliz odamlari ham bo'lganga o'xshaydi. Ko'rinishidan, kapitan H.S. Armstrong nomi ma'lum bo'lmagan va past lavozimli zobit bo'lsa-da, shu paytda ma'lum harakatlarni amalga oshirgan. Birinchi jahon urushi arafasida u Istanbuldagi Britaniya harbiy attashe bo'lgan va urush paytida butun oltinchi armiya diviziyasi bilan birga asirga olingan. Asirlikda u Anvar posho bilan uchrashishni so'radi. Uning so'rovi hayratlanarli edi, chunki Anvar posho o'sha paytda urush vaziri bo'lib, butun mamlakat uning nazorati ostida edi. Ingliz asirining u bilan uchrashishni so'rashi g'ayrioddiy edi. Shunga qaramay, Anvar u bilan uchrashdi va ular o'rtasida uzoq suhbat bo'lib o'tdi, bu suhbat Anvarning uni jazo sifatida yakka tartibdagi qamoqqa tashlash haqida buyruq berishi bilan yakunlandi.

It appears also that there were other little renowned men from among the British who performed a host of direct actions inside the Turkish territories themselves. It seems that Captain H.S. Armstrong, although he was an unknown and low ranking officer, was nevertheless undertaking certain actions at the time. Just before the First World War, he was the British Military Attaché in Istanbul, and during the war, he was taken prisoner along with the whole of the sixth army division. During his imprisonment, he requested a meeting with Anwar Pasha. His request was astonishing, for Anwar Pasha was at the time the War Minister and the whole country was under his control. For a British prisoner to request a meeting with him was extraordinary. Nonethless Anwar met him and a long conversation took place between them, which ended with Anwar ordering that he should be placed in solitary confinement as a punishment.

Anvar nima sababdan bu mahbusga g‘azablanganini hech kim bilmaydi; ammo aytishlaricha, u Anvarga qarshi asabiy urush boshlashga urinib, unga yoki davlatga haqorat qilgan va shu sababli jazolangan. Biroq, bu mahbus aslida ba’zi harbiy zobitlar bilan aloqada bo‘lgan ko‘rinadi, chunki urush tugashidan oldin u qamoqxonadan qochib, Britaniya qo‘shinlari tomoniga qaytib ketgan. Unga kim yordam berganini hech kim bilmaydi. Urush tugagan zahoti Britaniya hukumati uni Istanbulga qaytarib yubordi va Britaniya bosqinchi ma’muriyati unga bir qator rasmiy vazifalarni topshirdi. U u yerda bir necha yil qoldi va shu davrda turklar bilan, xususan, Mustafo Kamol bilan bevosita aloqada bo‘ldi hamda Xilofatni bartaraf etish yo‘lidagi barcha harakatlarga guvoh bo‘ldi. Shuning uchun u Mustafo Kamol bilan birgalikda Xilofatni yo‘q qilish maqsadida til biriktirganlar qatoriga kirgan bo‘lishi juda ehtimoldan yiroq emas.

It never became known what caused Anwar to become angry with this prisoner; however, it is said that he attempted to initiate a war of nerves against Anwar and that he insulted him or the state, thus leading to his punishment. However, it seems that this prisoner was in fact in contact with some of the army officers, for before the end of the war he escaped from prison and returned to the British forces. It never became known who helped him escape. No sooner had the war ended than the British government dispatched him back to Istanbul and the British occupying authorities delegated to him a host of official duties. He remained there for several years, during which time he was in direct contact with the Turks in general and with Mustafa Kemal in particular, and he witnessed all the moves undertaken to remove the Khilafah. Hence, it is very likely that he was from among those who colluded with Mustafa Kemal in his endeavour to destroy the Khilafah.

Biroq asosiy rol Harringtonga berildi, chunki u Bosh qo'mondon edi va barcha ishlarni to'liq nazorat qilardi. Mustafa Kamol o'z rolini o'ynab turganida, uning asosiy aloqasi Harrington bilan bo'lganga o'xshaydi. Inglizlar Harringtonni Turkiyadagi oliy hokimiyat deb hisoblardi va uning Turkiyadagi rolini ta'kidlovchi ko'plab rasmiy bayonotlar mavjud.

