Mustafa Kamol chaqiriq bilan yangi a'zolarni saylashga chaqirgan va majlisning konstitutsiyaviyligini tan olgan edi. U saylangan deputatlarni ma'qulladi va hukumatni konstitutsiyaviy boshqaruv orqali idora etilishi talabi bilan eski hukumatni tarqatib yuborgan hamda joriy hukumatni qabul qilgan majlisning qarorlariga bo'ysunishga va’da berdi. Bularning barchasiga qaramay, u parlament orqali hokimiyatni qo'lga kiritish umidini butunlay yo'qotgach, isyonni yana bir bor e'lon qilishga qaror qildi. Shu sababli u qo'shinlarni jihozlashni va jangga tayyorgarlik ko'rishni boshladi.

Mustafa Kemal was the one who called for the election of new members and recognised the constitutionality of the assembly. He approved of the selected deputies, and he promised to abide by the resolutions of the assembly, who had dissolved the former government and accepted the current government, with the demands that the country should be governed through constitutional rule. Despite all this, he decided to declare the rebellion once again, after he had lost all hope of seizing power through parliament. Hence, he started to equip the troops and prepare for battle.

Istanbuldan unga qurol va mablag' oqa boshladi, Britaniya Oliy komissari va Fransiya Oliy komissarining to'liq xabari bilan. Ikkalasi ham rasmiy ravishda bunga e'tiroz bildirardi, lekin odatda jim turar va biror narsani oshkor qilishdan bosh tortardi. Hatto bundan ancha muhimroq voqea ham yuz berdi: Mustafa Kamol Gallipoli yarim orolida Britaniya Oliy komissarining burni ostida, uning kuzatuvi bo'lishiga qaramay, o'qlar va o'q-dorilar to'la yuk mashinalarini yig'di.

Weapons and funds started to flow towards him from Istanbul with the full knowledge of the British High Commissioner and the French High Commissioner. They both used to nominally express their objection to this but they would generally keep silent and decline to reveal anything; even an incident far more significant than this occurred, which was when Mustafa Kemal gathered trucks full of weapons and ammunition in the peninsula of Gallipoli, right under the nose of the British High Commissioner and despite his surveillance.

Allies ga qarshi partizan urush boshlandi, Biriya qamalga olindi va taslim bo‘lishga majbur bo‘ldi; shu sababli isyonchilar italyan garnizoniga chiqib ketishga ruxsat berdilar.

A guerrilla war broke out against the allies, and Biria was besieged and forced to capitulate, thus the rebels allowed the Italian garrison to evacuate.

Shundan so'ng Kilikiyaning sharqiy tomoni hujumga uchradi va frantsuz garnizoni evakuatsiya qilindi. London va Parij harbiy harakatlarni butunlay to'xtatishga chaqirdi, ammo ular shunga qaramay, o'z holicha davom etdi.

Then the eastern side of Cilicia was attacked and the French garrison evacuated. London and Paris called for an absolute halt to the military operations, but these went on regardless as they were.

1920-yil 7-martda ittifoqchilar Ali Ridoni iste'foga chiqishga majbur qildi; shu tariqa u iste'fosini topshirdi va uning o‘rniga dengiz vaziri bo‘lgan Solih poshsho tayinlandi. Solih poshsho ilgari Amasiyada Mustafo Kamol bilan kelishuv tuzgan edi.

On 7th March 1920, the allies forced Ali Ridha to resign; thus he tendered his resignation and was replaced by Salih Pasha, who was the navy minister, and who had in the past struck a deal with Mustafa Kemal in “Amasia”.

Shunday qilib, u vaziyatni yumshatish va tinchlantirishga harakat qilgan holda hukumatni boshqarishda davom etdi.

Hence, he proceeded in government while attempting to diffuse and pacify the situation.

Biroq, 1920 yil 10 martda lord Kerzon Lordlar palatasida nutq so‘zlab, shunday dedi: «Ittifoqchilar Istanbulda yevropaliklar boshidan kechirayotgan kamsitishlarga endi chidab turolmaydilar, shu bilan birga, nasroniylar hamma joyda ta’qib qilinmoqda va qirg‘in qilinmoqda».

