Osmonli Davlatiga ta'sir o'tkazib, uni urushdan chiqarishga yoki u bilan alohida sulh tuzishga qodir hech kim yo'q edi, nufuzli harbiy zobitlardan boshqa. Qolganlar esa biror ish qilishga qodir emas edi. Inglizlar va fransuzlar bilan hamkorlik qilgan arab xoinlariga kelsak, ular siyosatchilar darajasiga ko'tarilmadi, ularning xo'jayinlari - ingliz va fransuzlar ham ulardan Davlatga ta'sir o'tkazishni kutmadilar. Ularning vazifasi Davlatga qarshi josuslik qilish va unga qarshi xurujkorlik harakatlarini amalga oshirish edi. Hatto bosh xoin, al-Sharif Husayn ibnAli ham Davlat ustidan biror ta'sir o'tkazishga juda ojiz edi.

No person was in a position to influence the Ottoman State and make her withdraw from the war or hold a separate peace with her apart from the influential army officers. As for the others, they were not in a position to do anything. As for those traitors from among the Arabs who collaborated with the British and the French, they did not rise to the level of the politicians, nor did their masters - the British and the French, expect them to influence the State. Their task was to act as spies against the State and to carry out acts of sabotage against her. Even the chief traitor, Al- Sharif Hussein ibn Ali, was too weak to have any influence over the State.

Inglizlar undan faqat shu maqsadda foydalanmoqchi edi: Islom armiyasi, Usmonli armiyasi ustidan diversiyalar uchun va harbiy kuchlar orasida ular foydasiga jamoatchilik fikrini shakllantirish uchun, toki musulmonlar ularga nisbatan adovat his qilib, Shariat buyurgan jihodni ular ustiga e'lon qilmasinlar, chunki ular kofirlar edi. Shu sababli urush davomida arablar ittifoqchilarning asosiy e'tibor markazida bo'lmadi: Usmonli davlatini urushdan chiqarishga urinishda ular asosan turk zobitlariga e'tibor qaratdilar.

All that the British wanted, was to use him in acts of sabotage against the Islamic army, the Ottoman army, and in generating a public opinion for them amongst the armed forces, lest the Muslims held feelings of animosity against them and declared on them the Jihad which Shariah commanded, considering that they were Kuffar. Therefore, the Arabs were not the Allies focus of attention during the war in their attempt at making the Ottoman State withdraw from the war, they rather concentrated their attention on the Turkish officers.

Turklar orasida ikki zobit ikki narsasi bilan tanilgan edi: birinchidan, ularning nemislarga nisbatan nafratlari va Usmonli davlatining Germaniya ittifoqchisi sifatida urushga kirishiga qarshi chiqishlari; ikkinchidan, ularning hokimiyatni egallashga bo'lgan intilishlari va bu maqsadga erishish uchun qilgan harakatlari. Bu ikki zobit Jamol posho va Mustafo Kamol edi. Mustafo Kamol esa hech qanday ahamiyatga ega bo'lmagan kichik zobit edi, garchi u aqlli, intilishli va davlatga qarshi faol bo'lsa ham. Jamol posho esa ta'sirli mavqeda edi, ayniqsa butun Usmonli davlati uch kishi tomonidan boshqarilgani sababli: Bosh vazir Talat, urush vaziri Anvar va to'rtinchi diviziya qo'mondoni hamda Suriya hokimi bo'lgan Jamol posho o'zi. Shu sababli Ittifoqchilar Jamol poshoni o'ziga jalb qilishga urindilar.

From amongst the Turks two officers were known for: Firstly, their hatred for the Germans and their opposition to the Ottoman States entry into the war as an ally to Germany. Secondly, their ambition to seize power and their endeavour to reach that goal. These two officers were Jamal Pasha and Mustafa Kemal. As for Mustafa Kemal, he was a junior officer with no value whatsoever, although he was clever, ambitious and active against the State. Whereas Jamal Pasha was in a position to be influential, especially because of the fact that the whole of the Ottoman State was governed by three men : Tal’at, the Prime Minister, Anwar, the war minister and Jamal Pasha himself, the commander of the fourth division and governor of Syria. Hence, the Allies attempted to entice Jamal Pasha.