However, the principal role was assigned to Harrington, for he was the Commander in Chief and he was in total control of all affairs. It seems that when Mustafa Kemal was playing his role, his main contact was with Harrington. The British considered Harrington as the supreme authority in Turkey and there exists a host of official statements highlighting his role in Turkey.

1924 yil 25-fevralda leytenant-polkovnik Dalemass Avvom palatasiga murojaat qilib shunday dedi: "Sharqdagi Britaniya obro'si chalkash." So'ngra u qo'shimcha qildi: "Britaniya armanlar masalasiga aralashmasligi kerak", va unga armanlardan kelgan ko'plab xatlarga ishora qildi, unda ular turklar bilan tinch-totuv yashashni xohlashlari bildirilgan edi.

On 25th February 1924, Lieutenant-Colonel Dalemass addressed the Commons by saying: “Britain’s reputation in the east is muddled.” He then added: “Britain should not interfere in the Armenian issue”, and referred to many letters reaching him from the Armenians stating that they wished to live with the Turks in peace.

Shunga javoban Charles Bate shunday dedi: Turklarning biz tomonga bo'lgan his-tuyg'ulari juda do'stona, u yerdagi harakatlarimiz esa juda muvaffaqiyatli. U o'z javoblarini Ser Charles Harringtondan yetib kelgan ma'lumotlarga asoslangan edi, lekin bu ma'lumotlarning mohiyatini oshkor qilmadi. 1940-yil 24-martda, Harringtonning vafotidan ikki kun o'tib, "The Times" gazetasi quyidagilarni o'z ichiga olgan maqola chop etdi: 1921-yilda yunonlarning turklar tomonidan mag'lubiyatga uchraganidan keyin, ittifoqdosh kuchlarning Bosh qo'mondoni Ser Harringtonga Mustafo Kamol bilan hamkorlik qilish uchun keng vakolatlar berildi. Biroq, bu hamkorlikning mohiyati haqida hech narsa aytilmagan. Gazeta yana shuni qo'shdi: Harringtonning siyosat bilan shug'ullanishi uning qat'iyatini va maqsadlariga erishish irodasini yashirar edi va u buning uchun loyiq edi. Mustafo Kamol bilan hamkorlik qilish uchun berilgan bu keng vakolatlar bilan masalani hal qilish va Xilofatga o'lim zarbasini berishning yakuniy bosqichi boshlangan edi. 1922-yil iyulda sulh o'rnatilgandan, yunonlar evakuatsiya qilingandan va frantsuzlar hamda italiyaliklar chiqib ketgandan so'ng, mamlakat ingliz garnizonidan tashqari barcha xorijiy garnizonlardan xalos bo'ldi. Shunga ko'ra, Harrington yagona boshqaruvchiga aylandi, Mustafo Kamolning kuchi va butun mamlakat bo'ylab ta'siri hamda mashhurligi cho'qqisiga yetgan edi. Shu bilan birga, Istanbul hukumati hech qanday masalada so'zi o'tmaydigan nominal hukumat edi, chunki to'liq vakolat Anqara hukumati qo'lida edi: ichki masalalarda, jumladan qonunlarning ijrosi, qurolli kuchlarni boshqarish va davlatning barcha ishlarini nazorat qilishda, shuningdek tashqi masalalarda, jumladan boshqa davlatlar bilan munosabatlar va shartnomalarni imzolashda.

Upon this Charles Bate replied: “The feeling of the Turks towards us is very friendly and our actions there are very successful.” He was basing his answers on the information that had reached him from Sir Charles Harrington, but he did not disclose the nature of this information. On 24th March 1940, two days after the death of Harrington, the Times newspaper wrote an article in which it mentioned the following: “In the wake of the Greeks’ defeat by the Turks in 1921, the allied forces Commander in Chief Sir Harrington was given wide powers to cooperate with Mustafa Kemal.” However, the nature of this cooperation was not mentioned. The paper added: “Harrington’s flirtation with politics concealed his resoluteness and determination to achieve his ambitions, and he was worthy of this.” With these wide powers to cooperate with Mustafa Kemal, the final phase to settle the issue and deal the Khilafah the fatal blow had started. After the holding of the truce in July 1922, the evacuation of the Greeks and after the evacuation of the French and the Italians, the country was rid of all the foreign garrisons, apart from the British garrison. Accordingly Harrington became the sole operator, and the force of Mustafa Kemal with his influence and popularity throughout the whole country had reached their peak. Meanwhile, the Istanbul government was a nominal government that had no say in matters whatsoever, for the full authority was in the hands of the Ankara government, whether pertaining domestic matters such as the execution of laws, controlling the armed forces and supervising all the state’s affairs, or pertaining foreign matters such as relations with other states and signing of treaties.