However, on 10th March 1920, Lord Curzon delivered a speech in the House of Lords in which he said: “The a+llies can no longer tolerate the level of belittlement the Europeans are having to endure in Istanbul, while Christians are being persecuted and slaughtered all over the place.”

Ushbu bayonot ortidan Oltin Shox ko'rfazi britaniya harbiy kemalari bilan to'ldi. Britaniya xodimlari Anatoliyadan evakuatsiya qilindi va qolgan britaniya garnizoniga imkon qadar tezroq chiqib ketish buyrug'i berildi. Anqarada yashayotgan britaniyaliklar shoshilinch ravishda shaharni tark etdilar.

In the wake of this statement, the harbour of Golden Horn was filled with British warships. British staff were evacuated from Anatolia and orders were issued to the remaining British garrison to evacuate as soon as possible. The British living in Ankara left the city in a hurry.

Istanbuldagi parlament spikeri Rauf Beik britaniyaliklarning millatchi deputatlarni hibsga olib, Damad Farid Posho hukumatini qayta tiklamoqchi ekanini e'lon qildi. Shu sababli Mustafa Kamol deputatlariga telegramma yuborib, ularni qat'iy ravishda qochib ketishga va britaniyaliklarga taslim bo'lmaslikka chaqirdi, ammo ular qochishni rad etdilar.

The speaker of parliament in Istanbul, Ra’uf Beik, declared that the British intended to arrest the nationalist deputies and to restore the government of Damad Farid Pasha. Hence, Mustafa Kemal telegraphed his deputies urging them vehemently to flee and not to surrender themselves to the British, but they refused to flee.

1920-yil 16-martning erta tongida Istanbulni harbiy jihatdan egallash va mahalliy aholi ustidan nazoratni kuchaytirishga qaratilgan barcha choralar amalga oshirildi. Bu vazifa avval ittifoqchi kuchlarning Bosh qo'mondoni etib tayinlangan ingliz generali Genri Uilsonga topshirilgan edi.

In the early hours of 16th March 1920, all the measures aimed at occupying Istanbul militarily and at tightening the grip on the local residents were undertaken. This task was delegated to the British General Henry Wilson, who had been appointed earlier as the Commander in Chief of the allied forces.

Parij va Rim Britaniya, Fransiya va Italiya hukumatlari sanksiyalarni joriy etishda ishtirok etishi kerakligi haqida kelishib oldilar. Biroq, o‘z dengiz piyodalarini jo‘natgan yagona davlat Britaniya bo‘ldi. Britaniya Istanbulni egallashga muvaffaq bo‘lganini anglagan Fransiya va Italiya xalqaro kuchlar muvozanatini saqlash maqsadida yana bir bor aralashdilar va Britaniyaning qat'iy tashabbusini to‘xtatishga urindilar. Shu sababli ular mamlakatni boshqarishda ishtirok etishni talab qildilar, ammo britaniyaliklar bunga imkon bermadilar va yakka holda harakat qildilar.

Paris and Rome agreed that the three governments of Britain, France and Italy should take part in imposing sanctions. However, it was Britain alone who dispatched her marines. When France and Italy realised that Britain had succeeded in occupying Istanbul, they intervened once again to block the categorically British initiative in order to preserve the international balance of power; thus they demanded to take part in ruling the country, but the British did not enable them to do so, and acted alone.

Sulton ingliz tomonidan amalga oshirilgan choralarni qo'llab-quvvatladi va hukumat xalqni tinchlikka rioya qilishga chaqirgan ommaviy bayonot e'lon qildi, unda bunga rioya qilish ularning burchi ekani ta'kidlandi. Hukumat bayonotni shunday so'zlar bilan boshladi: Har bir turk fuqarosining eng muhim burchi Sultonning buyruqlariga bo'ysunishdir. Natijada, ommani va turk askarlarini dahshat muhiti qamrab oldi, bu esa o'z navbatida xalqning Sultonga bo'lgan norozilігини kuchaytirdi va uning ustiga har tomondan hujumlarning kuchayishiga olib keldi. So'ngra parlament rasman tarqatib yuborildi.

