Shunga qaramay, isyon turli darajadagi ko'tarilish va pasayishlar bilan davom etdi va Mustafa Kamol qulay vaziyatdan chiqib ketay deganida, inglizlar uni qutqarishga majbur bo'lishdi. Dastlab isyon muvaffaqiyatli bo'ldi, chunki yosh zobitlar Mustafa Kamolga qo'shilib, uning ortidan borishga tayyorligini bildirdi. Ba'zi yuqori martabali zobitlar ham unga qo'shildi, lekin shart bilan: u xalifalikka zarar yetkazmasligi kerak edi. Zobitlar qo'shilib, anchagina kuch to'plangach, u darhol hukumat tuzmoqchi bo'ldi. Shu maqsadda u Sivasdan Rif'at poshoni taklif qildi. Rif'at posho g'arb g'oyalari ta'siriga tushgan va yevropaliklarning katta muxlisi edi. Mustafa Kamol shuningdek, Ankara mintaqasidagi armiya qo'mondoni, iste'dodli harbiy olim va eng zukko siyosatchilardan biri bo'lgan Ali Fuodni ham taklif qildi.

Nevertheless, the rebellion continued with ebbs and flows, and the British were forced to come to Mustafa Kemal’s rescue whenever he was about to fall. The rebellion was at first successful, for the young officers joined Mustafa Kemal and declared their readiness to follow him. Some of the high ranking officers also joined him, but on condition that he would not undermine the Khilafah. Once the officers joined, thus gathering a considerable force, he immediately wanted to set up a government. Hence, he invited Rif ’at Pasha from Sivas. Rif ’at Pasha had been seduced by the Western thoughts and was a great admirer of the Europeans. Mustafa Kemal also invited Ali Fuad, the army commander of the Ankara region, who was a brilliant military academic and one of the shrewdest politicians.

Ali Fuad bilan birga Rif'at posho ham hamrohlik qilgan edi, u dengiz vazirligidan iste'foga chiqqan edi.

Ali Fuad was also accompanied by Rif ’at Pasha who had resigned from the Naval ministry.

Zobitlar o‘rtasida yig‘ilish o‘tkazildi, unda kotib delegatlar uchun bayonnoma yozish vazifasini bajardi. Mustafa Kamol o‘z fikrini bayon qildi va o‘z qarashlarini tushuntirdi. Hammasi uning bilan qarshilik ko‘rsatish yagona umid ekanligida kelishdilar. Shu sababli ular amalga oshiriladigan strategiyani ishlab chiqdilar, uning mohiyati Izmir qarshisidagi militsiya guruhlarini ko‘paytirish va uyushtirish, yunon qo‘shinlarining oldinga siljishini to‘sish va barbod qilish edi. So‘ngra bu to‘qnashuvlarga tayanib, parchalangan qo‘shinlar xarobalari ustida kuchli va birlashgan milliy muntazam armiyani qayta tuzishga kirishadilar.

A meeting between the officers was held with a secretary assuming the role of writing the minutes for the delegates. Mustafa Kemal expressed his viewpoint and explained his opinions. Everyone agreed with him that resistance was the only hope. Hence, they designed a strategy to be executed, which was summarised as multiplying and organising the militias facing Izmir, in order to hinder and thwart the advance of the Greek forces. Then building up from these skirmishes, they would restructure a strong and unified national regular army, on the ruins of the divided armies.

Shuningdek, qarshilikka rahbarlik qiladigan strategiya ishlab chiqish ham zarur edi; shu tariqa ular Fuod g‘arbdagi qo‘shinlarga qo‘mondonlik qilishiga, Kozim Qura Bakir sharqdagi qo‘shinlarga qo‘mondonlik qilishiga, Mustafo Kamol esa markazdagi qo‘shinlarga qo‘mondonlik qilishiga kelishib oldilar.

It was also necessary to design a strategy aimed at leading the resistance; thus they agreed that Fuad would assume the command of the troops in the west, that Kathim Qura Bakir would assume the command of the troops in the east and Mustafa Kemal would command the troops in the centre.