Dardanel kampaniyasi (Gallipoli kampaniyasi) davomida va uning muvaffaqiyatsizligidan keyin Ittifoqchilar Jamol Posho bilan aloqa o'rnatishga urindilar, u Usmonli davlatiga qarshi isyon ko'tarishi uchun. Bunga sabab shu ediki, inglizlar 1915-yil 25-aprelda Istanbulga hujum qilib, Gallipolini egallagan edilar; ammo Usmonli armiyasi ularga qarshi turib, ularning oldinga siljishini to'xtatdi. Shunday qilib, ular bir qadam ham ilgari sila olmadilar va katta yo'qotishlarga uchradilar, shu darajaga yetdiki, ittifoqchi kuchlarning qo'mondoni general Hamilton 16-avgustda Britaniya urush vaziri lord Kitchenerga telegramma yuborib, qo'shimcha kuch va o'q-dorilar so'rashga majbur bo'ldi. Bundan tashqari, 14-oktabrda Britaniya hukumati Dardanel kampaniyasining qo'mondoni general Hamiltonni lavozimidan chetlatib, o'rniga Dardanel kampaniyasini tekshirishga buyurilgan general Charles Monroni tayinladi. 28-oktabrda Monro Dardanelga yetib keldi va general shtab bilan birgalikda Dardanel qirg'og'i bo'ylab va inglizlar xandaqlari atrofidagi ittifoq kuchlarining ahvolini o'rgandi. So'ngra u urush kabinetiga yozib, evakuatsiya qilishni tavsiya etdi. Biroq urush vaziri lord Kitchener Monroning telegrammasidan tashvishga tushib, o'zi Dardanelga borishga qaror qildi.

During the Dardanelles campaign (Gallipoli Campaign) and in the wake of its failure, the Allies attempted to contact Jamal Pasha in order for him to revolt against the Ottoman State. This was due to the fact that the British had attacked Istanbul and seized Gallipoli on 25th April 1915; however the Ottoman army had confronted them and halted their progress. Thus they could not advance a single step and they suffered heavy losses to the point that the commander of the allied forces, General Hamilton, was forced to send on 16th August a telegram to Lord Kitchener, the British war secretary, seeking reinforcements and ammunition. Furthermore, on 14th October, the British government dismissed the commander of the Dardanelles campaign, General Hamilton and replaced him with General Charles Monro who was ordered to investigate the Dardanelles campaign. On 28th October, Monro arrived in the Dardanelles and together with the general staff, he studied the situation of the allied forces along the Dardanelles coastline and around the British trenches. He then wrote to the war cabinet recommending evacuation. However the war secretary Lord Kitchener, was disquietened by Monro’s telegram and decided to travel to the Dardanelles himself.

U ieyga 9-noyabrda yetib keldi va sohil bo'yidagi hamda ingliz va frantsuz xandaqlari atrofidagi harbiy pozitsiyalarni ko'zdan kechirdi. U shunday xulosaga keldiki, agar turklar Germaniyadan to'plar va o'q-dorilar ola olmasa, ittifoqchi kuchlar o'z pozitsiyalarini saqlab qolishi mumkin, chunki bu ittifoqchi kuchlar pozitsiyasini juda xavfli ahvolga solib qo'yardi. Keyin, 1-dekabrda ittifoqchi kuchlar to'satdan o'z pozitsiyalarini tark etdi. Aynan Dardanel kampaniyasi tufayli ular chalkashib ketgan bu tanglik va chalkashlik davrida ittifoqchilar Jamol posho bilan bog'lanishga va u bilan Usmonli davlatiga qarshi isyon ko'tarish masalasida muzokara olib borishga urindilar. Ko'rinadiki, bu muzokaralar haqiqatan ham bo'lib o'tgan va Jamol posho prinsipial jihatdan rozi bo'lib, o'z shartlarini qo'ygan. Chunki 1915-yil 26-noyabrda Rossiya tashqi ishlar vazirligi Parij va Rimdagi ikki elchixonasiga 6391-sonli telegrammani yubordi; telegrammadan iqtibos: Istanbuldagi arman doiralaridan bizga yetib kelayotgan xabarlar shuni ko'rsatadiki, Jamol posho quyidagi shartlar bajarilgan taqdirda Istanbul hukumatiga qarshi dushmanona harakat qilishga tayyor:

He arrived there on 9th November and inspected the military positions along the coastline and around the British and French trenches. He came to the conclusion that the allied forces could maintain their positions unless the Turks managed to acquire canons and ammunition from Germany, for this would render the allied forces’ position very critical. Then on 1st December, the allied forces suddenly evacuated their positions. It was during this critical period and time of confusion in which they were muddled due to the Dardanelles campaign, that the Allies attempted to contact Jamal Pasha and negotiate with him to rebel against the Ottoman State. It seems that these negotiations did effectively take place and Jamal Pasha agreed in principle and laid down his conditions. For on 26th November 1915, the Russian foreign ministry sent to its two embassies in Paris and Rome telegram No 6391; to quote from the telegram : “The news reaching us from the Armenian circles in Istanbul inform us that Jamal Pasha is willing to undertake a hostile move against the government of Istanbul if the following conditions were met :

1- Ittifoqchi davlatlar Sultan boshchiligidagi Usmonli Davlatining Suriya, Falastin, Iroq, Arabiston, Kilikiya, Armaniston va Kurdiston davlatlari ustidagi suverenitetini tan olishi.

1- That the allied states recognise the sovereignty of the Ottoman State, headed by the Sultan, over the states of Syria, Palestine, Iraq, Arabstan, Kilikia, Armenia and Kurdistan.

2- Sulton vazifasini Ahmad Jamol Posho egallashi va uning o‘g‘illari hamda nevaralari undan keyin sultonlik vazifasini egallashi.

2- That the Sultanate is assumed by Ahmed Jamal Pasha and that his sons and grand-sons would assume the Sultanate after him.

3- Ahmed Jamal Posho o‘z zimmasiga olishi, ya’ni hozirgi Sulton va uning hukumati nemislar qo‘lidagi asirlar ekanini e’lon qilishi va ular bilan urush boshlashi.

3- That Ahmed Jamal Pasha would undertake to proclaim that the present Sultan and his government are prisoners in the hands of the Germans, and to declare war on them.

4- Jamol Posho o'z isyonini e'lon qilib, hukumatga qarshi urush uchun yurish boshlagan taqdirda, Ittifoqchilar uning qo'shinini zarur qurol-yarog', oziq-ovqat va harbiy jihozlar bilan ta'minlashni o'z zimmalariga olishlarini bildirish.

4- That in the event of Jamal Pasha declaring his rebellion and his march to fight the government, the Allies would undertake to supply his army with the necessary weapons, food and military equipment.

5- Ittifoqchi davlatlar urush oxirigacha Jamol poshshoga zarur moliyaviy yordam ko'rsatishi.

5- That the allied states would offer Jamal Pasha the necessary financial aid till the end of the war.

6- Jamol Posho straitlarni va Istanbulni Ittifoqchilarga topshirishga rozi bo'lishi.

6- That Jamal Pasha accepts to surrender the straits and Istanbul to the Allies.

7- Jamal Posho Armanilarga yordam berish uchun xavfsiz yo‘lni ta’minlashni o‘z zimmasiga oladi. Telegrammada keltirilgan shartlar ro‘yxati shu edi va go‘yo Rossiya Britaniya va Fransiya bilan muzokara olib borgan, Rossiya Jamol Posho shartlarini qabul qilgan, Britaniya va Fransiya esa ularni qabul qilmagan.

7- That Jamal Pasha undertakes to secure a free route to help the Armenians.” This was the list of conditions mentioned in the telegram and it seems that Russia had negotiated with the British and the French, and while Russia had accepted Jamal Pasha’s terms the British and French did not.