Sultan esa shu paytda saroyida katta iztirob ichida edi, lekin unga quloq soladigan hech kimni topa olmasdi. Inglizlar unga hamdardlik bildirar va uni ayab turardilar. Darhaqiqat, xazina bo'shab, mablag'lari tugagach, ular vaqti-vaqti bilan unga pul berib turardilar. Shunday qilib, u ulardan sovg'a sifatida, ya'ni ularning sadaqasi sifatida pul olardi. Turkiyadagi mana shunday holat davom etayotgan paytda, ittifoqchi davlatlar – Britaniya, Fransiya va Italiya – Anqara hukumatiga va yana bir taklifnomani Istanbuldagi Sultonning hukumatiga yuborib, tinchlik shartnomasini imzolash uchun Lozanna konferensiyasida ishtirok etishga chaqirdilar. Bu 1922-yil 17-oktyabrda bo'lgan edi. Mamlakatdagi ikki hukumatga yuborilgan bu taklifnoma Milliy Majlis tomonidan g'azab bilan kutib olindi, shu bilan birga Xilofatni bekor qilishga qaratilgan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri urinish boshlandi va u atrofidagi kurash ham boshlandi.

The Sultan meanwhile was in his palace experiencing a great deal of anguish, without finding anyone to listen to him. The British used to display sympathy towards him and pity him. Indeed, they used to give him money from time to time, after the treasury became empty and he had run out of funds. So he used to receive money from them as a gift, i.e. as a charity from them. It was amidst this status quo in Turkey, that the allied states Britain, France and Italy sent an invitation to the Ankara government and another invitation to the Sultan’s government in Istanbul to attend the Lausanne conference in order to sign the peace treaty. This was on 17th October 1922. This invitation of the two governments in the country was met with anger by the National Assembly, thus the direct attempt at abolishing the Khilafah had started and the struggle over it had also started.

Milliy Majlis, ya'ni Mustafo Kamol Majlisi, bu o'yinlardan norozi edi, ya'ni tinchlik konferensiyasiga borish uchun ikki Turk hukumatining taklifidan; Milliy Majlis bu ahvolga chek qo'yib, mamlakatni ikki hokimiyatlilik tuzumidan xalos etmoqchi edi. Milliy Majlis hisob-kitobni yakunlashni xohlardi, va ba'zi deputatlar Istanbul hukumatining iste'foga chiqishini va umrbod Mustafo Kamol boshchiligidagi yangi hukumat tuzilishini taklif qilishdi.

The National Assembly, i.e. the assembly of Mustafa Kemal - was unhappy about these games, that is the invitation of two Turkish governments to attend the peace conference; the National Assembly wanted to put an end to this situation and rid the country from its dual rule. The National Assembly wanted to settle the score, and some of the deputies suggested the resignation of the Istanbul government and the establishment of a new government headed by Mustafa Kemal for life.

Milliy Majlis bu masalani muhokama qilayotgan paytda Mustafa Kamol Izmirda edi, lekin u joriy muhokamalar xabarlarini diqqat bilan kuzatib borardi.

Whilst the National Assembly was debating this issue Mustafa Kemal was in Izmir, but he was closely following the news of the current debates.

Majlis bu kishiga ikki marta murojaat qilib, kelgusi tinchlik konferensiyasi masalasini u bilan muhokama qilmoqchi bo'ldi, lekin u harbiy vazifalari uni Izmirda ushlab turganligini bahona qilib, kela olmaganligi uchun uzr so'radi. Shundan so'ng Rauf va bir qator siyosatchilar Izmirda unga qo'shilib, Turkiyada yangi hukumat qanday bo'lishi kerakligi haqida uning fikrini so'radilar, chunki ikki hukumatning mavjud bo'lishi tasavvur qilib bo'lmas edi: biri Anqarani markaz qilgan, hokimiyatda turgan vaqtinchalik hukumat, ikkinchisi esa poytaxtdagi, Sulton va uning vazirlar mahkamasi boshchiligidagi rasmiy, nominal hukumat. Ular Mustafo Kamolga ikki hukumatni yagona hukumatga birlashtirishni taklif qildilar: Xalifa konstitutsiyaviy sulton bo'ladi, Mustafo Kamol esa Bosh vazir bo'ladi.

