在谈论伊斯兰教出现之前的阿拉伯人时，我们认为有必要勾勒一幅简要的历史图景，涵盖阿拉伯人的统治制度、王权与酋长权、派系纷争以及宗教信仰的分布，以便于理解伊斯兰教出现时的种种局势。

When talking about the Arabs before Islam,we deem it necessary to draw a mini-picture of the history of rulership, princeship, sectarianism and the religious dominations of the Arabs, so as to facilitate the understanding of emergent circumstances when Islam appeared.

当伊斯兰的太阳升起时，阿拉伯的统治者分为两类：一类是有王冠的国王，他们实际上并不独立；另一类是部落和氏族的首领，他们享有与有王冠的国王相同的权力和特权，大多是独立的，不过其中一些人可能会向某位有王冠的国王表示某种程度的臣服。有王冠的国王只有也门、希拉和加萨尼的国王。阿拉伯其他的统治者都没有王冠。

When the sun of Islam rose, rulers of Arabia were of two kinds: crowned kings, who were in fact not independent; and heads of tribes and clans, who enjoyed the same authorities and privileges possessed by crowned kings and were mostly independent, though some of whom could have shown some kind of submission to a crowned king. The crowned kings were only those of Yemen, Heerah and Ghassan. All other rulers of Arabia were non-crowned.

示巴人是纯阿拉伯人中最古老的民族之一，他们居住在也门。在“欧尔”的考古发掘揭示了他们在公元前二十五个世纪的存在。他们的文明繁荣兴盛，其疆域在公元前十一个世纪扩展开来。

The folks of Sheba were one of the oldest nations of the pure Arabs, who lived in Yemen. Excavations at “Or” brought to light their existence twenty five centuries B.C. Their civilization flourished, and their domain spread eleven centuries B.C.

可以按照以下估算方式划分他们的年龄：

It is possible to divide their ages according to the following estimation:

1. 公元前650年以前的几个世纪，他们的国王被称为“Makrib Sheba”。他们的首都是“Sarwah”，也称为“Khriba”，其遗址位于“Ma’rib”西侧，步行一天的路程处。在这一时期，他们开始修建“Ma’rib大坝”，该大坝在也门历史上具有重要意义。据说示巴的疆域非常广阔，其殖民地既在阿拉伯半岛境内，也在半岛之外。

1. The centuries before 650 B.C., during which their kings were called “Makrib Sheba”. Their capital was “Sarwah”, also known as “Khriba”, whose ruins lie in a spot, a day’s walk from the western side of “Ma’rib”. During this period, they started building the “Dam of Ma’rib” which had great importance in the history of Yemen. Sheba was also said to have had so great a domain that they had colonies inside and outside Arabia.

2. 从公元前650年到公元前115年。在这一时期,他们放弃了“Makrib”这一称号,改称“示巴之王”。他们还以马里布(Ma’rib)取代萨尔瓦(Sarwah)作为首都。马里布的遗址位于萨那以东约六十英里处。

2. From 650 B.C. until 115 B.C. During this era, they gave up the name “Makrib” and assumed the designation of “Kings of Sheba”. They also made Ma’rib their capital instead of Sarwah. The ruins of Ma’rib lie at a distance of sixty miles east of San‘a.

3. 公元前115年至公元300年。在此期间，希姆叶尔部落征服了示巴王国，并以赖丹（Redan）取代马里布（Ma’rib）作为首都。此后，赖丹改称“宰法尔”（Zifar）。其遗址至今仍位于亚林（Yarim）镇附近的穆达瓦尔山上。在此期间，他们开始衰落并走向灭亡。他们的贸易大幅衰败，原因有三：第一，纳巴泰人控制了汉志北部；第二，罗马征服埃及、叙利亚和汉志北部之后，罗马在海上贸易航线上占据优势；第三，部落之间的战争。由于上述三个因素，卡哈坦诸家族四分五裂，流散各地。

3. From 115 B.C. until 300 A.D. During this period, the tribe of Himyar conquered the kingdom of Sheba and took Redan for capital instead of Ma’rib. Later on, Redan was called “Zifar”. Its ruins still lie on Mudawwar Mountain near the town of “Yarim”. During this period, they began to decline and fall. Their trade failed to a very great extent, firstly, because of the Nabetean domain over the north of Hijaz; secondly, because of the Roman superiority over the naval trade routes after the Roman conquest of Egypt, Syria and the north of Hijaz; and thirdly, because of the inter-tribal warfare. Thanks to the three above-mentioned factors, families of Qahtan were disunited and scatteredout.