Mustafa Kamol keyin shunday dedi: Markaziy hukumat va Sulton dushmanlar ta'siri ostida, shuning uchun biz bu yerda, Anatoliyada vaqtinchalik hukumat tuzishimiz kerak. U buni aytib bo'lishi bilan hammasi seskanib ketdi va g'azab hamda norozilik bildirdi.

Mustafa Kemal then went on to say : “The central government and the Sultan are under the influence of the enemies, hence, we ought to establish a temporal government here in Anatolia.” No sooner had he finished saying this than everyone flinched and expressed anger and resentment.

Rauf xalifaga yoki uning markaziy hukumatiga zarar yetkazishi mumkin bo‘lgan har qanday choraga qarshi ekanligini bildirdi. Qolganlarning barchasi ham Mustafo Kamolga qarshi chiqib, unga shunday dedilar: agar u mamlakatga xizmat qilib, mamlakat yo‘lida qurbonlik berar ekan, unga ishonchimiz komil bo‘lsa-da, yagona shartimiz — Sulton huquqlariga putur yetkazadigan yoki uning his-tuyg‘ularini xafa qiladigan biron-bir harakatdan o‘zini tiyishi, deb ta’kidladilar. Ular unga yana shuni qat’iy uqtirdilar: xalifalik hammadan ustun turishi kerak va Saltanatga hech qanday zarar yetmasligi lozim.

Ra’uf expressed his opposition to the undertaking of any measure that could upset the Khaleefah or his central government. All the others also opposed Mustafa Kemal and said to him as long as he was serving the country and sacrificing in the way of the country, and that although they had trust in him, their only condition was that he refrained from undertaking any action that would undermine the Sultan’s rights or impair his feelings. They also stressed to him that the Khilafah should be above everything else and that the Sultanate should not come to any harm.

Shu konsensus va shu qat'iyat oldida Mustafa Kamol orqaga chekinishga majbur bo'ldi va xalq fikriga rozi bo'ldi. Shu sababli u Xalifalik hech qanday zarar ko'rmasligini e'lon qildi va ular talab qilgan barcha kafolatlarni berdi. Shundan so'ng isyonkor harakat boshlandi.

In the face of this consensus and this persistence Mustafa Kemal was forced to back down and agree to the people’s opinion. Hence he declared that the Khilafah would not come to any harm and he gave them all the guarantees they wanted. Then the rebellious activity started.

Biroq, qo‘zg‘olon ko‘pchilik Mustafo Kamolga qo‘shilganlar uchun ittifoqchi bosqinchilarga qarshi qo‘zg‘olon bo‘lgani va sultonga faqat nomigagina qarshi bo‘lgani uchun, haqiqatda esa Mustafo Kamol va uning bir muncha tarafdorlari uchun sultonga qarshi qo‘zg‘olon bo‘lgani uchun, Mustafo Kamol o‘z niyatlarini yashirishga majbur bo‘ldi va xalifalikka zarar yetkazmasligini va’da qildi. Shuning uchun ittifoqchilar bilan to‘qnashuvlar muqarrar edi.

However, since the rebellion was to the majority of those who joined Mustafa Kemal a rebellion against the allied occupiers, and only nominally against the Sultan, and since it was in reality for Mustafa Kemal and a fistful of his supporters a rebellion against the Sultan, Mustafa Kemal was forced to conceal his intentions and gave his assurances that he would not harm the Khilafah. Therefore, clashes with the allies were inevitable.

Shu o'rinda ikkita g'alati voqea yuz berdi:

At this juncture two strange incidents took place :

Britaniyaliklar Samsunni kuchliroq garnizon bilan mustahkamlashga qat'iy qaror qilganliklarini e'lon qilishdi, toki isyonchilar dengiz orqali unga yetib borib, Sivasni egallamasinlar. Mustafa Kamol Rif'atga Samsunni har qanday holatda ham himoya qilishni buyurdi. U Rif'atga Britaniyaliklarga qarshi turishni va ularning qo'shinlarini quruqlikka tushirishiga yo'l qo'ymaslikni buyurdi. Shu sababli Rif'at itoat etdi va yuz nafar musulmon yigitlari bilan birga dengiz portiga yo'l oldi. Kichik qo'shin bilan bir britaniyalik polkovnik portga yetib kelgan edi. Biroq Rif'at va uning askarlari shaharga kirib, bu qo'shin bilan uchrashdilar, lekin ular o'rtasida hech qanday jang bo'lmadi. Shundan so'ng britaniyalik polkovnik va u bilan birga bo'lganlar portda langar tashlagan britaniyalik kemaga qaytib, jo'nab ketdilar. Keyin hammaga britaniyalik qo'shin qo'rqib ketgani, uning qo'mondoni esa qarshilik ko'rsatish befoyda ekanini anglab chekingani e'lon qilindi; shunday qilib, ular Samsun Britaniya bosqinchiligidan qutqarilgani va Sivas mahalliy xalq qo'lida qolgani haqida xabar tarqatdilar.