The Assembly contacted him twice to discuss with him the issue of the forthcoming peace conference, but he replied with apologies for not being able to attend claiming that his military duties are holding him in Izmir. Upon this Ra’uf and a host of politicians joined him in Izmir to seek his opinion on how the new government in Turkey should be, for it was inconceivable to have two governments, one being an interim government in authority with Ankara as its centre and the other an official nominal government in the capital, headed by the Sultan and his ministerial cabinet. They suggested to Mustafa Kemal the merger of the two governments into one single government, with the Khalifah becoming a constitutional Sultan and Mustafa Kemal becoming the Prime Minister.

U biroq bu taklifga javob bermadi va ular uning niyatlaridan shubhalana boshladilar. Rauf unga bir qator savollar bilan bosimni davom ettirdi va nihoyat Mustafa Kamol uni Anqarada uchrashishga va'da berdi.

He, however, did not reply to this proposal and they began to suspect his intentions. Ra’uf continued to press him with a series of questions and finally Mustafa Kemal promised to meet him in Ankara.

Shu sababli Milliy Majlis yig'ildi va deputatlar masalani muhokama qildilar. Mustafa Kamolning tarafdorlari aytdilar: Poytaxt hukumati Turkiyani qutqarish uchun nima qildi? Turkiyada yagona hukumat bor, bu Anqara hukumati, va deputatlarning ko'pchiligi Istanbul hukumatining iste'foga chiqishini hamda Mustafa Kamol yangi hukumat tuzishini, Xalifa esa konstitutsiyaviy sulton bo'lishini taklif qiladi. Bunday qizg'in bahs va Majlisni qamrab olgan g'amgin muhit ichida Mustafa Kamol minbarga chiqdi va deputatlardan unga e'tibor berishlarini so'radi. So'ng u Saltanat bilan Xilofat o'rtasidagi ajratishni taklif qildi, shu bilan Saltanatni bekor qilib, Vahideddinni lavozimidan chetlashtirdi. Shu nuqtada Xilofatga tahdid qilayotgan xavf dahshatli darajada ayon bo'ldi va shovqin-suron keskin kuchaydi. Shunda Mustafa Kamol o'zining sakkiz nafar shaxsiy tarafdori bilan birga darhol ovoz berish o'tkazishni talab qildi; ammo Majlis masalani uni o'rganish uchun Tashqi ishlar qo'mitasiga topshirdi.

Consequently, the National Assembly convened and the deputies debated the issue. Mustafa Kemal’s supporters said: “What did the capital’s government do to salvage Turkey? Turkey has one single government, that is the government of Ankara, and the majority of the deputies suggest that the Istanbul government should resign and that Mustafa Kemal should form the new government, and that the Khaleefah should become a constitutional Sultan.” Amidst such heated debate and the gloomy atmosphere which engulfed the Assembly, Mustafa Kemal took to the podium and requested the deputies to pay attention to him. He then suggested the separation between the Sultanate and the Khilafah, thereby abolishing the Sultanate and removing Wahid-ud-Deen. At this point the danger facing the Khilafah became frightfully apparent and the uproar increased dramatically. Hence, Mustafa Kemal backed by eight of his personal followers demanded the holding of an immediate ballot; but the Assembly referred the matter to the foreign affairs committee in order to study it.

Ertasi kuni qonunshunoslar va olimlardan tashkil topgan qo‘mita yig‘ildi. U Saltanatni Xalifalikdan ajratish masalasini uzoq soatlar davomida o‘rgandi, a’zolari esa Qur’on va Sunnatdan matnlarga, shuningdek Bag‘dod va Qohiradagi xalifalar tarixidan yuzlab misollarga murojaat qilishdi. Natijada qo‘mitaning umumiy fikri bu taklifga qarshi bo‘ldi va u bir ovozdan uni rad etdi.