The Sultan backed the measures which the British had undertaken and the government issued a public communiqué in which it exhorted people to observe calm, stating that it was their duty to do so. The government began the communiqué by saying: “The most important duty of every Turkish citizen is to abide by the orders of the Sultan.” Consequently, the masses and the Turkish soldiers were engulfed in an atmosphere of terror which in turn led to people’s resentment of the Sultan and the intensification from all sides of the attacks upon him. Then parliament was officially dissolved.

1920-yil 5-aprelda Solih posho iste'foga chiqdi va Ingliz tashabbusi bilan Damad Farid posho yangi hukumat tuzib, mamlakatni zolimona usulda boshqara boshladi. Parlament tarqatib yuborilgach, u yagona hokimiyat egasiga aylandi va ochiqdan-ochiq Angliya manfaatlarini hisobga ola boshladi hamda turli yo'llar bilan ularning ko'nglini topishga urinib, deyarli inglizlardan ham ko'proq ingliz bo'lib qoldi. Sulton ham inglizlarning ko'nglini topishda va Mustafa Kamolning tarafdorlariga hujum qilishda undan orqada qolmadi. U Shayxulislomni ularga qarshi fatvo chiqarishga undadi va u shunday qildi. Fatvoda barcha millatchilar la'natlanganlar va adashganlar qatoriga kiritilgan hamda Allohning bandalaridan iymon keltirganlar ushbu isyonkor tartibsizlik qiluvchilarga qarshi urush e'lon qilishlari lozim, deyilgan. Shu bilan birga, ushbu fatvoni tasdiqlab va Mustafa Kamol hamda uning tarafdorlarini o'lim jazosiga hukm qilgan sulton farmoni ham bir vaqtda e'lon qilindi.

On 5th April 1920, Salih Pasha resigned and Damad Ferid Pasha formed the new government at the request of the British and started ruling the country in a despotic manner. Once parliament had been dissolved, he became the sole power broker and started to openly take into account the British interests and attempt to win them over through various means, until he almost became more British than the British themselves. The Sultan was not too far behind in his attempt at winning the British over and in his attack on Mustafa Kemal’s followers. He incited Sheikh-ul-Islam to issue a fatwa against them and so he did. The fatwa stated that all the nationalists were from amongst the cursed ones and from amongst those who strayed, and that the believers from amongst Allah’s servants should declare war on those revolting insurgents. A Sultanic decree was simultaneously issued endorsing this fatwa and sentencing Mustafa Kemal and his supporters to capital punishment.

Ushbu harakatlar natijasida mamlakatda ikki lager hukmronlik qila boshlagani aniq bo‘ldi: bir tomonda inglizlar bo‘lib, ularni xalifa va hukumat qo‘llab-quvvatlardi, ikkinchi tomonda esa Mustafa Kamol partiyasi bo‘lib, uni butun xalq qo‘llardi. Shu sababli Mustafa Kamol hukumatga qarshi chiqdi, xalq esa uni inglizlarga qarshi o‘z rahbari deb bildi. Shu bois jamoatchilik fikri uning foydasiga edi, armiya zobitlarining ko‘pchiligi va davlat xizmatchilari ham uning tomonida edi. Shunday qulay kayfiyat ichida u imkoniyatdan foydalanib, hali ham faoliyat yuritayotgan va hech qachon tarqatilmagan Parlament qo‘mitasi nomidan yangi saylovlar o‘tkazilishini, yangi parlamentning eski majlis bilan hech qanday aloqasi bo‘lmasligini e’lon qildi. Shuningdek, bu Usmonlilar parlamenti bo‘lmay, balki alohida vakolatlarga ega millatchi qonunchilik muassasasi bo‘lishini ham aytdi. Bu millatchi muassasaning majlislari o‘tkaziladigan markaz sifatida Anqara tanlandi.

In the light of these operations, the situation became apparent in that two camps dominated the country: the British on one side, backed by the Khaleefah and the government, and Mustafa Kemal’s party on the other side, backed by all the people. Hence, Mustafa Kemal became opposite to the government and people regarded him as their leader against the British. Therefore, public opinion was in his favour and most of the army officers and civil servants were on his side. So, amidst this favourable mood, he seized the opportunity to announce on behalf of the Parliamentary Committee, which was still in place and had never been dissolved, that fresh elections would be held and that the new parliament would have no connection with the old assembly. Also that it would not be an Ottoman parliament, but a nationalist legislative institution with exceptional powers. Ankara was selected as the centre where the sessions of this nationalist institution would be held.