4. 从公元300年起直到伊斯兰之光照耀也门为止。这一时期动荡不安、战乱频仍。连年的内战使也门人民容易遭受外族统治，从而失去独立。在此时期，罗马人征服了亚丁，并在公元340年首次协助阿比西尼亚人（埃塞俄比亚人）占领了也门，利用了哈姆丹部族与希姆叶尔部族之间持续不断的部落冲突。阿比西尼亚人（埃塞俄比亚人）对也门的占领一直持续到公元378年，此后也门重获独立。之后，马利卜大坝开始出现裂缝，最终导致了《古兰经》中提到的大洪水（公元450年或451年）。这是一场重大事件，它导致了整个也门文明的衰落，居住其中的各民族也随之流散。

在523年，犹太人祖·努瓦斯（Dhu Nawas）派遣了一支大军攻打奈季兰的基督徒，意图迫使他们改信犹太教。他们拒绝之后，被活活投入一个早已点燃大火的深坑之中。《古兰经》提到了这一事件：

In 523, Dhu Nawas, a Jew, despatched a great campaign against the Christians of Najran in order to force them to convert into Judaism. Having refused to do so, they were thrown alive into a big ditch where a great fire had been set. The Qur’ân referred to this event:

“被诅咒的是挖沟的人。” [85:4]

• “Cursed were the people of the ditch.” [85:4]

这一事件在基督徒中引起了极大的愤怒,尤其是罗马皇帝们,他们不仅煽动阿比西尼亚人(埃塞俄比亚人)攻打阿拉伯人,还组建了一支庞大的舰队,协助由七万名战士组成的阿比西尼亚(埃塞俄比亚)军队,于公元525年在埃里亚特的领导下第二次征服也门。埃里亚特被授予统治也门的权力,这一职位他一直担任到被他的一位军队将领阿布拉哈暗杀为止。阿布拉哈在与阿比西尼亚国王和解后掌握了也门的统治权,后来他派遣士兵拆毁天房(Al-Ka‘bah),因此他和他的士兵被人称为“象军”。

This aroused great wrath among the Christians, and especially the Roman emperors, who not only instigated the Abyssinians (Ethiopians) against Arabs but also assembled a large fleet which helped the Abyssinian (Ethiopian) army, of seventy thousand warriors, to effect a second conquest of Yemen in 525 A.D., under the leadership of Eriat, who was granted rulership over Yemen, a position he held until he was assassinated by one of his army leaders, Abraha, who, after reconciliation with the king of Abyssinia, took rulership over Yemen and, later on, deployed his soldiers to demolish Al-Ka‘bah, and , hence, he and his soldiers came to be known as the “Men of the Elephant”.

在“象军”事件之后，也门人民在麦尔迪卡里布·本·赛夫·都·亚辛·希木叶里的领导下，并借助波斯人的援助，起而反抗阿比西尼亚（埃塞俄比亚）入侵者，恢复了独立，并推举麦尔迪卡里布为国王。然而，麦尔迪卡里布被一名他原本留在身边做侍从和护卫的阿比西尼亚（埃塞俄比亚）人暗杀。于是，都·亚辛家族永远失去了王权。波斯国王库斯拉任命一名波斯统治者管理萨那，使也门沦为波斯的殖民地。波斯统治者一直统治也门，直到其中最后一位巴左恩于公元638年皈依伊斯兰教，波斯对也门的统治就此终结。

After the “Elephant” incident, the people of Yemen, under the leadership of Ma‘dikarib bin Saif Dhu Yazin Al-Himyari, and through Persian assistance, revolted against the Abyssinian (Ethiopian) invaders, restored independence and appointed Ma‘dikarib as their king. However, Ma‘dikarib was assassinated by an Abyssinian (Ethiopian) he used to have him around for service and protection. The family of Dhu Yazin was thus deprived of royalty forever. Kisra, the Persian king, appointed a Persian ruler over San‘a and thus made Yemen a Persian colony. Persian rulers maintained rulership of Yemen until Badhan, the last of them, embraced Islam in 638 A.D., thus terminating the Persian domain over Yemen.

自居鲁士大帝(公元前557至529年)统一波斯人以来,他们统治着伊拉克及其周边地区。直到亚历山大大帝于公元前326年击败其国王大流士一世,从而征服波斯人,无人能够摆脱他们的统治。此后,波斯的领土被分割,由被称为“诸派之王”的君主统治,这一时期持续到公元230年。与此同时,卡哈坦人占据了伊拉克的一些领土,随后又有阿德南人到来,并与他们共同分享了美索不达米亚的部分地区。

Ever since Korosh the Great (557-529 B.C.) united the Persians, they ruled Iraq and its neighbourhood. Nobody could shake off their authority until Alexander the Great vanquished their king Dara I and thus subdued the Persians in 326 B.C. Persian lands were thenceforth divided and ruled by kings known as “the Kings of Sects”, an era which lasted until 230 A.D. Meanwhile, the Qahtanians occupied some Iraqi territories, and were later followed by some ‘Adnanians who managed to share some parts of Mesopotamia with them.