On the following day, the committee gathered, being formed of a group of lawyers and scholars. It spent long hours studying the issue of separating the Sultanate from the Khilafah and its members referred to texts from the Qur’an and the Sunnah, in addition to hundreds of examples from the history of the Khulafa’, both in Baghdad and in Cairo. It followed that the committee as a whole was averse to the proposal and it unanimously rejected it.

Mustafa Kamol shu vaqtda hozir edi; shuning uchun ularning umumiy kelishuvi haqida eshitib, qo'mita qaroriga taklifning bir ovozdan rad etilganini anglagach, u g'azablanib stulga sakrab chiqdi, qatnashuvchilarning bahsini to'xtatdi va baqirdi: Janoblar! Usmonli sultoni xalq hokimiyatini zo'rlik bilan o'ziga olib qo'ydi va xalq uni zo'rlik bilan undan qaytarib olishga qat'iy qaror qilgan. Saltanat xalifalikdan ajratilib, bekor qilinishi kerak. Bu siz rozi bo'ladimi yoki yo'qmi, baribir amalga oshadi. Faqat shu jarayonda ba'zi boshlaringiz uchishi mumkin, xolos. Buni eshitgan qo'mita a'zolari vahimaga tushib, tizzalari qaltirab ketdi. Ular qila oladigan yagona ish taklifni Milliy Majlisga topshirish bo'ldi.

Mustafa Kemal was present at the time; so when heard of their general consensus and realised that the committee’s decision was a unanimous rejection of the proposal, he angrily leapt up onto a chair, interrupting the debate of the attendees and shouted: “Sirs! The Ottoman Sultan has usurped the authority from the people by force, and it is by force that the people are determined to regain it from him. The Sultanate must be separated from the Khilafah and abolished. This will happen whether you agree to it or not. All there is to it is that some of your heads will roll in the process.” Upon hearing this the committee members became panic stricken and their knees trembled. All they could do was to refer the proposal to the National Assembly.

Milliy Majlis shundan so‘ng taklifni muhokama qilish uchun yig‘ildi. Katta ko‘pchilik taklifni rad etishini e’lon qildi va unga, hatto Mustafa Kamolning o‘ziga nisbatan ham norozilik bildirdi. Mustafa Kamol buni sezdi va taklif bo‘yicha ochiq ovoz berish tartib-qoidalari boshlanmoqchi bo‘lganda, taklifning albatta rad etilishini va katta ko‘pchilik unga qarshi ekanini angladi. Shu sababli u himoya qilish uchun shaxsiy tarafdorlarini atrofiga to‘pladi va taklif bo‘yicha ovoz berish faqat bir marta o‘tkazilishini talab qildi. Ba’zi deputatlar buni rad etdi va har birini ismi bilan chaqirib ovoz berishni taklif qildi. Ammo Mustafa Kamol bunga ham rozi bo‘lmadi. Uning tarafdorlari aniq qurollangan edi, ular qo‘llarini to‘pponchalariga qo‘yib turganda u tahdid bilan baqirdi: “Ishonchim komilki, Majlis taklifni umumiy kelishuv bilan qabul qiladi, va qo‘l ko‘tarish orqali ovoz berish yetarli bo‘ladi.” Shundan so‘ng taklif ovozga qo‘yildi va bir necha qo‘l ko‘tarildi; biroq spiker ovoz berish natijasini quyidagicha e’lon qildi: “Majlis taklifni umumiy kelishuv bilan ma’qulladi.” Shunda bir qancha deputatlar norozilik bildirib o‘z o‘rinlaridan sakrab turdi va baqirdi: “Bu rost emas, biz buni tasdiqlamadik.” Mustafa Kamolning tarafdorlari esa ularga qarshi baqirdi: “O‘tiring! Jim bo‘ling!” Shundan so‘ng tartibsizlik boshlandi, shovqin-suron kuchaydi va majlis shovqin bilan yakunlandi.

