1.3.1 Ka'idar Karancin Abu Dangane da Wani

1.3.1 Ka'idar Karancin Abu Dangane da Wani - Faɗuwar Jari-hujja da Tashin Musulunci | Quran Course

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1.3.1 Ka'idar Karancin Abu Dangane da Wani

1.3.1 The Relative Scarcity Principle

by Mohammad Malkawi10 min readViewed 175 times

Ka'idar karancin abubuwa mai dangantaka tana kafa alaka tsakanin bukatu da sha'awoyin mutane a gefe guda da hanyoyin da ake bukata don biyan wadannan bukatu da sha'awoyi a daya gefen. Ka'idar karanci ta tabbatar da cewa mutum yana da wasu bukatu, wadanda ke bukatar a biya su, kuma dole ne a samu wasu hanyoyi na biyan wadannan bukatu domin mutum ya rayu. Bukatun da jari-hujja ta amince da su su ne na zahiri, kamar bukatar abinci, tufafi, magani, ilimi, da tsaro. Bukatun dabi'a da dabi'u kamar girman kai, mutunci, da alhakin zamantakewa, ko bukatun ruhaniya kamar tsarkake nufin Allah, tsarin jari-hujja ba ya amince da su. Bukatun da ba na zahiri ba ana watsi da su, kuma ba su da wurin zama a nazarin tattalin arziki. Milton Friedman ya tabbatar da wannan ra'ayi lokacin da ya ce, "Neman kudi shi ne kadai alhakin zamantakewa da wani kamfani na tattalin arziki yake da shi"37.

The relative scarcity principle establishes a relation between the needs and the desires of people on one hand and the means necessary to satisfy these needs and desires on the other hand. The scarcity principle asserts that man has certain needs, which require satisfaction, and there must be some means to satisfy these needs in order for man to survive. The needs recognized by capitalism are the materialistic ones, such as the need for food, clothing, medicine, education, and security. The moral needs and values such as pride, honour, and social responsibility, or spiritual needs such as the sanctification of God’s will, are not acknowledged by the capitalist system. Nonmaterialistic needs are disregarded and have no place in the economic studies. Milton Friedman confirms this view when he says, “Making money is the only social responsibility for an economic entity”37.

Alaƙar da ke tsakanin kayayyaki da ayyuka a gefe ɗaya da buƙatu a gefe guda tana da sauƙi. Kayayyaki da ayyuka suna ɗauke da wasu amfani a cikinsu. Amfani shi ne abin da ke sa wani abu ya zama abin so, domin amfanin da ke cikin wani samfuri shi ne ke ba shi damar biyan wata buƙatar ɗan adam. Saboda haka, wani samfuri (duk wani abu) ana ɗaukarsa mai amfani daga mahangar tattalin arziki idan wasu mutane suna da sha'awar samfurin, domin yana biyan wasu daga cikin buƙatunsu. Samfuri mai amfani ta fuskar tattalin arziki na iya zama mai muhimmanci ko ƙarami, mai amfani ko cutarwa. Abin da kawai ke sa kaya ko sabis ya zama da ƙimar tattalin arziki shi ne amfanin da ke cikin kayan ko sabis ɗin, wanda ke ba shi damar biyan buƙata ɗaya ko fiye ta ɗan adam ta fuskar abin duniya. Saboda haka, ruwan inabi, taba, miyagun ƙwayoyi, bindigogi, da apples ana ɗaukarsu masu amfani domin akwai mutanen da suke sha'awarsu. Hannayen jari, kayan ciniki na gaba (derivatives), da riba (ribar haram) suma masu amfani ne muddin akwai wanda zai amfana da amfaninsu. Motoci masu amfani da wutar lantarki suna da babban amfani ga al'umma ta fuskar tanadin makamashi da kare muhalli. Duk da haka, amfanin tattalin arzikin waɗannan kayayyaki ya yi ƙasa sosai da na motocin da ke amfani da man fetur; saboda haka, motocin lantarki na iya zama masu amfani ta fuskar tattalin arziki ne kawai idan farashin man fetur ya tashi sosai.