1915-yil 12-dekabrda Rossiya tashqi ishlar vazirligining Ikkinchi kansleri Bukreshdagi Rossiya elchisiga 6130-sonli telegramma yubordi; telegrammadan iqtibos: Jamol Poshoga u taklif qilayotgan narsalar yuzasidan majburiyat berish mumkin, zarur bo'lsa, biz Ittifoqchilardan unga xohlaganini berish bo'yicha va'dalar olishga qodirmiz. Biroq, ko'rinishidan, Ittifoqchilar buni rad etgan. 1915-yil 27-dekabrda Rossiya elchisi Parijdan hukumatiga telegramma yubordi, unda u shunday yozgan: Biz sizning 6391-sonli telegrammangizni oldik, uning nusxasi janob Brianga yuborildi; u mazmuniga katta qiziqish bildirdi va bu takliflarni ertaga, juda kech bo'lmasidan oldin, vazirlar mahkamasiga taqdim etishini aytdi. U menga shu bilan birga, bu shartlar bizga qabul qilinadigan bo'lsa-da, ular Britaniya intilishlariga mos kelmaydi va ular bu shartlarni rad etishlarini ham aytdi. Shundan so'ng frantsuzlar shartlarni qabul qilishdan voz kechdi. 1915-yil 29-dekabrda elchi o'zining birinchi telegrammasiga ilova bo'lgan yana bir telegramma yubordi. Telegrammadan iqtibos: Men bilganimcha, frantsuz vazirlari bu kelishuvga qattiq qarshilik ko'rsatgan, hatto o'z e'tirozlarini bildirishdan ham tap tortmagan. U qo'shimcha qildi: Aniq narsa shuki, frantsuzlar sizning ba'zi takliflaringizni qadrlaydi va Usmonli Saltanatida isyon qo'zg'atishning muhimligini anglaydi.

On 12th December 1915, the Second Chancellor in the Russian foreign ministry sent telegram 6130 to the Russian ambassador to Bucharest; to quote from the telegram : “It is possible to give Jamal Pasha an undertaking about what he proposes and if necessary, we are in a position to secure from the Allies promises to give him what he wants.” However, it seems that the Allies rejected this. On 27th December 1915, the Russian ambassador to Paris sent a telegram to his government in which he wrote : “We are in receipt of your telegram No 6391, a copy of which was passed on to Monsieur Brian who expressed a great deal of interest in its contents and he declared that he would present them before the cabinet tomorrow, before it is too late. He also said to me on this occasion that although these conditions are acceptable to us, they however do not agree with the British ambitions and they would reject them.” Then the French retracted from accepting the conditions. On 29th December 1915 the ambassador sent a telegram appendant to his first telegram. To quote from the telegram : “What I learnt is that the French ministers resisted strongly this agreement to the point that they did not shrink from expressing their objection.” He added : “What is certain is that the French do appreciate some of your proposals and they are aware of the importance to instigate a revolt within the Ottoman Sultanate.

Ular bu qo'zg'olon dunyo urushida ularga juda foydali bo'lishiga hatto ishonadilar. Biroq ular Jamol posho bilan muzokaralar o'tkazish uchun ilgari surilgan takliflarda faqat sizlarning Istanbulni va bo'g'ozlarni egallash orzularingizning amalga oshirilishini ko'radilar, Sharqdagi frantsuz hokimiyatini ta'minlash uchun hech qanday choralar ko'rilmagan holda. Keyinchalik inglizlar bu muzokaralarda ishtirok etishdan bosh tortishlarini e'lon qildilar.

They even believe that this revolt would be very useful to them in the world war. However, they do see in the proposals put forward to negotiate with Jamal Pasha nothing but a fulfilment of your ambitions to seize Istanbul and the straits, without making any provisions for the French sovereignty over the East.” The British later declared their rejection to take part in these negotiations.