The National Assembly then convened to debate the proposal. The overwhelming majority declared their rejection of the proposal and expressed their resentment towards it and even towards Mustafa Kemal himself. Mustafa Kemal sensed this and when the procedures to organise an open ballot on the proposal were about to start, he realised that it was inevitably going to be rejected and that the overwhelming majority was against it. Hence, he gathered his private supporters around him to protect him and demanded that a vote on the proposal should be taken only once, but some deputies refused and suggested taking the vote by calling each one by name. However, Mustafa Kemal refused this. His supporters were clearly armed and he shouted threats while they rested their hands on their pistols: “I am sure that the Assembly would accept the proposal with a general consensus and it will be sufficient to take a vote just by raising hands. Upon this the proposal was put forward to be voted on and few hands were raised; however, the speaker announced the result of the ballot as follows: “The Assembly has endorsed the proposal by a general consensus.” Upon this a number of deputies jumped on to their seats protesting and shouting: “This is not true, we did not agree to this.” So the supporters of Mustafa Kemal shouted back: “Sit down! Shut up.” Then chaos broke out and the uproar intensified, and the session was noisily wound up.

1922-yil noyabr oyining boshida Mustafa Kamol milliy majlis binosidan o‘z tarafdorlari o‘rab olgan holda chiqib ketdi. Bu Lozanna konferensiyasida ishtirok etish taklifi kelganidan 14 kun o‘tgach sodir bo‘ldi.

In the beginning of November 1922, Mustafa Kemal left the building of the National Assembly surrounded by his supporters. This was 14 days after the invitation to attend the Lausanne conference had arrived.

Bu qarordan besh kun o'tib, Rif'at Posho Istanbulda kutilmagan harbiy to'ntarish uyushtirdi va armiya hamda harbiy kuch yordamida poytaxtda hokimiyatni qo'lga oldi. Bu voqea general Xarringtonning ko'z o'ngida sodir bo'ldi. Shunday qilib, u Sultonning hukumatini zo'ravonlik bilan bekor qildi. Sulton bir necha kun davomida bu vaziyatdan hech narsa bilmaganga o'xshab yurdi; so'ngra Sulton saroyidagi musiqa guruhining dirijyori orqali Xarringtonga xabar yubordi. Xabar og'zaki edi va bir odam uni Xarringtonga yetkazib, shunday dedi: "Sulton Britaniya qo'mondoni va Britaniya hukumatidan himoya so'ramoqda, chunki hazratlari o'z hayoti xavf ostida ekanligiga ishonch hosil qilgan." Ikki kun o'tib, 1922-yil 17-noyabrda Britaniya tez yordam mashinasi Sulton saroyiga keldi, Vahideddin unga chiqdi, uning ortidan o'g'li, kichik chemodan ko'targan xoji va yuk tashigan xizmatkor ergashdi.

Five days after taking this decision, Rif ’at Pasha staged a sudden military coup in Istanbul through which he seized the reins of power in the capital with the help of the army and the military power. This occurred right under the nose of General Harrington. Hence, he abolished the government of the Sultan by force. The Sultan pretended to know nothing about this situation for a few days; then he sent to Harrington a message with the maestro of the musical band at the Sultanic Palace. The message was verbal and a man conveyed it to Harrington by saying: “The Sultan is seeking the protection of the British Commander and the British government, for his majesty is certain that his life is in danger.” Two days later on 17th November 1922, a British ambulance came to the Sultan’s palace and Wahid-ud-Deen climbed on board followed by his son, a eunuch carrying a small suitcase and a porter carrying his baggage.

Mashina uni bug'-kema chiqadigan joyga olib bordi, u esa uni portda kutib turgan ingliz harbiy kemasiga olib bordi. Harbiy kema esa uni Maltaga olib bordi.

The car took him to where he boarded a steam boat, which in turn took him to a British warship that was waiting in the port. The warship took him to Malta.

Vahideddin ketganidan so‘ng, Büyük Millet Majlisining bu masala yuzasidan roziligi olingach, uning amakivachchasi Amir Abdulmajid ibn Abdulaziz Muslimonlarning Xalifasi etib tayinlandi. Shu sababli Xilofat tarafdorlaridan ko‘plab kishilar unga shoshilib borib, unga sadoqat va'dasini berdilar. Uning huzuriga Rauf Bey va Doktor Adnan Bey, shuningdek Ali Fuad va Kozim Qara Bakir ham tashrif buyurdilar va dunyoga ma'lum qilish uchun ochiqdan-ochiq unga bay'at qildilar: ular hanuz Xalifaga sadoqatli ekanliklarini va Xilofatning hali ham mavjudligini bildirmoqchi edilar. Mustafo Kamol Saltanatning Xilofatdan ajratilishidan mamnun bo‘lib, hokimiyat boshqaruvini o‘z qo‘liga oldi va Xalifani barcha vakolatlardan mahrum holda qoldirdi. Shundan so‘ng u tinchlik konferensiyasiga tayyorgarlik ko‘ra boshladi.