波斯人在阿尔达希尔的领导下重新获得了足够的团结与实力。阿尔达希尔于公元226年建立了萨珊王朝，他们征服了居住在其王国周边的阿拉伯人，并迫使古达阿部落迁往叙利亚，而希拉和安巴尔的居民则留在波斯的统治之下。

The Persians, under the leadership of Ardashir, who had established the Sasanian state in 226 A.D, regained enough unity and power to subdue the Arabs living in the vicinity of their kingdom, and force Quda‘a to leave for Syria , leaving the people of Heerah and Anbar under the Persian domain.

在阿尔达希尔时期,祖迈迈·阿尔瓦达(Juzaima Alwaddah)统治着希拉、拉比尔阿和穆达尔,以及美索不达米亚。阿尔达希尔认为,若不亲自统治阿拉伯人并阻止他们侵扰其边境,是不可能的;因此,他觉得应当册立一位得到本部族支持并拥有权势的阿拉伯人为国王。他还看到,可以利用这些阿拉伯人对付一直骚扰他的拜占庭君主。同时,伊拉克的阿拉伯人可以与处于拜占庭君主控制之下的叙利亚阿拉伯人相抗衡。然而,他认为适宜在希拉国王的指挥下保留一支波斯军队,用以对付可能反叛他的那些阿拉伯人。

During the time of Ardashir, Juzaima Alwaddah exercised rulership over Heerah, Rabi‘a and Mudar, and Mesopotamia. Ardashir had reckoned that it was impossible for him to rule the Arabs directly and prevent them from attacking his borders unless he appointed as king one of them who enjoyed support and power of his tribe. He had also seen that he could make use of them against the Byzantine kings who always used to harass him. At the same time, the Arabs of Iraq could face the Arabs of Syria who were in the hold of Byzantine kings. However, he deemed it fit to keep a Persian battalion under command of the king of Heerah to be used against those Arabs who might rebel against him.

大约公元268年,朱派玛(Juzaima)去世后,波斯国王萨布尔·伊本·阿尔达希尔(Sabour bin Ardashir)任命阿穆尔·伊本·阿迪·伊本·纳斯尔·阿勒-拉赫米(‘Amr bin ‘Adi bin Nasr Al-Lakhmi)为国王。阿穆尔是统治黑拉(Heerah)的拉赫姆王朝诸王中的第一位,此后波斯人任命了卡巴兹·伊本·法伊鲁兹(Qabaz bin Fairuz)。在他的统治期间,出现了一个名叫马兹达克(Mazdak)的人,他主张社会生活中的放纵。卡巴兹和他的许多臣民接受了马兹达克的教义,甚至呼吁黑拉国王穆齐尔·伊本·马·阿斯-萨马(Al-Munzir bin Ma’ As-Sama’)追随他们。后者因自尊和骄傲拒绝了他们的命令,卡巴兹便罢免了他,并任命了哈里斯·伊本·阿穆尔·伊本·哈贾尔·阿勒-金迪(Harith bin ‘Amr bin Hajar Al-Kindi),因为此人已接受了马兹达克的学说。

After the death of Juzaima around 268 A.D., ‘Amr bin ‘Adi bin Nasr Al-Lakhmi was appointed as king by the Persian King Sabour bin Ardashir. ‘Amr was the first of the Lakhmi kings who ruled Heerah until the Persians appointed Qabaz bin Fairuz in whose reign appeared someone called Mazdak, who called for dissoluteness in social life. Qabaz, and many of his subjects, embraced Mazdak’s religion and even called upon the king of Heerah, Al-Munzir bin Ma’ As-Sama’, to follow after. When the latter, because of his pride and self-respect, rejected their orders, Qabaz discharged him and nominated Harith bin ‘Amr bin Hajar Al-Kindi, who had accepted the Mazdaki doctrine.

在部落迁徙的过程中,古达尔(Quda‘a)的一些氏族抵达叙利亚边境并在那里定居。他们属于苏莱赫·本·哈尔万(Sulaih bin Halwan)的家族,其后裔中有杜贾姆·本·苏莱赫(Duj‘am bin Sulaih)之子,被称为阿-杜贾伊玛(Ad-Duja‘ima)。这些古达尔氏族被拜占庭人用来保卫拜占庭边境,抵御阿拉伯贝都因劫掠者和波斯人,并在相当长的一段时间内享有自治,据说这段时期持续了整个公元二世纪。他们最著名的国王之一是齐亚德·本·阿尔-哈布拉(Zyiad bin Al-Habula)。然而,他们的统治在被加萨尼王朝(Ghassanides)击败后结束,加萨尼人随后获得了对叙利亚阿拉伯人的代理统治权,并以杜麦特·朱丹达勒(Dumat Al-Jandal)为总部,这一局面一直持续到伊历13年的雅尔穆克战役。他们的最后一位国王贾巴拉·本·艾胡姆(Jabala bin Al-Aihum)在信士的长官欧麦尔·本·哈塔卜(愿真主喜悦他)执政期间皈依了伊斯兰教。