The relationship between commodities and services on one hand and the needs on the other hand is straightforward. Commodities and services embody within them certain benefits. The benefit is what makes something desirable; because the benefit inherent in a product is what enables that product to satisfy a human need. Therefore, a product (anything) is considered beneficial from the economic perspective if some people have a desire for the product, because it satisfies some of their needs. An economically beneficial product can be essential or marginal, useful or harmful. The only criterion for a commodity or service to have an economic value is the benefit embedded within the commodity or service which enables them to satisfy one or more of the human materialistic needs. Thus wine, tobacco, drugs, guns, and apples are considered to be beneficial because there are people who desire them. Stocks, derivatives, interest (usury) are also beneficial as long as there is someone who would benefit from their use. Electric cars carry great benefits to the society in terms of energy saving and environment friendliness. However, the economic benefit of these products is far less than the economic benefit of petroleum-based vehicles; hence, electric cars may become economically feasible only when the price of oil soars so high.

Matsalar rarraba kayayyaki da ayyuka tana da alaƙa sosai da matsalar samarwa. Manufar nazarin tattalin arziki da bincike ita ce ƙara yawan kayayyaki da ayyuka da al'umma ke amfani da su. A ƙarƙashin tsarin jari-hujja, alamomin lafiyar tattalin arziki sun haɗa da jimillar kayayyakin cikin gida ko na ƙasa (GDP, GNP) da kuma ma'aunin kasuwar hannayen jari, waɗanda ke auna yawan samarwa a cikin al'umma. Saboda haka, matsalar ƙara yawan samar da kayayyakin ƙasa na ɗaya daga cikin mafi muhimmancin nazari da ke da alaƙa da matsalar tattalin arziki a ƙarƙashin tsarin jari-hujja: "karancin kayayyaki da ayyuka idan aka kwatanta da buƙatu." A taƙaice, ƙarancin dangi shi ne ke bayyana matsalar kuma ya ƙayyade mafita. Buƙatu da sha'awoyi suna ƙaruwa. Albarkatu ba su isa ba. Ku samar da ƙarin albarkatu da yawa. Wannan ita ce mafita ga matsalolin tattalin arziki na al'umma, ciki har da matsalar talauci da rashi. Ka'idar ƙarancin dangi tana da lahani da yawa, waɗanda ke iya haifar da manyan kurakurai a cikin al'ummomin da ke rayuwa a ƙarƙashin tsarin jari-hujja, kuma a ƙarshe suna iya haifar da rugujewar tsarin.

The problem of distributing the goods and services is closely connected to the problem of production. The objective of economic studies and research is to increase the supply of goods and services which are consumed by the society. Under capitalism, the economic health indicators include the gross domestic or national product (GDP, GNP) and stock market indexes which measure the rate of production in a society. Thus the problem of increasing the national production is one of the most important studies related to the economic problem under capitalism: “the scarcity of the commodities and services in relation to the needs.” In short, the relative scarcity defines the problem and dictates the solution. Needs and desires are growing. Resources are not sufficient. Produce more and more of the resources. This is the solution to the economic problems of the society including the problem of poverty and deprivation. The principle of relative scarcity has several defects, which are bound to cause serious errors in the societies living under capitalism and could eventually cause the collapse of the system.

Babban manufar tsarin tattalin arziƙi na jari-hujja ita ce ƙara jimlar arzikin ƙasa baki ɗaya, kuma yana neman cimma hakan ta hanyar samar da kayayyaki mafi girma da za a iya samu. Wannan sakamako ne kai tsaye na ka'idar "ƙarancin kayayyaki dangi". Domin a rama ƙarancin kayayyaki, ana buƙatar a ƙara yawan samar da kayayyaki (kayan masarufi da ayyuka) gwargwadon iko. Mafi girman biyan buƙatun jama'a yana samuwa ne ta hanyar ƙara yawan kuɗin shiga na ƙasa, ko babban kayan da ƙasa ke samarwa (GNP). Ana cimma hakan ta hanyar ɗaga matakin samar da kayayyaki a ƙasa, da kuma barin daidaikun mutane su samu arziƙi yayin da aka bar su da 'yanci su yi aiki da samarwa. Ba manufar tattalin arziƙi ba ne biyan buƙatun daidaikun mutane ko sauƙaƙa wa kowane ɗaya a cikin al'umma biyan buƙatunsa; a maimakon haka, jari-hujja tana mai da hankali kan biyan buƙatun al'umma baki ɗaya ta hanyar ɗaga matakin samarwa da ƙara kuɗin shiga na ƙasa. Ana rarraba kuɗin shiga tsakanin membobin al'umma ta hanyar 'yancin mallaka da 'yancin aiki, da kuma amfanin "tsarin farashi". An bar wa daidaikun mutane su samu duk arziƙin da za su iya daga jimlar arzikin ƙasa. Kowa yana ƙoƙarin samun rabonsa na arziƙi ta kowace hanya, da ƙwarewa, ko kayan aikin da zai iya samu. Ko mutum yana iya biyan buƙatunsa ko bai iya ba, ba abin damuwa ba ne ga tattalin arziƙi, muddin samar da kayayyaki yana ci gaba da ƙaruwa, kuma arziƙi yana ci gaba da ƙaruwa.