Saylovlar haqiqatda o‘tkazildi, lekin bu haqiqiy saylovlar emas edi — balki legitimlik ko‘rinishini yaratishga qaratilgan formal tadbir edi. Umumiy kayfiyat shunday ediki, mavjud holat faqat kemalistlarning saylanishini taqozo qilar, boshqa barchasi chetlatilar, shu tariqa ular millat vakillariga aylanardi. Haqiqatan ham shunday bo‘ldi: kemalistlardan boshqa birorta ham deputat saylanmadi.

Elections did effectively take place, but these were not genuine elections - they were rather a nominal exercise aimed at creating the appearance of legitimate elections. The general mood was that the status quo necessitated the election of the Kemalists only, to the exclusion of all others, so they become the representatives of the nation. This indeed was the case and no other deputy apart from the Kemalists was elected.

1920-yil 23-aprelda Anqarada milliy konferensiya o‘tkazildi. Ochilish yig‘ilishi ataylab juma kuniga belgilangan edi.

Shunday qilib, Mustafa Kamol Anqarada hukumat apparatini tashkil etdi.

And so, Mustafa Kemal established a government apparatus in Ankara.

U shuningdek, muntazam armiya va bir nechta davlat idoralarini tashkil etdi.

He also established a regular army and several government departments.

U ham matbaa va jurnalistlar guruhini olib keldi. "Hakimiyat-i Milliye" nomli gazeta nashr etildi va Mustafa Kamol Angarani hukumat markazi va mamlakat poytaxtiga aylantirish uchun tayyorladi. U Turk respublikasining poydevorini qo'yishga kirishdi. Biroq bu tashabbusni u juda ehtiyotkorlik va to'liq sir saqlash bilan amalga oshirdi, o'z kurashini chet el bosqinchiligiga qarshi kurash, urushini esa bosqinchilarga qarshi urush deb ko'rsatdi. U o'z harakatlarini mamlakatni himoya qilayotgani bilan oqlar va Yevropaliklarga rasmiy bayonotlar orqali murojaat qilib shunday derdi: "Siz barcha arab mamlakatlarini bosib olishingiz, Suriyani egallashingiz mumkin, lekin Turkiyani bosib olishingizga yo'l qo'ymayman. Biz faqat har bir millat bahramand bo'lishi kerak bo'lgan huquqni talab qilyapmiz. Biz o'z tabiiy milliy chegaralari doirasida erkin millat bo'lishni xohlaymiz. Bundan bir qirot kam narsani ham qabul qilmaymiz." Milliy Majlis ochilishi paytida va undan keyin u e'lon qildi: "Qabul qilinadigan barcha choralar Xilofat va Saltanatni saqlashga hamda Sultonni va mamlakatni G'arb qulligidan xalos etishga qaratilgan bo'ladi." Keyin u shunday bayonot berdi: "Sulton poytaxtni o'z xohishicha nazorat qilayotgan G'arb davlatlarining asiri bo'lgani uchun u erkin hukmdor emas va hech qanday suverenitetga ega emas. Shuning uchun Oliy Milliy Majlis mamlakat ishlarini vaqtincha o'z zimmasiga olmoqda." Natijada, mamlakat ishlarini boshqarish vazifasi topshirilgan ijroiya qo'mitasi tuzildi. U Milliy Majlis tomonidan saylangan o'n bir vazirdan iborat bo'lib, Mustafa Kamol uning raisi etib saylandi. Bundan oldin u Milliy Majlis spikeri etib saylangan edi, shundan so'ng polkovnik Ismat posho hukumatga qo'shildi.