The British declared that they were determined to fortify Samsun with a stronger garrison to prevent the rebels from reaching it by sea and seizing Sevas. Mustafa Kemal ordered Rif ’at to defend Samsun at any cost. He ordered him to stand up to the British and prevent them from disembarking their troops. Hence, Rif ’at obeyed and headed towards the seaport accompanied by a hundred Muslim men. A British colonel had reached the seaport with a small force. However, Rif ’at and his troops entered the city and encountered this force but no fighting took place between them. Then the British colonel and those with him returned to the British ship that was anchored in the port and left. Then it was declared to everyone that the British force had become scared and that its commander realised that it was hopeless to resist so he retreated; thus they declared that Samsun was salvaged from the British occupation and that Sivas remained in the hands of the local people.

Ikkinchi voqea yunonlar bilan sodir bo'ldi. Britaniyaliklar yunonlarni turklar bilan bir qator to'qnashuvlarga tayyorlayotgan edi, bu esa mahalliy aholining g'ayratini uyg'otishi mumkin edi. Britaniyaliklar o'z maqsadlariga erishish uchun boshqa qon to'kilishi mumkin bo'lganligi sababli, ingliz qonining bunday maqsadda to'kilishiga yo'l qo'yishni istamas edilar; shu tariqa bu janglarda yunonlar qurbon qilib tanlandi. Bu voqeaning batafsil tavsifi quyidagicha edi: yunonlar Izmirda qolishga rozi bo'lmadilar, Izmir hokimi esa unga Izmirda qolish haqida berilgan ko'rsatmani buzdi; shu sababli yunonlar qo'shni hududlarni egallashga kirishdilar. Qo'shinlariga boshchilik qilayotgan yunon qo'mondoni Aydin tumani tomon yurdi va qo'shin harakatga kelishi bilan ularning ustiga ketma-ket o'q yomg'iri yog'ildi.

The second incident occurred with the Greeks. The British were preparing the Greeks to engage the Turks in a host of skirmishes, which could evoke the fervour of the locals. The British were reluctant to allow British blood to be shed for this purpose since there was another blood that could be shed in order to achieve it’s aims; thus the Greeks were chosen as the scapegoats in these battles. The elaboration of this event was as follows : The Greeks would not settle for staying in Izmir and the governor of Izmir violated the instructions given to him to remain in Izmir; thus the Greeks moved to seize the neighbouring areas. The Greek commander heading his troops, marched towards the district of Aideen, and as soon as the army moved, a hail of bullets rained down on them repeatedly.

Shunday qilib, yunon qo'shinlari dahshatga tushib, o'zlarini yo'qotdilar. Ular tinch aholiga o'q uzdilar, turklar esa xuddi shunday javob berdi. Bu tartibsiz jangning natijasida yunonlar mag'lub bo'ldi, turklar ularni haydab chiqardi va yunon mahallasiga o't qo'ydi. Yunon armiyasi sonlari ko'payib, harbiy tayyorgarligi kuchaygach, qaytib keldi va o'z navbatida shaharni egalladi hamda turk mahallasiga o't qo'ydi. So'ngra ular Izmirda ko'pchilikka ega bo'lish uchun turklar sonini kamaytirish maqsadida tinch aholini shafqatsizlarcha o'ldira boshladilar. Natijada, jang qila oladigan har bir turk qurol ko'tarib, tog'larga chiqdi va bosqinchilarga qarshi kurasha boshladi.