In the process of the tribal emigrations, some septs of Quda‘a reached the borders of Syria where they settled down. They belonged to the family of Sulaih bin Halwan, of whose offspring were the sons of Duj‘am bin Sulaih known as Ad-Duja‘ima. Such septs of Quda‘a were used by the Byzantines in the defence of the Byzantine borders against both Arab Bedouin raiders and the Persians, and enjoyed autonomy for a considerable phase of time which is said to have lasted for the whole second century A.D. One of their most famous kings was Zyiad bin Al-Habula. Their authority however came to an end upon defeat by the Ghassanides who were consequently granted the proxy rulership over the Arabs of Syria and had Dumat Al-Jandal as their headquarters, which lasted until the battle of Yarmuk in the year 13 A.H. Their last king Jabala bin Al-Aihum embraced Islam during the reign of the Chief of Believers, ‘Umar bin Al-Khattab (May Allah be pleased with him).

易司马仪(愿主赐他平安)一生掌管麦加的政务,并担任圣寺的看守。他去世时年一百三十七岁,他的两个儿子奈白特和基达尔继承了他的职位。之后,他们的外祖父穆达德·本·阿慕尔·朱尔胡姆接管了政权,麦加的统治权因此转归朱尔胡姆部落。这保留了易司马仪家族的尊贵地位,但由于其父在修建圣寺方面的功绩,易司马仪的儿子们几乎没有实际权力。他们保有这一地位,直到朱尔胡姆部落在布赫特纳色尔崛起前不久衰落。

Ishmael (Peace be upon him) administered authority over Makkah as well as custodianship of the Holy Sanctuary throughout his lifetime. Upon his death, at the age of 137, two of his sons, Nabet and Qidar, succeeded him. Later on, their maternal grandfather, Mudad bin ‘Amr Al-Jurhumi took over, thus transferring rulership over Makkah to the tribe of Jurhum, preserving a venerable position, though very little authority for Ishmael’s sons due to their father’s exploits in building the Holy Sanctuary, a position they held until the decline of the tribe of Jurhum shortly before the rise of Bukhtanassar.

在'Adnan族的政治作用开始在麦加稳固起来,这一点可以从以下事实中清楚地得到证明:在Bukhtanassar第一次入侵阿拉伯人、进攻"Dhati 'Irq"时,阿拉伯人的首领并非来自Jurhum部落。然而,在公元前587年Bukhtanassar第二次入侵时,'Adnan族被赶往也门,而Burmia An-Nabi则与Ma'ad一起逃往叙利亚。待Bukhtanassar的压力减弱后,Ma'ad回到麦加,却发现Jurhum部落中除Jursham bin Jalhamah外已无他人。Jursham的女儿Mu'ana嫁给了Ma'ad为妻,后来她为他生下一个名叫Nizar的儿子。

The political role of the ‘Adnanides had begun to gain firmer grounds in Makkah, which could be clearly attested by the fact that upon Bukhtanassar’s first invasion of the Arabs in ‘Dhati ‘Irq’, the leader of the Arabs was not from Jurhum. Upon Bukhtanassar’s second invasion in 587 B.C., however, the ‘Adnanides were frightened out to Yemen, while Burmia An-Nabi fled to Syria with Ma‘ad, but when Bukhtanassar’s pressure lessened, Ma‘ad returned to Makkah to find none of the tribe of Jurhum except Jursham bin Jalhamah, whose daughter, Mu‘ana, was given to Ma‘ad as wife who, later, had a son by him named Nizar.

由于麦加普遍存在的艰难生活条件和贫困,朱尔胡姆部落开始虐待来圣地的访客,并勒索圣地的财物,这引起了阿丹那族(即巴克尔·本·阿卜杜·马纳夫·本·金纳纳之子)的怨恨和憎恶。他们在迁居到马尔·扎赫兰附近地区的呼札尔部落的帮助下,攻入朱尔胡姆,将其驱逐出麦加,并于公元二世纪中叶将统治权交给了古达阿部落。

On account of difficult living conditions and destitution prevalent in Makkah, the tribe of Jurhum began to ill-treat visitors of the Holy Sanctuary and extort its funds, which aroused resentment and hatred of the ‘Adnanides (sons of Bakr bin ‘Abd Munaf bin Kinana) who, with the help of the tribe of Khuza‘a that had come to settle in a neighbouring area called Marr Az-Zahran, invaded Jurhum and frightened them out of Makkah leaving rulership to Quda‘a in the middle of the second century A.D.