The main objective of the capitalist economic system is to increase the country’s wealth as a whole, and it strives to achieve that through the highest possible level of production. This is a direct result of the theory of “relative scarcity of products.” To compensate for the shortage of products, it is required to maximize the production of products (commodities and services). The highest level of satisfaction of the needs of the people results from increasing the national income, or the gross national product. This is achieved by raising the level of production in the country, and by enabling individuals to acquire the wealth as they are left free to work and produce. It is not the objective of the economy to satisfy the needs of the individuals or to facilitate the satisfaction of every individual in the community; rather capitalism concentrates on satisfying the needs of the community as a whole by raising the level of production and increasing the national income of the country. The distribution of income among the members of society occurs by means of freedom of possession and freedom of work and by the utility of the “price mechanism”. It is left to the individuals to acquire whatever wealth they can get from the total sum of the national wealth. Everyone strives to get his/her share of the wealth using whatever means, skills, or tools he/she can afford. Whether the individual is or is not able to satisfy his/her needs is not of concern to the economy, as long as the production of goods continues to grow, and the wealth continues to grow.

Saboda haka, talaucin daidaikun mutane ba a daukarsa a matsayin matsala da tsarin tattalin arziki zai warware ba. Wannan ra'ayi game da talauci ba shi da gaskiya a asali, domin ba ya inganta rayuwar daidaikun mutane, kuma ba ya biyan bukatun asali na kowane mutum. A gaskiya ma, ainihin ma'anar karancin albarkatu na dangi yana bude kofa fadi-fadi ga talaucin daidaikun mutane. Tun da aka yarda cewa albarkatun da ke cikin al'umma ba su isa su biya bukatun kowa ba, abu ne na dabi'a ga wadanda suke da saurin samun dukiya da damar samunta fiye da sauransu su tara ta fiye da haka. Koyaushe za a sami wani bangare na al'umma da zai koma baya, ya samu kadan, ya cinye kadan, kuma a karshe ya fadi kasa da layin talauci.

Consequently, the poverty of the individuals is not considered a problem for the economic system to resolve. This view of poverty is inherently wrong because it does not improve the life of individuals, and does not fulfil the basic needs of every individual. In fact, the very definition of relative scarcity opens the door wide open for the poverty of individuals. Since it is recognized that the resources that exist in a society are not enough to satisfy the needs of all, it is only natural for the ones who have faster and more access to wealth to acquire more of it. There will always be a segment of the society which will lag behind, acquire less, and consume less, and eventually fall below poverty lines.

Ra'ayin karancin dangi bai kai ga warware talaucin mutane ba, duk da yawan karuwar samar da kayayyaki da ayyuka. Gaskiyar magana mai tsanani ita ce bukatu, wadanda ke bukatar biyan bukata, bukatun daidaikun mutane ne. Su ne bukatun takamaiman mutane kamar George, Maria, Hassan, Omar da sauransu. Biyan bukatun George ba zai sa Maria ta sami sauki ba, sai dai idan an kula da bukatunta ma. Bukatu (na abin duniya da wanda ba na abin duniya ba) bukatun daidaikun mutane ne; ba bukatun rukunin daidaikun mutane ba ne, ko rukunin kasashe, ko rukunin mutane ba. Gaskiya ne cewa jari-hujja tana kallon yunwa a matsayin bukata, kuma abinci a matsayin hanyar biyan yunwa. Amma jari-hujja tana kimanta yawan abincin da za a samar a wata al'umma, sannan ta samar da kwarin gwiwar a samar da shi. Da zarar an samar da adadin abincin da aka kiyasta, jari-hujja ba ta tabbatar da cewa George ko Maria sun samu rabonsu domin kawar da yunwarsu ba. A zahiri, yana yiwuwa sosai George ya samu albarkatu fiye da yadda yake bukata, har ya bar Maria babu komai. Bayan lokaci, tarin dukiya yana komawa wajen wasu 'yan tsiraru da suka rigaya sauran a tsarin tara dukiya. Daga baya za mu nuna yadda karuwar samarwa bai taimaka ba wajen kawar da talauci ko ma rage yawan talauci a al'ummomin jari-hujja.