In the wake of Wahid-ud-Deen’s departure, his cousin the Amir Abdul- Majid ibn Abdul-Aziz was appointed as Khaleefah of the Muslims after the consent of the Greater National Assembly on this matter had been sought. Hence, many men from among the supporters of the Khilafah rushed to him to pledge their support for him. He was also visited by Rauf Beik and Doctor Adnan Beik, as well as Ali Fuad and Kathim Qara Bakir and they openly declared their allegiance to him in order to let the world know that they were still loyal to the Khaleefah and that the Khilafah still existed. Mustafa Kemal was contented with the separation of the Sultanate from the Khilafah and he took over the reins of power, leaving the Khaleefah stripped of all authority. He then started to prepare for the peace conference.

1922-yil 20-noyabrda Lozanna konferensiyasi ochildi. Unda Usmonli davlati nomidan faqat Anqara hukumatining delegatsiyasi ishtirok etdi, u Jahon urushida mag'lub bo'lgan Usmonli davlatining vakili sifatida harakat qildi. Konferensiyada, Lloyd Jorj hukumati 1922-yil 19-oktyabrda iste'foga chiqqani uchun, Britaniya tashqi ishlar vaziri Kerzon Britaniya delegatsiyasi boshlig'i sifatida ham ishtirok etdi. Konferensiya o'z ishini boshlagach, uning davomida Britaniya delegatsiyasi boshlig'i Kerzon Turkiyaning mustaqilligini tan olishdan oldin to'rt shartni qo'ydi. Bu shartlar quyidagilar edi: Xilofatni butunlay bekor qilish, Xalifani chegaradan tashqariga chiqarish, uning mol-mulkini musodara qilish va davlatning dunyoviylashtirilganini e'lon qilish. Konferensiyaning muvaffaqiyati ushbu to'rt shartning bajarilishiga bog'liq edi.

On 20th November 1922, the Lausanne conference was inaugurated. It was attended on behalf of the Ottoman State by a delegation of the Ankara government only, who acted as the representative of the Ottoman State that was defeated in the World War. It was also attended by Curzon the British Foreign Secretary, as head of the British delegation, for the government of Lloyd George had resigned on 19th October 1922. The conference started its sessions and during it, the head of the British delegation Curzon, stipulated four conditions prior to recognising the independence of Turkey. These conditions were: the total abolishment of the Khilafah, the expulsion of the Khalifah beyond the borders, the confiscation of his assets and declaration of the state’s secularisation. The success of the conference rested on the fulfilment of these four conditions.

Biroq, u 1923-yil 4-fevralda hech qanday natija bermasdan yopildi va muvaffaqiyatsiz deb e'lon qilindi.

However, it was wound up on 4th February 1923 without yielding any result and it was declared a failure.

Ismat qaytib Turkiyaga keldi va Mustafa Kamol uni Eskishehirda kutib olish uchun shoshildi, u yerda konferensiyada ko‘tarilgan barcha masalalarni undan o‘rgandi; so‘ng u bilan birga Anqaraga qaytdi.

Ismat returned to Turkey and Mustafa Kemal rushed to meet him in Eskisehir where he learnt from him all the matters which had been raised at the conference; then he returned with him to Ankara.

Ankara vokzaliga yetib kelganlarida, ikkalasi Bosh vazir Rauf va shahar deputatlarining ularni kutib olish uchun kelmaganidan hayron bo‘lishdi. Mustafa Kamol bundan g‘azablanib, Raufni chaqirtirdi va uning xatti-harakatini tushuntirishni talab qildi. Rauf Ismetning hukumat bilan maslahatlashmasdan konferensiyaga yuborilishiga va Mustafa Kamolning ham hukumat bilan maslahatlashmasdan Eskisehirda Ismetni kutib olishga shoshilganiga qarshi norozilik bildirdi, bu konstitutsiyaga zid harakat ekanini ta’kidladi; shundan so‘ng norozilik bildirib, Bosh vazirlik lavozimidan iste’fosini topshirdi.