Accordingly, the Greek troops were shocked and panic stricken, and they lost their composure. They opened fire on the civilians, and the Turks replied in kind. As a result of this random fighting, the Greeks were vanquished and the Turks forced them away and set fire to the Greek district. The Greek army came back once their numbers had risen and once their military preparations had increased, and they in turn occupied the city and set fire to the Turkish district. Then they started savagely killing the civilians in order to reduce the number of Turks in order to become the majority in Izmir. As a result, every Turk who was able to fight took up arms, headed for the hills and started fighting the invaders.

1919-yil 23-iyul kuni Mesopotamiyaning chekka tumanlaridan birida, qishloq maktabiga o‘xshash kichkina binoda bir necha kishi to‘plandi. O‘sha vakillar sharqiy viloyatlarning deputatlari edi. Ular g‘alati aralashmadan iborat edi.

On 23rd July 1919, several men gathered in a tiny building similar to a village school, in a remote district of Mesapotamia. Those delegates were the deputies of the eastern provinces. They were of a strange mixture.

Orasida sobiq deputatlar, shayxlar, yuqori mansabdor xodimlar, kurd qabila boshliqlari va zobitlar ham bor edi. Konferensiya Ummat nomidan ochildi, kun tartibidagi birinchi masala esa konferensiyaga raislik qilish masalasi bo‘ldi. Delegatlardan biri o‘rnidan turib shunday dedi: “Hurmatli delegatlar, Mustafa Kemal ushbu yig‘ilishga raislik qilishga munosibmi yoki yo‘qmi, shu haqda fikr bildirib bera oladilarmi?” Holbuki u umri davomida sharqiy viloyatlardan birortasining deputati bo‘lmagan edi. Deputat keskin tarzda to‘xtatildi, Mustafa Kemal esa ko‘pchilik ovoz bilan konferensiya raisi etib saylandi. Konferensiya o‘n to‘rt kun davom etdi, munozaralar tartibsiz va hayajonli ruhda o‘tdi. Ko‘plab qarorlar qabul qilindi, so‘ngra konferensiya yakunlandi.

Among them were former deputies, Sheikhs, senior civil servants, Kurdish tribal leaders and officers. The conference opened in the name of the Ummah, and the first item in the agenda was the issue of chairing the conference. One of the delegates stood up and said : “Could the honourable delegates give their opinion on whether Mustafa Kemal would be suitable to chair this meeting?” knowing that he had never in his life been a deputy over any of the eastern provinces. The deputy was abruptly interrupted and Mustafa Kemal was voted with an overwhelming majority as chairman of the conference. The conference lasted fourteen days and the discussions were conducted in a disorderly and agitated manner. A host of resolutions were adopted then the conference was wound up.

Qarorlarning ba'zilari quyidagicha edi:

Some of the resolutions were as follows :

Ummat bo'linishga va parchalanishga moyil bo'lmagan yaxlit birlikdir, sharqiy vilayatlarning barchasi har qanday turdagi bosqinchilikka qarshilik ko'rsatishga va chet el aralashuviga qarshi turishga qat'iy qaror qilgan. Agar Istanbul hukumati xalq tomonida turishdan va uni chet el bosqinidan himoya qilishdan bosh tortsa, vaziyat shu tanqidiy nuqtaga yetgan ekan, mamlakat ishlarini boshqarishni o'z zimmasiga oladigan boshqa vaqtinchalik hukumat tuzish chaqiruvidan boshqa chora qolmaydi. Vakillar, shuningdek, Xalifa Vohid-ud-Din'ga sodiq ekanliklarini va uning bay'ati hanuzgacha bo'yinlarida ekanini aniq e'lon qildilar. Shuningdek, konferensiya qarorlarini amalga oshirishni vazifa qilib olgan, Ijroiya Parlament Qo'mitasi deb nomlangan tashkilot tashkil etishga qaror qilindi. Ushbu qo'mita raisi etib Mustafo Kamol saylandi, qarorlar darhol ummatga e'lon qilindi va nusxalari Yevropa mamlakatlariga yuborildi. Shundan so'ng Sivas konferensiyasini o'tkazishga qaror qilindi.