离开麦加时,Jurhum 填平了赞宰姆泉,将其所在之地夷平,并在其中埋入了大量物件。著名历史学家伊本·伊斯哈格记载,‘Amr bin Al-Harith bin Mudad Al-Jurhumi 在他们悲伤地逃往也门之前,将两只金鹿连同黑石以及大量首饰和刀剑埋入了赞宰姆泉中。

Upon leaving Makkah, Jurhum filled up the well of Zamzam, levelled its place and buried a great many things in it. ‘Amr bin Al-Harith bin Mudad Al-Jurhumi was reported by Ibn Ishaq, the well-known historian, to have buried the two gold deer together with the Black Stone as well as a lot of jewelry and swords in Zamzam, prior to their sorrowful escape to Yemen.

第一项职责:引领朝觐者从阿拉法特前往穆兹达里法,再从米纳前往雅各拜石柱投掷石子。这一职权属于盖斯·本·穆尔拉家族,他们是伊利亚斯·本·穆达尔部族的一支,被称为“苏法”(Sofa)。此项特权规定,朝觐者不得向阿格拜投掷石子,须等苏法人中的某位先行投掷后方可进行。投掷完毕、准备离开米纳谷地时,苏法人站立在阿格拜的两侧,无人能够通过该位置,直到苏法人先行通过并为朝觐者让出道路。苏法部族消亡后,这一职权由来自塔米姆部落的萨阿德·本·宰德·马纳特家族接管。

• The First: Leading pilgrims from ‘Arafat to Muzdalifah and then from Mina to the ‘Aqabah Stoning Pillar. This was the authority of the family of Al-Ghawth bin Murra, one of the septs of Elias bin Mudar, who were called ‘Sofa’. This privilege meant that the pilgrims were not allowed to throw stones at Al-‘Aqabah until one of the ‘Sofa’ men did that. When they had finished stoning and wanted to leave the valley of Mina, ‘Sofa’ men stood on the two sides of Al-‘Aqabah and nobody would pass that position until the men of ‘Sofa’ passed and cleared the way for the pilgrims. When Sofa perished, the family of Sa‘d bin Zaid Manat from Tamim tribe took over.

第二：Al-Ifadah（在宰牲日离开穆兹达利法前往米纳），这是阿德万家族的责任。

The Second: Al-Ifadah (leaving for Mina after Muzdalifah) on sacrifice morning, and this was the responsibility of the family of Adwan.

第三：推迟圣月，这项职责由来自部落Bani Kinana的Tamim bin ‘Adi家族承担。

The Third: Deferment of the sacred months, and this was the responsibility of the family of Tamim bin ‘Adi from Bani Kinana.

呼扎阿统治麦加长达三百年。在此期间，阿德南后裔遍布内志，并散布于巴林与伊拉克一带，而古莱什的一些小支系仍留在麦加周边，他们是哈卢勒、哈鲁姆以及部分凯纳纳家族。在古赛· 本· 基拉卜出现之前，他们在麦加及天房中都没有任何特权。据说古赛的父亲在他还是婴儿时就去世了，其母后来嫁给了来自欧兹拉部落的拉比尔·本·哈勒姆。拉比尔带着妻子和她的孩子回到了位于叙利亚边境的家乡。古赛长大成人后回到麦加，当时麦加由呼扎阿部落的哈利勒·本·哈卜沙统治，他把女儿哈巴嫁给了古赛。哈利勒去世后，呼扎阿与古莱什之间爆发了战争，结果古赛夺取了麦加和天房的掌控权。

Khuza‘a’s reign in Makkah lasted for three hundred years, during which, the ‘Adnanides spread all over Najd and the sides of Bahrain and Iraq, while small septs of Quraish remained on the sides of Makkah; they were Haloul, Harum and some families of Kinana. They enjoyed no privileges in Makkah or in the Sacred House until the appearance of Qusai bin Kilab, whose father is said to have died when he was still a baby, and whose mother was subsequently married to Rabi‘a bin Haram, from the tribe of Bani ‘Udhra. Rabi‘a took his wife and her baby to his homeland on the borders of Syria. When Qusai became a young man, he returned to Makkah, which was ruled by Halil bin Habsha from Khuza‘a, who gave Qusai his daughter, Hobba, as wife. After Halil’s death, a war between Khuza‘a and Quraish broke out and resulted in Qusai’s taking hold of Makkah and the Sacred House.