The relative scarcity view does not lead to the resolution of people’s poverty, despite the massive increase in the production of goods and services. The hard fact is that the needs, which require satisfaction, are needs of individuals. They are the needs of particular people such as George, Maria, Hassan, Omar, and the like. The fact that the needs of George are satisfied does not make Maria any better, unless her needs are also taken care of. The needs (materialistic and nonmaterialistic) are needs of individual people; they are not needs of a group of individuals, a group of nations, or a group of people. It is true that capitalism addresses the hunger as a need and food as a means of satisfying the hunger. But capitalism estimates the total amount of food to be produced in a given society and provides the incentives to produce it. Once the estimated amount of food is produced, capitalism does not ensure that George or Maria has obtained their share to elimiate their hunger. In fact, it is very likely that George acquires much more resources than he needs, thus leaving nothing for Maria. Over time, it is natural to see the wealth accumulation moves in the direction of a fewer number of people who have managed to surpass others in the process of wealth accumulation. We will later show how the increase in production had not helped the elimination or even the reduction of poverty rates in capitalist societies.

Tsarin tattalin arziki dole ne ya damu da rarraba hanyoyin biyan bukata ga dukkan mutanen al'umma. A takaice dai, rarraba kaya da ayyuka dole ne ya kasance ta hanyar da za su kai ga kowane memba na kasa ko al'umma, ba lallai ba ne daidai gwargwado. Ba ya isa a kara dukiyar kungiya ba tare da la'akari da halin da kowane mutum yake ciki ba. Ko da yake tsarin tattalin arziki an yi shi ne domin tsara harkokin cinikayya a cikin al'umma, mutanen da ke rayuwa a cikin al'umma (mutum daya bayan daya) suna damuwa da rayuwarsu ta kansu. Shi ya sa wajibi ne tsarin tattalin arziki ya baiwa kowane mutum damar biyan bukatunsa na asali. Gaskiyar cewa jari-hujja ba ta magance takamaiman bukatun daidaikun mutane ba babban kuskure ne kuma aibi a cikin tushen akidar, wanda babu makawa zai haifar da kuma ci gaba da talauci karkashin jari-hujja.

The economic system must be concerned with distributing the means of satisfaction for all the individuals of a society. In other words, the distribution of goods and services must be in a way that they reach every member of the nation or people, not necessarily in equal terms. It is not sufficient to increase the wealth of the group, irrespective of the plight of every individual. Although the economic system is meant to organize the economic transactions in a society, the people who live in the society (one individual at a time) are concerned about their own life. That is why it is imperative for the economic system to enable each and every individual to satisfy his/her basic needs. The fact that capitalism does not address the specific needs of individuals is a major flaw and defect at the core of the ideology that is bound to generate and sustain poverty under capitalism.

Nazarin abubuwan da ke shafar girman samar da kayayyaki na ƙasa ya bambanta da nazarin yadda za a biya dukkan buƙatun rayuwa na kowane mutum daidai gwargwado kuma gaba ɗaya. Na farko yana cikin fagen ilimin tattalin arziki, yayin da na biyu yana cikin tsarin tattalin arziki. Abin nazari a tsarin tattalin arziki ya kamata ya zama buƙatun rayuwar ɗan adam a matsayinsa na ɗan adam, da rarraba dukiya ga mambobin al'umma domin tabbatar da biyan dukkan buƙatunsu na asali. Wannan ya kamata ya zama abin nazari, kuma a ɗauke shi a matsayin tushen tsarin. Magance talaucin ƙasa baki ɗaya ba ya warware talaucin daidaikun mutane. Akasin haka, magance talaucin daidaikun mutane na iya haifar da ƙara dukiyar ƙasa, ta hanyar ƙarfafa mutane su yi aiki su samar da ƙari. Don haka ba abin mamaki ba ne cewa gwamnatoci suna amfani da fakitin ƙarfafawa da na rangwamen haraji don habaka tattalin arziki da ƙara yawan samarwa.