Britaniyaliklar bu armiya haqida xabar topgach, ittifoqchilar nomidan Sultonga bu armiyani tuzishga yo‘l qo‘ymadilar, chunki sulh shartlaridan birida qo‘shinlarni tarqatib yuborish va ularni qayta tiklamaslik nazarda tutilgan edi, deb bahslashdilar. Sulton isyonni bostirishda o‘ziga erkin qo‘l berishga urinib ko‘rdi, lekin ittifoqchilar uni buning oldini olishda qat’iy turib oldilar. Bu o‘rinda “ittifoqchilar” deganda Britaniyaliklar nazarda tutiladi, chunki ular mamlakatda hukmronlik qilar edilar, ittifoqchilar nomidan ish yuritganlar esa Britaniya Oliy komissari va uning idorasi hamda ittifoq kuchlarining Bosh qo‘mondoni Harrington edi.

When the British learnt of this army, they prevented the Sultan, on behalf of the allies, from forming the army, arguing that one of the clauses in the terms of the truce stipulated the disbandment of the troops, and their non-reformation. The Sultan attempted to give himself a free hand in crushing the rebellion but the allies categorically prevented him from doing so. When it is said the allies, it is meant in this context the British, for they dominated the country and it was the British High Commissioner and his office, together with Harrington, the Commander in Chief of the allied forces, who used to act on behalf of the allies.

Sulton ittifoqchilarning uning isyonlarni bostirish uchun qo'shin yuborishiga qat'iy qarshi ekanini tushunganda, u ittifoqchilardan tinchlikni qaytarish uchun kim qodir bo'lishi mumkinligi haqida fikrlarini so'radi. U o'z so'rovini qat'iy ta'kidladi, to ittifoqchilar unga betaraf turganliklarini va Turkiyaning ichki ishlariga aralashish o'z vakolatlaridan tashqarida ekanini aytib javob bermaguncha. Ular unga, agar mamlakatni boshqarmoqchi bo'lsa, tartib-intizomni saqlash mas'uliyati faqat uning zimmasida ekanini aytishdi.

When the Sultan realised that the allies were adamant in their refusal to allow him to send a task force to quell the disturbances, he requested their opinion as to who would be able to put an end to the disturbances. He strongly persisted in his request, until they answered him by saying that they were taking a neutral stand and that it was beyond their competence to interfere in Turkey’s domestic affairs. They told him that he alone was responsible for maintaining law and order if he wanted to rule over the country.

Damad Farid Posho ingliz-lardan ranjigan edi va Sulton o‘z vositalariga murojaat qildi. Shu sababli u Ardh-Rumdan Sivasga yo‘l olgan Mustafa Kamolni hibsga olish uchun fitna uyushtirdi. Ammo fitna muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi, chunki Mustafa Kamol fitnadan xabar topib, ehtiyot choralarini ko‘rdi va yo‘lga chiqish vaqtini o‘zgartirdi. Askarlar uni hibsga olish uchun yig‘ildi, lekin ularga belgilab berilgan joyda uni topa olmadi, chunki u ulardan oldinroq Sivasga yetib kelgan edi.

Damad Farid Pasha felt let down by the British and the Sultan resorted to using his own means, so he plotted to have Mustafa Kemal arrested while on his way to Sivas from “Ardh-Rum”, but the plot failed because Mustafa Kemal was informed of the plot and managed to take precautions and change the time of his journey. The soldiers gathered to arrest him but failed to find him in the place designated to them, for he had reached Sivas before then.

Shundan so'ng Sulton Sulton tarafdorlarining eng yaqinlaridan biri bo'lgan G'olib Bey'ga bir qator kurd qabilalarini boshqarib, Sivas shahriga bostirib kirib, konferensiya a'zolarining barchasini hibsga olishni topshirdi. Biroq u muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi. Konferensiya a'zolari butun Anatoliya bo'ylab Sivasga kelgan edi, konferensiya 1919 yil 4 avgustda o'tkazildi va uni Mustafa Kamol raislik qildi. Biroq uning raisligi e'tirozga uchradi. Konferensiya boshlanishidan ozgina oldin Mustafa Kamolning eng yaqin do'stlaridan biri bo'lgan Rauf Bey uning oldiga kelib dedi: "Biz konferensiya raisligini ko'rib chiqdik va siz uni hech qanday sharoitda qabul qilmasligingizga kelishib oldik." Konferensiya Mustafa Kamol raisligida chaqirilganda, ba'zilar uning avtoritar harakatlariga e'tiroz bildirib o'rnidan turdi, chunki u ovoz berishsiz o'zini konferensiya raisi etib tayinlagan edi. Shunda Mustafa Kamol o'zini himoya qilish uchun o'rnidan turdi. Uning so'zlaridan iqtibos: "Biz bugun bir-birimiz bilan janjallashishimizga va tortishishimizga imkon beradigan konferensiyalarda emasmiz, aks holda Imperiyaning yulduzi xiralashib, uning ta'siri muqarrar ravishda yo'qolib ketardi." Bu hayajonli nutq o'z ta'sirini ko'rsatdi, uning tarafdorlari o'rnidan turib uni olqishladilar va hayqirdilar; shundan so'ng hamma uning raisligi yuzasidan jim bo'ldi. Ovoz berish o'tkazilganda, Mustafa Kamol ko'pchilik ovozni qo'lga kiritgani e'lon qilindi.