•第一点:古赛注意到自己的子孙繁衍、财富增加、声望提高,在哈利勒去世后,他认为自己比胡扎阿部落和白克尔部落更有资格承担麦加的统治责任和圣殿的看管职责。他还主张古莱什人是易卜拉欣之子伊斯玛仪后裔的首领。因此,他与古莱什和凯纳纳的一些人商议自己想把胡扎阿和白克尔从麦加驱逐出去的愿望。他们认同他的看法,并表示支持。 •第二点:胡扎阿声称,哈利勒在去世前曾要求古赛执掌克尔白的看管权和麦加的统治权。

• The First: Having noticed the spread of his offspring, increase of his property and exalt of his honour after Halil’s death, Qusai found himself more entitled to shoulder responsibility of rulership over Makkah and custodianship of the Sacred House than the tribes of Khuza‘a and Bani Bakr. He also advocated that Quraish were the chiefs of Ishmael’s descendants. Therefore he consulted some men from Quraish and Kinana concerning his desire to evacuate Khuza‘a and Bani Bakr from Makkah. They took a liking to his opinion and supported him. The Second: Khuza‘a claimed that Halil requested Qusai to hold custodianship of Al-Ka‘bah and rulership over Makkah after his death.

第三点：哈利勒将天房（克尔白）的服务权交给了他的女儿霍巴，并任命阿布·戈卜山·胡扎仪作为她的代理人。哈利勒去世后，古赛以一袋皮囊的葡萄酒买下了这一权利，此举引起了胡扎尔部族人的不满，他们试图阻止古赛掌管圣殿。然而，古赛在古赖氏和基纳尼部族的帮助下，成功夺取了控制权，并将胡扎尔人彻底逐出麦加。

The Third: Halil gave the right of Al-Ka‘bah service to his daughter Hobba and appointed Abu Ghabshan Al-Khuza‘i to function as her agent whereof. Upon Halil’s death, Qusai bought this right for a leather bag of wine, which aroused dissatisfaction among the men of Khuza‘a and they tried to keep the custodianship of the Sacred House away from Qusai. The latter, however, with the help of Quraish and Kinana, managed to take over and even to expel Khuza‘a completely from Makkah.

不论事实如何,整件事的结果是:前面提到的索法(Sofa)人失去了他们的特权,呼扎阿(Khuza‘a)和巴克尔(Bakr)被迫撤离麦加,麦加的统治权和圣寺的管理权转交给了古赛伊(Qusai)。在古赛伊与呼扎阿之间爆发了激烈的战争,双方都付出了沉重的伤亡代价;此后双方和解,并由巴克尔部族的雅穆尔·本·奥夫(Ya‘mur bin ‘Awf)仲裁。他的裁决确认古赛伊有资格统治麦加并管理天房,同时裁定古赛伊对呼扎阿的流血事件不负责任,并要求呼扎阿支付血金。古赛伊统治麦加和天房始于公元440年,此后他和古莱氏人得以对麦加拥有绝对的统治权,并对天房拥有无可争议的管理权,阿拉伯各地的人都前来向天房致敬。

Whatever the truth might have been, the whole affair resulted in the deprivation of Sofa of their privileges, previously mentioned, evacuation of Khuza‘a and Bakr from Makkah and transfer of rulership over Makkah and custodianship of the Holy Sanctuary to Qusai, after fierce wars between Qusai and Khuza‘a inflicting heavy casualties on both sides, reconciliation and then arbitration of Ya‘mur bin ‘Awf, from the tribe of Bakr, whose judgement entailed eligibility of Qusai’s rulership over Makkah and custodianship of the Sacred House, Qusai’s irresponsibility for Khuza‘a’s blood shed, and imposition of blood money on Khuza‘a. Qusai’s reign over Makkah and the Sacred House began in 440 A.D. and allowed him, and Quraish afterwards, absolute rulership over Makkah and undisputed custodianship of the Sacred House to which Arabs from all over Arabia came to pay homage.

古赛伊带着他的族人迁到麦加，并将麦加分配给他们，同时允许古莱氏人在那里居住。安-努萨伊家族、萨夫万家族、阿德万家族以及穆拉·本·阿瓦夫家族，保留了他们在古赛伊到来之前所享有的同样权利。

Qusai brought his kinspeople to Makkah and allocated it to them, allowing Quraish some dwellings there. An-Nus’a, the families of Safwan, Adwan, Murra bin ‘Awf preserved the same rights they used to enjoy before his arrival.

古赛伊所取得的一项重大成就,是在天房清真寺北侧建立了达鲁·安-纳德瓦(议事厅),作为古莱什人的集会场所。这座议事厅给古莱什人带来了极大的益处,因为它确保了他们意见的统一,并以和睦的方式解决了他们的问题。

A significant achievement credited to Qusai was the establishment of An-Nadwa House (an assembly house) on the northern side of Al-Ka‘bah Mosque, to serve as a meeting place for Quraish. This very house had benefited Quraish a lot because it secured unity of opinions amongst them and cordial solution to their problem.