The study of the factors that affect the size of national production differs from the study for satisfying all the basic needs of all individuals personally and completely. The first one falls within the scope of the economic science, while the second one belongs to the economic system. The subject of the economic system should be the basic human needs of man, as a human being, and the distribution of wealth to the members of society to guarantee the satisfaction of all their basic needs. This should be the subject of study, and should be considered at the foundation of the system. The treatment of the poverty of a country as a whole does not solve the poverty of individuals. On the contrary, the treatment of the poverty of the individuals may lead to increasing the national wealth by motivating people to work and produce more. It is not surprising then, that the stimulus and tax incentive packages are used by governments to stimulate the economy and increase production rates.

Tsarin tattalin arziki yana magance bukatun mutane da hanyoyin biyan waɗannan bukatu. Samar da kayayyaki da hidimomi, waɗanda su ne hanyoyin biyan bukatu, tare da rarraba waɗannan kayayyaki da hidimomi, jari-hujja tana ɗaukar su a matsayin maudu'i guda ɗaya, wanda ba za a iya raba su da juna ba. Maudu'in rarraba kayayyaki da hidimomi yana cikin maudu'in samar da kayayyaki da hidimomi. Jari-hujja a matsayin tsari ba ta bambance tsakanin samarwa a gefe guda da mallakar kayayyaki a ɗayan gefen ba. Saboda haka, masu jari-hujja suna haɗa ilimin tattalin arziki da tsarin tattalin arziki cikin iyakar maudu'i guda ɗaya, ba tare da bambance tsakanin su biyun ba.

The economic system addresses the needs of people and the means of satisfying these needs. The production of commodities and services, which are the means of satisfying the needs, together with the distribution of these commodities and services, are treated by capitalism as one subject, inseparable from each other. The subject matter of the distribution of commodities and services is embedded within the subject of the production of commodities and services. Capitalism as a system does not distinguish between production on one hand and possession of products on the other hand. Consequently, the capitalists integrate the economic science and the economic system within the scope of one subject without differentiating between both.

A haƙiƙa, duk da haka, ya kamata a sami bambanci bayyananne tsakanin tsarin tattalin arziƙi da ilimin tattalin arziƙi. Tsarin tattalin arziƙi (ƙa'idodinsa, dokokinsa, ƙa'idojinsa) yana magana ne a kan batutuwan mallakar dukiya, kashe-kashensa, da rarraba ta. Mallakar dukiya, kashe ta, da rarraba ta sun bambanta gwargwadon ra'ayin mutum game da rayuwa ko akida. Musulunci, misali, ya bambanta da gurguzu/kwaminisanci da jari-hujja a batutuwan da suka shafi mallaka, mallakar mallaki, kashe dukiya, da rarraba ta. Kowane ɗayan waɗannan tsare-tsare yana da nasa ra'ayin akida game da rayuwa. Misali, kowace akida tana kallon batun mallaka ta hanya daban. Yayin da jari-hujja ke jaddada mallakar mutum, gurguzu/kwaminisanci yana amfani da mallakar jama'a, Musulunci kuwa yana amfani da mallakar mutum da ta jama'a tare.

In reality, though, there should be a clear difference between the economic system and economic science. The economic system (its principles, laws, regulations) deals with the issues of wealth possession, expenditure, and distribution. Possession, spending, and distribution of wealth vary according to the viewpoint about life or ideology. Islam, for example, differs from socialism/communism and capitalism in issues related to possession, ownership, spending, and distribution. Each of these systems has its own ideological viewpoint of life. For example, each ideology treats the issue of ownership in a different manner. While capitalism emphasizes private ownership, socialism/ communism utilizes public ownership, and Islam uses both private and public ownership.

Ilimin tattalin arziki yana magana ne akan samarwa, inganta kayayyaki, kirkire-kirkire, da hanyoyin samarwa. Ilimin tattalin arziki, kamar sauran ilimomi, na duk al'ummomi ne baki daya, kuma ba na wata akida ta musamman ba. Inganta samarwa, misali, al'amari ne na kimiyya da fasaha, kuma mutane na iya karbarsa ba tare da la'akari da akidarsu ko ra'ayinsu na rayuwa ba. Misali, sarrafa abubuwa ta na'ura (automation) a matsayin hanyar inganta kayayyaki za a iya amfani da ita ta masu jari-hujja, ko 'yan gurguzu, ko Musulmai, babu shinge na akida.