Thereupon the Sultan asked Ghalib Beik, who was one of the Sultan’s greatest supporters, to head some of the Kurdish tribes and invade the city of Sivas, and arrest all the members of the conference. However he failed. The members of the conference had arrived to Sivas from all over Anatolia and the conference was held on 4th August 1919 and was chaired by Mustafa Kemal. However, his chairmanship was subject to objection. Shortly before the conference began, Ra’uf Beik, who was one of Mustafa Kemal’s closest friends, came to him and said : “We have looked into the chairmanship of the conference and consented that you should not accept it no matter what.” When the conference was convened under Mustafa Kemal’s chairmanship, some stood up and objected to his autocratic actions, for he had appointed himself chairman of the conference without a ballot. Upon this Mustafa Kemal stood up to defend himself. To quote from what he said : “We are not today in conferences which allow us to fight and dispute with each other, otherwise the star of the Empire would eclipse and her influence would be inevitably obliterated.” This emotional talk had its effect and his supporters stood to applaud and cheer him; then everyone kept quiet over his chairmanship. When the vote was taken, it was announced that Mustafa Kemal had gained a majority.

Mustafa Kamolni rais etib saylashi bilan u nutq so'zlash uchun o'rnidan turdi. U Sultonga bo'lgan sadoqatini aniq bayon qilish bilan boshladi, so'ng konferensiyaning majlislari boshlanib, bir necha kun davom etdi: hayajon, qizg'in bahslar va ko'p pichirlashlar muhitida. Keyin bir qancha e'tirozlar paydo bo'ldi, deputatlardan biri o'rnidan turib dedi: Konferensiyaning Ijroiya qo'mitasi o'zini hukumat deb da'vo qilishga haqqi yo'q edi; agar Yevropaliklar Anadolu ishlariga aralashib, uning hammasini egallab olsa, nima qilamiz? Qo'shin xarajatlarini va xodimlarning maoshlarini to'lash uchun mablag'ni qayerdan topamiz? Yana bir deputat o'rnidan turib dedi: Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining mustamlakachilik orzulari yo'q, u Turkiyani tushib qolgan og'ir tiqilinchdan qutqara oladigan yagona davlatdir. Agar Turkiya tanazzul va yo'qolib ketishdan xolis qochishni xohlasa, yagona yo'l Amerika bag'riga otilishdir. Shundan so'ng Rauf Bey, Bakr Sami Bey, Qosim Qo'ra Bakir, Rif'at, Ali Fuod va uchta posho o'rnidan turib, bu fikrni ma'qullashdi va uni butun dillari bilan himoya qilishdi. Yana bir deputat o'rnidan turib dedi: Amerika mandati mustaqillikni o'ldirmaydi. Buning orqali biz Britaniya himoyachiligidan xalos bo'lishimiz mumkin; bu Britaniya himoyachiligi Turkiyani kamsitilgan mustamlakaga aylantiradi va uning mavqeini qullik darajasiga tushiradi. Konferensiya shu yo'nalishda davom etib, Mustafa Kamolning barcha harakatlariga to'siq qo'ydi. Barcha bu muhokamalardan so'ng, konferensiya Ardh-Rum'da qabul qilinganlardan farq qilmaydigan bir qator qarorlarni qabul qildi. Biroq konferensiya a'zolari Mustafa Kamolga g'azablangan holda tarqatildi. Qo‘mondon Qosim Qurra Bokir posho, Ittifoqchilarga qurollarini topshirmagan va ularga taslim bo‘lmagan, o‘z mavqeini saqlab qolgan yagona armiya qo‘mondoni edi. U Mustafo Kamolga yaqinlashib shunday dedi: «Sizning nomingizdan aloqalarni olib borish tanqidga sabab bo‘ldi, ey posho. Siz bunday qadamning oqibatlarini va bunday qiyin yo‘ldan yurishni tasavvur qila olasiz, janob. Shunday ekan, iltimos, bundan buyon Qo‘mita o‘z nomidan gapirsin». Shu sababli Mustafo Kamol konferensiyadan chiqib ketayotganda juda g‘azablangan edi.