1. 主持“达尔·纳德瓦”（议事厅）的集会，在那里商议重大事务，并宣布婚约的缔结。

1. Presiding over An-Nadwa House meetings where consultations relating to serious issues were conducted, and marriage contracts were announced.

2. 标准：他把发动战争相关的事务都独揽在自己手中。

2. The Standard: He monopolized in his hand issues relevant to war launching.

3. 天房的看守：他是唯一有资格开启天房大门的人，并负责天房的服侍与守护。

3. Doorkeeping of Al-Ka‘bah: He was the only one eligible to open its gate, and was responsible for its service and protection.

4. 为朝觐者提供饮水：这是指他过去会装满掺有椰枣和葡萄干调味的水盆，供朝觐者饮用。

4. Providing water for the Pilgrims: This means that he used to fill basins sweetened by dates and raisins for the pilgrims to drink.

5. 招待朝觐者：指为那些无力负担费用的朝觐者准备食物。古赛伊甚至向古莱施部落征收年度土地税，于朝觐季节缴纳，用于供给食物。

5. Feeding Pilgrims: This means making food for pilgrims who could not afford it. Qusai even imposed on Quraish annual land tax, paid at the season of pilgrimage, for food.

值得注意的是,古赛伊特特别推举他的儿子阿布杜·马纳夫,赋予他荣誉与声望,尽管他并非长子(长子是阿布杜·达尔),并把诸如主持议事厅(达尔·安-纳杜瓦)、掌管旗帜、看守天房(克尔白)大门、为朝觐者供水和供食等职责交付给他。由于古赛伊特的作为被视为无可质疑,他的命令不可违逆,他去世后并未引起诸子之间的争端;然而,争端later却在他的孙辈之间出现。阿布杜·马努夫刚一去世,他的儿子们便与堂兄弟——即阿布杜·达尔之子们——发生争吵,若非达成一项和约,这场争端本会在整个古莱氏部落中引发分裂和战斗。根据这项和约,职位被重新分配:为朝觐者供食供水的职责归阿布杜·马努夫之子们所有;而议事厅、旗帜和看守天房大门的职责则保留给阿布杜·达尔之子们。然而,阿布杜·马努夫之子们以抽签的方式决定各自的职守,于是把供食供水的职责交给了哈希姆·本·阿布杜·马努夫。哈希姆去世后,这一职责由他的一个名叫穆塔利卜·本·阿布杜·马纳夫的兄弟接管,之后又由哈希姆之子阿布杜·穆塔利卜接管——他是先知ﷺ的祖父。他的儿子们继续担任此职,直到伊斯兰兴起之时;在此期间,阿拔斯·本·阿布杜·穆塔利卜负责此事。

It is noteworthy however that Qusai singled out ‘Abd Manaf, a son of his, for honour and prestige though he was not his elder son (‘Abd Ad-Dar was), and entrusted him with such responsibilities as chairing of An-Nadwa House, the standard, the doorkeeping of Al-Ka‘bah, providing water and food for pilgrims. Due to the fact that Qusai’s deeds were regarded as unquestionable and his orders inviolable, his death gave no rise to conflicts among his sons, but it later did among his grand children, for no sooner than ‘Abd Munaf had died, his sons began to have rows with their cousins —sons of ‘Abd Ad-Dar, which would have given rise to dissension and fighting among the whole tribe of Quraish, had it not been for a peace treaty whereby posts were reallocated so as to preserve feeding and providing water for pilgrims for the sons of ‘Abd Munaf; while An-Nadwa House, the flag and the doorkeeping of Al-Ka‘bah were maintained for the sons of ‘Abd Ad-Dar. The sons of ‘Abd Munaf, however, cast the lot for their charge, and consequently left the charge of food and water giving to Hashim bin ‘Abd Munaf, upon whose death, the charge was taken over by a brother of his called Al-Muttalib bin ‘Abd Manaf and afterwards by ‘Abd Al-Muttalib bin Hashim, the Prophet’s grandfather, whose sons assumed this position until the rise of Islam, during which ‘Abbas bin ‘Abdul-Muttalib was in charge.