He also brought a press and a team of journalists. A newspaper called Hakmit Milla was published and Mustafa Kemal prepared Ankara to become the government centre and the capital of the country. He set about laying the foundations of the Turkish republic. However, he undertook this initiative with extreme caution and total secrecy by pretending that his struggle was a struggle against foreign occupation and that his war was a war against the occupiers. He used to justify his actions by claiming that he was defending the country and used to address the Europeans through official statements in which he would say: “You can occupy all the Arab countries and occupy Syria, but I shall not allow you to occupy Turkey. We are only claiming a right which every single nation should enjoy. We want to be a free nation within our natural national borders. We do not accept one carat less than that.” During and after the inauguration of the National Assembly, he declared: “All the measures to be taken would be aimed at maintaining the Khilafah and the Sultanate and at ridding the Sultan and the country from Western slavery.” He then gave a statement in which he said: “Since the Sultan is prisoner of the Western countries who control the capital as they please, thus he is not a free sovereign, nor does he enjoy any sovereignty whatsoever. Therefore, the Supreme National Assembly is going to assume temporarily the running of the country’s affairs.” Consequently, an executive committee was set up and delegated with the task of running the country’s affairs. It was formed of eleven ministers elected by the National Assembly, and Mustafa Kemal was voted as its president. Prior to this, he had been elected as speaker of the National Assembly, whereafter Colonel Ismat Pasha joined the government.

Sulton Anqaraga o'ziga sodiq zobitlar boshchiligida maxsus guruh yubordi.

The Sultan dispatched a task force to Ankara led by officers loyal to him.

Qo'shinlar Kichik Osiyoning shimoli-g'arbiga qarab yurish qildi. Ko'plab ko'ngillilar qo'shinga qo'shildi, Sulton esa qo'llab-quvvatlovchilarining bir qismini Kurdistonga yubordi, maqsad o'sha hududdagi qabilalarni qo'zg'atish edi. So'ngra u butun Ummatni taxt va Xilofatni himoya qilishga da'vat eta boshladi. Xalifaga sadoqat hali ham shunchalik kuchli ediki, uning farmonlari hurmat bilan qabul qilinar, uning itoatkorligi Allohga (SWT) itoat hisoblanar, uning itoatsizligi esa Allohga (SWT) itoatsizlik deb qaralar edi. Shu sababli barcha viloyatlar Xalifaga qo'shildi, ulardan ba'zilari esa Anqara hukumatiga qarshi isyon ko'tardi. Xalifa qo'shini butun bir Kamalchi diviziyasini asirga olishga muvaffaq bo'ldi.

The troops marched towards the north-west of Asia Minor. Many volunteers joined the task force and the Sultan sent some of his supporters to Kurdistan in order to incite the tribes in that region. Then he started to exhort the whole Ummah to defend the throne and the Khilafah. Loyalty to the Khaleefah was still strong to the point that his orders were met with respect and his obedience was considered to be an obedience to Allah (swt), while his disobedience was considered to be a disobedience to Allah (swt). Hence, all the provinces joined the Khaleefah while some of them revolted against the Ankara government. The army of the Khaleefah succeeded in taking a whole Kemalist division as prisoners.

1920-yil may oyi davomida ikki armiya o‘rtasidagi janglar davom etdi va Sulton armiyasi har joyda Mustafa Kamal qo‘shinlarini tor-mor etishga muvaffaq bo‘ldi. Isyon markazi bo‘lgan Anqaradan tashqari barcha viloyatlar xalifalikka qo‘shildi va xalq uning tomonida edi. Atrofdagi qishloqlar birin-ketin Sultonning bayrog‘i ostiga o‘tib, xalifalik armiyasiga qo‘shilayotgani uchun Anqaraning o‘zi ham qulash arafasida edi.

Battles between the two armies went on throughout the month of May 1920 and the Sultan’s army managed to rout Mustafa Kemal’s forces everywhere. All the provinces joined the Khaleefah and the masses were on his side, apart from Ankara, which was the centre of the rebellion. Ankara itself was about to fall, for the neighbouring villages were coming under the Sultan’s banner one after the other and joining the Khaleefah’s army.

Mustafa Kamol va uning tarafdorlari Anqarada og'ir ahvolda edilar. Anqaraning o'zida esa, uning yonida bo'lganlarning qalbiga umidsizlik kirib, ular xalifaga taslim bo'lib, unga qo'shilishni o'ylay boshladilar. Mustafa Kamolning hayoti tor ipga osilib qolgan edi va u halok bo'lish arafasida turardi.