Bir tomondan, Sivas konferensiyasi haqidagi xabar Istanbulga boshqacha ko‘rinishda yetib bordi, go‘yo bu Mustafo Kamolning g‘alabasi edi. Bunga Istanbul hukumatining konferensiyani boykot qilishi ham sabab bo‘ldi. Garchi bu boykotga Bosh vazir sodir etgan ishlar turtki bergan bo‘lsa-da — u konferensiya bilan saroy o‘rtasidagi to‘g‘ridan-to‘g‘ri aloqani to‘sgani, shuningdek, G‘olib Bey delegatlarni hibsga olish uchun kurd qabilalarini boshqargani kabi harakatlari — bu boykotning o‘zi va konferensiyaning muvaffaqiyatli o‘tkazilishi voqealarni boshqacha ko‘rinishda namoyon qildi.

This was on the one hand; on the other hand, news of the Sivas conference reached Istanbul in a different light, as if it were a victory to Mustafa Kemal. This was backed by the conference’s boycott of the Istanbul government. Although this boycott was triggered by what the Prime Minister had perpetrated, when he prevented direct contact between the conference and the palace, and also when Ghalib Beik headed the Kurdish tribes to arrest the delegates, this boycott in itself and the success in holding the conference had portrayed events in a different light.

Bundan tashqari, ittifoqchilar, ya'ni inglizlar Istanbuldagi rasmiylarga Mustafo Kamol bilan kelishib olishni tavsiya qildilar. Shu vaziyatda Mustafo Kamolning Salonikadagi kunlaridan eng yaqin do'stlaridan biri, ismi Abdulkarim bo'lgan kishi oldinga chiqdi va xalifaga uning bilan Mustafo Kamol o'rtasida vositachi bo'lishni taklif qildi. U xalifaga Mustafo Kamol doimo xilofatga, xalifaga va shaxsan unga sadoqatli bo'lganini aytdi. Shuningdek, u kelishuvga kelishga Mustafo Kamolni ko'ndirishga tayyor ekanini bildirdi. Bu fikrlashga moyil kayfiyat ostida Sulton Vahiduddin Mustafo Kamol bilan rozi bo'ldi va isyonni butunlay tugatish uchun uning talablarini bayon qilishga kelishdi. Shundan so'ng Abdulkarim Sivasga telefon qilib, Mustafo Kamol bilan gaplashdi. Mustafo Kamol isyonni tugatishga rozi bo'ldi va Damod Farid Posho hukumatining iste'foga chiqarilishini hamda sulton tarqatib yuborgan parlament o'rniga yangi parlament tuzilishini talab qildi. Shunga muvofiq, Sulton Vahiduddin bu talabga rozi bo'ldi.

Furthermore, the allies, namely the British recommended to the officials in Istanbul to come to terms with Mustafa Kemal, and amidst this atmosphere, one of Mustafa Kemal’s closest friends, from the days of Salonika, and whose name was Abdul-Karim, came forward and proposed to the Khaleefah to act as a mediator between him and Mustafa Kemal. He told him that Mustafa Kemal had always been loyal to the Khilafah and to the Khaleefah, and to him personally. He also told him that he was ready to persuade him to come to terms. In the light of this reflective mood, Sultan Wahid-ud-Deen agreed with Mustafa Kemal propounding his demands to end the rebellion for good. Upon this Abdul-Karim telephoned Sivas and spoke to Mustafa Kemal, who agreed to end the rebellion and demanded the dismissal of Damad Farid Pasha’s government and the forming of a new parliament to replace the parliament that the Sultan had dissolved. Accordingly, Sultan Wahid-ud-Deen agreed to this.