1916-yil 27-yanvarda Londondagi Rossiya elchisi Peterburgdagi Rossiya tashqi ishlar vaziriga telegramma yubordi, unda u shunday yozdi: Nikolson menga xabar berdiki, masalani yana bir bor ko‘rib chiqib, uning barcha jihatlarini diqqat bilan o‘rgangach, Britaniya hukumati ushbu muzokaralarda ishtirok etishdan voz kechish va ularni butunlay tark etish zarur deb hisoblaydi. Bu shuni ko‘rsatadiki, Ittifoqchilarning Turkiyani urushdan chiqishga majbur qilish va ba’zi zobitlarni hokimiyatni egallashga undash g‘oyasi aynan shu yerda ildiz otgan edi.

On 27th January 1916, the Russian ambassador to London sent a telegram to the Russian foreign minister in Petersburg in which he wrote: “Nicholson informed me that having reviewed the issue once again and having closely examined all of its aspects, the British government deem it necessary to desist from taking part in these negotiations and to relinquish them for good.” This indicates that the Allies’ idea to make Turkey withdraw from the war and to entice some of the officers to seize power had its roots.

Biroq ular Usmonli davlatini parchalab tashlashni va Xilofatni bekor qilishni istagan edilar. Jamol poshshoning shartlaridan biri Islom yurtlarining birligini, hech bo'lmaganda federatsiya sifatida, saqlab qolish bo'lgani uchun va uning boshqa shartlaridan biri Xilofatni saqlab qolish bo'lgani sababli, ular uning taklifini rad etdilar va u bilan muzokara olib borishdan bosh tortdilar. Ular, albatta, boshqa tashabbuslarni amalga oshirishga kirishgan bo'lishlari tabiiy.

They however wanted to dismember the Ottoman State and abolish the Khilafah. Since one of Jamal Pasha’s conditions was to preserve the unity of the Islamic lands, at least as a federation, and as one of his other conditions was to preserve the Khilafah, they rejected his proposal and refused to negotiate with him. It is only natural that they must have undertaken other initiatives.

Ularning Makka sharifi Husayn ibn Ali bilan qilgan urinishlari ma'lum edi, lekin ular Usmonli davlatini urushdan chiqishga majbur qilish maqsadiga xizmat qila olmas edi. Shubhasiz, ular turk zobitlarining bir qator boshqalari bilan ham bir qancha boshqa urinishlar qilgan bo'lishi kerak. Turklarning biron-bir kishisi bilan boshqa muzokaralar bo'lganini ko'rsatadigan hech narsa yo'q, lekin inglizlarning davlat ichida o'z agentlari bor edi, masalan, Orif posho, Damad Farid va boshqalar. Birinchi jahon urushidan oldin inglizlarning harbiy attashesi juda faol bo'lib, ko'p harakatlar va aloqalar o'rnatardi, hammasi o'z xohishi bilan. Ushbu harbiy attashe ateshkes imzolangandan so'ng Istanbulga qaytib keldi va ittifoqchi kuchlar qo'mondoni bilan birgalikda Xilofatni bekor qilishda muhim rol o'ynadi. Shu sababli, u bir qator aloqalar o'rnatgan bo'lishi juda ehtimoldan yiroq emas, garchi ularning hech biri oshkor bo'lmagan bo'lsa ham.

As for their attempts with the Sharif of Makkah, Hussein ibn Ali, these were known, but they would not have served the purpose of making the Ottoman State withdraw from the war, and undoubtedly, they must have made several other attempts with a host of Turkish officers. There is nothing to indicate that other negotiations did take place with anyone from among the Turks, but the British did have their agents within the State, such as Arif Pasha, Damad Farid and others. Before the First World War, the British military attaché had been very active and used to make many moves and contacts, all with a free hand. This military attaché had returned to Istanbul after the cease-fire was signed and he played a major role, together with the commander of the allied forces, in abolishing the Khilafah. Hence, it is very likely that he had made several contacts and established links, although none of these came to light.