Aynan shu paytda, bir yarim yil avval Parijda imzolangan, Sèvres shartnomasi nomi bilan tanilgan sulh shartlari e'lon qilindi. Bu shartlarni Sulton qabul qilgan va Bosh vazir Damad Farid Posho imzolagan edi. Bu shartlar sir saqlangan va turk xalqi ulardan hech narsa bilmas edi. Endi ular butun Turkiya bo'ylab tarqatildi. Shu sababli, mamlakatning har bir hududida jamoatchilik fikri Xalifaga va Bosh vazir Damad Farid Poshoga qarshi g'azabga to'ldi.

Precisely at that moment, the terms of truce which had been signed a year and a half before in Paris, known as the Treaty of Sèvres which the Sultan had accepted and the Prime Minister Damad Farid Pasha had signed, were broadcast. These terms had been kept secret and the Turkish people knew nothing about them. They were now broadcast all over Turkey . Hence, public opinion was outraged in every part of the country, against the Khaleefah and against the Prime Minister Damad Farid Pasha.

G'azab eng avj olganida, Britaniya Bosh vaziri Lloyd Jorj Parlament palatasida quyidagi bayonot bilan chiqdi: Ittifoqchilarning maqsadi turk bo'lmagan xalqlarni turk zulmidan ozod qilishdir. Bu bayonot ommaga ham tarqatildi va g'azabni yanada kuchaytirdi. Norozilik esa inglizlarga hamda ularning qo'g'irchoqlariga — xalifaga va uning Bosh vaziri Damad Farid poshoga qaratildi.

When the outrage was at his highest, the British Prime Minister Lloyd George, made an announcement in the House of Parliament saying: “The aim of the allies is to liberate the non-Turkish nations from the Turkish yoke.” This announcement was also circulated amongst the masses, causing the outrage to intensify, and the resentment became directed at the British and their puppets, the Khaleefah and his Prime Minister Damad Farid Pasha.

Shu tariqa bilan vaziyat teskari tomonga o'zgardi va odamlar Xalifadan uzoqlasha boshlab, Mustafa Kamolga qo'shila boshladilar. Mustafa Kamolga qarshi chiqqan hududlarning barchasi Xalifa qo'shinidan va Mustafa Kamolga qarshi bo'lganlardan tozalandi. Xalifa qo'shini og'ir mag'lubiyatga uchradi va Sultonning qudrati susaydi. Odamlar Shartnomani imzolab, mamlakatni taslim etgan Damad Farid poshodan qasos olishga va'da berar edilar. Natijada Anqara vaziyatni yana o'z nazoratiga oldi va barcha xalq Mustafa Kamolning tomonida bo'ldi. Ular uni bosqindan qutqaruvchi deb hisobladilar va u mamlakat rahbari sifatida qayta tiklandi. Bu shartnoma turklarning g'azabini qo'zg'atdi, chunki u Usmonli imperiyasining tugashi, uning Yevropaliklar o'rtasida taqsimlanishi yoki bir nechta mustaqil viloyatlarga parchalanishi demak edi. Bu esa Turkiyani Kichik Osiyo ichidagi kichik davlatga aylantirar va Turkiyaning poytaxti hamda Yevropaga yagona chiqish yo'li bo'lgan Istanbulni xalqaro mandat ostiga qo'yar edi.

In this way, the situation was turned upside down and people started to drift away from the Khaleefah and join Mustafa Kemal. The areas which revolted against Mustafa Kemal were all purged from the Khaleefah’s army and from those who were opposed to Mustafa Kemal. The Khaleefah’s army was heavily defeated and the Sultan’s power was diminished. People were vowing to seek revenge from Damad Farid Pasha who had signed the Treaty and surrendered the country. Consequently, Ankara regained control of the situation and all people sided with Mustafa Kemal. They considered him to be the saviour from occupation and he was restored as the leader of the country. This Treaty incensed the Turks, for it meant the end of the Ottoman Empire and its division amongst the Europeans, or its fragmentation into several independent Wilayas, thus turning Turkey into a small country within Asia Minor and bringing Istanbul, the capital of Turkey and her only passage to Europe under an international mandate.