Shunday qilib, Mustafa Kamol g'olib sifatida chiqdi, chunki u atrofiga odamlarni hammaning ishonchiga sazovor bo'lgan bir g'oya asosida to'play oldi: ittifoqchilarni mamlakatdan haydash va uni ularning bosqini dahshatidan ozod qilish. U ularda bosqinga qarshi kurashish va unga qarshi harakat qilish imkoniyatini uyg'ota oldi. Shu sababli u ommaning umidiga va zobitlarning hayratiga aylandi, garchi ularning barchasi uning Xalifaga nisbatan niyatlarida shubha saqlagan bo'lsalar-da va bu niyatlarni ularning muqaddasliklariga qarshi deb hisoblagan bo'lsalar, chunki Xalifalik lavozimi ular uchun muqaddas edi.

Therefore, Mustafa Kemal emerged as the winner, because he succeeded in gathering people around him on the basis of an idea that everyone was convinced of, that is the expulsion of the Allies from the country and her liberation from the nightmare of their occupation. He managed to evoke in them the possibility of fighting occupation and of undertaking actions against it. Hence, he became the object of the masses’ hope and the army officers’ admiration, although they all harboured doubt about his intentions towards the Khaleefah, and they considered these intentions to be against their sanctification, because the post of the Khaleefah was to them a sanctity.

Shuning uchun xalqning umidi Mustafo Kamolning xalifa bilan kelishib olishi edi, shunda muqaddas xalifalik lavozimi saqlanib qoladi va bosqinchi dushmanlarni haydash mumkin bo'ladi. Bu ayniqsa, Samsunning ingilizlar tomonidan egallanishining oldi olingani va yunonlar bilan kurash olib borilgani orqali bosqinchilarga qarshi turish imkoniyati borligini sezgach, yanada shunday edi. Shunday qilib ular, qahramoni deb Mustafo Kamolni hisoblagan o'sha umidga yopishib oldilar, xalifada esa bu imkoniyatni ko'ra olmadilar.

Hence, people’s hope was for Mustafa Kemal to come to terms with the Khaleefah, so that the sanctified post of the Khaleefah remained intact and so that they could achieve the expulsion of the occupying enemies. This was especially so after sensing through the preventing of the British from occupying Samsun and the fighting of the Greeks, the possibility of resisting the occupiers. Thus they clung to that hope for which they deemed Mustafa Kemal to be its hero, and they could not see in the Khaleefah this possibility.

Shunday qilib, barcha nigohlar Mustafo Kamolga qaratildi. Aksariyat xalq siyosiy faoliyatning murakkabliklarini va uning ta'sir doiralarini anglay olmas edi, va oddiy odam ularni tushunishi qiyin edi, shuningdek, agar siyosiy faoliyat bilan shug'ullanmasalar, harbiy zobitlar uchun ham qiyin edi. Shu sababli ular Britaniyaning bu o'yinlarini sezmay qolishdi. Ular xalqaro munosabatlardan ham xabardor emas edi, shuning uchun Britaniyaning o'z ittifoqchilarini o'ljadan mahrum qilish, hatto buning uchun ularni mag'lubiyatga uchragan davlat qo'lida qoldirish yoki shunday qilib berish intilishini tushuna olmadilar. Bu xalqaro kuchlar muvozanati Britaniya foydasiga qolishi va u yetakchi kuch bo'lib qolishi uchun qilingan edi. Ular, shuningdek, Italiya yoki Frantsiyaning Turk qirg'oq chizig'ining biron qismini egallashi Britaniyaning Sharqdagi ta'siri va O'rta er dengizidagi kuchlarini zaiflashtirishini ham bilmas edilar. Shu sababli ular ularga hech narsa olishga ruxsat bermadilar. Xalq ham Britaniya italiyaliklar va frantsuzlarni o'z kuchi bilan, ochiq harakatlar bilan emas, balki boshqalarni qo'zg'atish, hiyla-nayranglar va aldov orqali chiqarib yuborganini sezolmadi.