Mustafa Kamol urush boshlanganda hali unchalik tanilmagan kichik zobit edi, ammo u G'arbona fikrlari, islomiy qarashlarga qarshi isyoni, inglizlarga moyilligi va nemislarga bo'lgan nafratı bilan ajralib turardi. Faqat Ana Forta jangidagi ishtirokidan keyingina uning nomi mashhur bo'lib, e'tirof etildi. O'shandan boshlab u keng shuhrat topdi, nomi ulug'landi va u mashhur bo'lib ketdi.

Mustafa Kemal was a little known junior officer when the war broke out, though he was known for his Western thoughts and his rebellion against the Islamic thoughts, and for his inclination towards the British and his hatred for the Germans. It was only after his participation in the battle of Ana Forta that his name became known and celebrated. Since that time, he acquired a wide publicity, his name became celebrated and he became famous.

1915 yilning bahorida, Jahon urushining ikkinchi yilining boshida, Germaniya Fransiya hududlarini egallashga urinishlarini to'xtatdi, chunki na Germaniya, na Fransiya bir-birini mag'lub etib, hal qiluvchi g'alabaga erisha olmadi. Shu orada ruslar og'ir zarba olgan edilar; G'arb davlatlari tezda harakat qilib, Rossiyani zarur o'q-dorilar bilan muntazam ta'minlamasa, ular o'zlarini qayta tiklay olmas va kurashni davom ettira olmas edilar. G'arbiy ittifoqchilar shu maqsadda kemalarni yukladilar, ammo ular O'rta er dengizida qamalda qolib, Rossiyaga yetib bora olmadilar. Shu sababli Istanbulga hujum uyushtirish va bosfor-dardanel bo'g'ozlarini ochish zarur bo'lib qoldi, toki kemalar kirib, Rossiyani muntazam ravishda ta'minlay olsin. O'sha paytda Usmonli armiyasining qo'mondonligi nemis generali Otto Liman fon Sanders qo'lida edi. U bir diviziyaning qo'mondonligini Qoim-maqom Mustafo Kamol beyga topshirgan edi va aynan o'sha paytda ittifoqchilarning hujumi sodir bo'ldi.

In the spring of 1915, at the beginning of the second year of the World War, Germany halted her attempts at seizing the French territories because neither Germany nor France could defeat one another and achieve a decisive victory. The Russians had meanwhile suffered a severe battering, from which they could not rise again and resume their struggle unless the Western states acted swiftly and supplied Russia on a regular basis with much needed ammunition. The Western Allies loaded ships for this purpose but they were besieged in the Mediterranean and could not reach Russia. Hence it became imperative to launch an attack on Istanbul and open the straits in order to allow the ships to enter and supply Russia on a regular basis. The command of the Ottoman army was at the time in the hands of the German General Otto Liman von Sanders. He had assigned the command of one division to the “Qa’im Qam” Mustafa Kemal Beik and it was at that time that the Allies’ offensive took place.

1915-yil 15-aprelda inglizlar, jangga yaxshi tayyorgarlik ko‘rib, katta hujumni boshlashga urinishdi. Ular jangga kirishdi va ingliz qo‘shinlari Gallipoliga yetib borishga muvaffaq bo‘lib, Usmonli qo‘shinlarini tarqatib yuborishga erishdilar. Natijada general fon Sanders jang rahbari bo‘lgan qo‘mondonni lavozimidan ozod qilishga majbur bo‘ldi va uning o‘rniga o‘sha paytda hali polkovnik bo‘lgan Qoim-maqom Mustafo Kamolni tayinladi. Mustafo Kamol Dardanel yaqinidagi eng nozik hududlardan biri bo‘lgan Ana Forta yaqinidagi Usmonli qo‘shinlarining qo‘mondonligini o‘z zimmasiga oldi. Jang vodiy ustida olib borilayotgan edi: turklar uning cho‘qqisini egallagan, inglizlar esa pastda turib uni egallashga harakat qilishardi. Jang bir necha kun davom etdi, ikki urushayotgan tomondan hech biri ustunlikka erisha olmadi. Vaziyat o‘zgarmay qoldi: usmonliklar o‘z mavqelarini ushlab turishdi, inglizlar esa o‘zlarinikini, ular o‘rtasidagi jang davom etar ekan.