我们此前已经提到过卡哈坦族和阿德南族的迁徙，以及阿拉伯半岛在这两大部族之间的划分。居住在希拉附近的部族隶属于希拉的阿拉伯国王；居住在叙利亚半沙漠地带的部族则处于阿拉伯加萨尼王朝国王的统治之下。这种隶属关系实际上更多是名义上的，而非实质性的。至于居住在内陆深处沙漠中的部族，则享有完全的自治。

We have previously mentioned the Qahtanide and ‘Adnanide emigrations, and division of Arabia between these two tribes. Those tribes dwelling near Heerah were subordinate to the Arabian king of Heerah, while those dwelling in the Syrian semi-desert were under domain of the Arabian Ghassanide king, a sort of dependency that was in reality formal rather than actual. However, those living in the hinder deserts enjoyed full autonomy.

这些部落事实上设有由全体部落成员推选出的首领,这是一种基于部落团结和维护土地与财产共同利益的半政府组织。部落首领享有类似国王的专断特权,无论在战时还是平时,都享有完全的服从与顺从。然而,堂兄弟之间争夺统治权的竞争,常常促使他们在款待宾客、表现慷慨、智慧与侠义方面互相攀比,其唯一目的在于压过对手,并在民众中赢得声誉,尤其是在当时作为官方发言人的诗人们之中。

These tribes in fact had heads chosen by the whole tribe which was a demi-government based on tribal solidarity and collective interests in defence of land and property. Heads of tribes enjoyed dictatorial privileges similar to those of kings, and were rendered full obedience and subordination in both war and peace. Rivalry among cousins for rulership, however, often drove them to outdo one another in entertaining guests, affecting generosity, wisdom and chivalry for the sole purpose of outranking their rivals, and gaining fame among people especially poets who were the official spokesmen at the time.

部落首领和主人对战利品享有特殊的权利，例如四分之一的战利品，他自己选择的任何东西，他在归途中找到的东西，甚至是剩余的不可分割的战利品。

Heads of tribes and masters had special claims to spoils of war such as the quarter of the spoils, whatever he chose for himself, or found on his way back or even the remaining indivisible spoils.

三个毗邻外族的阿拉伯地区遭受了极大的软弱与卑下。那里的人民要么是主人，要么是奴隶；要么是统治者，要么是被统治者。主人，尤其是外族人，独占一切好处；奴隶则除了承担义务之外一无所有。换言之，专断的独裁统治导致了对下层人民权利的侵犯、愚昧、压迫、不公、非正义与苦难，使他们沦为在黑暗与无知中摸索的人群，成为一片肥沃的土地，其收获全部归于统治者和当权者，供其肆意挥霍于享乐与安逸、欲望与贪求、暴虐与侵略之中。居住在这些地区附近的部落在叙利亚与伊拉克之间摇摆不定，而居住在阿拉伯半岛内部的部落则四分五裂，被部落争斗以及种族和宗教纷争所支配。他们既没有能够维护其独立的国王，也没有可以在困难时求教或依靠的支持者。

The three Arab regions adjacent to foreigners suffered great weakness and inferiority. The people there were either masters or slaves, rulers or subordinates. Masters, especially the foreigners, had claim to every advantage; slaves had nothing but responsibilities to shoulder. In other words, arbitrary autocratic rulership brought about encroachment on the rights of subordinates, ignorance, oppression, iniquity, injustice and hardship, and turning them into people groping in darkness and ignorance, viz., fertile land which rendered its fruits to the rulers and men of power to extravagantly dissipate on their pleasures and enjoyments, whims and desires, tyranny and aggression. The tribes living near these regions were fluctuating between Syria and Iraq, whereas those living inside Arabia were disunited and governed by tribal conflicts and racial and religious disputes. They had neither a king to sustain their independence nor a supporter to seek advice from, or depend upon, in hardships.

然而，希贾兹的统治者深受阿拉伯人的敬重与尊崇，被视为宗教中心的统治者与侍奉者。事实上，希贾兹的统治权兼具世俗与官方的尊位，以及宗教领导地位。他们以宗教领袖的名义统治阿拉伯人，并始终垄断圣地及其周边的看守权。他们照料前来朝拜天房（Al-Ka‘bah）者的利益，并负责施行易卜拉欣的律法。他们甚至设有类似当今议会的各种职位与部门。然而，他们终究无力承担这副沉重的担子，这在阿比西尼亚（埃塞俄比亚）入侵期间已显而易见。

The rulers of Hijaz, however, were greatly esteemed and respected by the Arabs, and were considered as rulers and servants of the religious centre. Rulership of Hijaz was, in fact, a mixture of secular and official precedence as well as religious leadership. They ruled among the Arabs in the name of religious leadership and always monopolized the custodianship of the Holy Sanctuary and its neighbourhood. They looked after the interests of Al-Ka‘bah visitors and were in charge of putting Abraham’s code into effect. They even had such offices and departments like those of the parliaments of today. However, they were too weak to carry the heavy burden, as this evidently came to light during the Abyssinian (Ethiopian) invasion.