Economic science deals with production, product improvement, invention, and the means of production. Economic science, like any other sciences, is universal to all nations and is not particular to any one ideology. The improvement of production, for instance, is a technical scientific issue and can be adopted by people irrespective of their ideology or life view. For example, automation as a means of product improvement can be used by capitalists, socialists, or Muslims without any ideological barriers.

Haɗuwa tsakanin samar da albarkatun tattalin arziki da hanyar samunsu da rarraba su lahani ne na asali a tsarin jari-hujja, wanda ke haifar da kurakurai da yuwuwar gazawa a tattalin arzikin jari-hujja. Idan masu jari-hujja suka fuskanci matsalar talauci, sukan koma ga samar da kayayyaki da yawa maimakon mayar da hankali kan rarraba waɗanda suka riga suke da su, waɗanda wataƙila sun isa su ciyar da mayunwata, su samar da masauki ga marasa gida, da kuma kula da marasa lafiya.

The integration between the production of the economic resources and the manner of their acquisition and distribution is a fundamental fault in the capitalist system which is bound to cause errors and potential failure in the economy of capitalism. When capitalists face the issue of poverty, they resort to produce more products instead of focusing on distributing the ones which they already have and might be more than enough to feed the hungry and house the homeless and treat the ill.

Kapitalizm yana ganin cewa bukatun abin duniya kawai ne ya kamata a biya. Wannan babban aibi ne a cikin Kapitalizm, domin yana take tsarin halitta na mutum wanda ya ƙunshi bukatun abin duniya da waɗanda ba na abin duniya ba. Baya ga bukatun abin duniya, mutum yana da ilhama, motsin rai, ji, hankali da tunani. Kowannen waɗannan yana buƙatar a biya shi ko a tsara shi. Yunwa misali ne na bukatar abin duniya wadda ke buƙatar abinci domin a biya ta. Tsoro kuwa misali ne na bukatun da ba na abin duniya ba, wanda shi ne bayyanuwar ilhamar rayuwa. Kwadayi ma wata bayyanuwa ce ta ilhamar rayuwa. Ya kamata a yi la'akari da dukkan bukatun biyu a kuma kula da su. Kusan kowa ya yarda cewa kwadayi da tsoro sun fi yin tasiri a rikicin kuɗi na baya-bayan nan. Yin watsi da bukatun da ba na abin duniya ba na iya sauƙaƙa barin halaye kamar kwadayi su mamaye hanyoyin samarwa da samun abubuwa. Sakamakon haka, talauci ya zama matsala marar mafita, mai yaɗuwa kamar annoba. Bukatun da ba na abin duniya ba kuma sun haɗa da buƙatar bauta da tsarkake Allah, bukatun soyayya da ƙiyayya, bukatun girman kai da kishin ƙasa, da sauran abubuwa da yawa.

Capitalism views the materialistic needs as the only ones which need to be satisfied. This is a serious flaw in Capitalism because it violates the natural composition of a human being which exhibits both materialistic and non-materialistic needs. Besides the material needs, humans have instincts, emotions, feelings, intellect, and mind. Each of these units requires satisfaction and/or organization. Hunger is an example of a material need which requires food for its satisfaction. Fear is an example of nonmaterial needs which is a manifestation of the survival instinct. Greed is another manifestation of the instinct of survival. Both needs should be addressed and taken care of. It is almost unanimous that greed and fear had the greatest impact on the most recent financial crisis. Ignoring the nonmaterialistic needs can easily allow traits such as greed to dominate the production and acquisition practices. As a result, poverty becomes irresolvable problem with epidemic proprtions. The nonmaterialistic needs also include the needs to worship and sanctify a God, the needs of love and hate, the needs of pride and patriotism, and may many more.

Ha ga rashin biyan waɗannan buƙatu, ko kuma ɗaukar su a matsayin abin da ba shi da muhimmanci a lokacin samar da kayayyaki da amfani da su, yana haifar da babban rarrabuwar kai a cikin al'umma. An sani sosai a ƙarƙashin tsarin jari-hujja cewa aikin mai hannun jari a kamfani kawai shi ne samun kuɗi. Alhakin zamantakewa na kamfanoni wata matsala ce da ta yi yawa kamar annoba. Rashin ɗabi'un kirki a kasuwa (samarwa da amfani) yana da mummunan tasiri a kan jin daɗin al'umma baki ɗaya, wanda hakan ke shafar jin daɗin tattalin arziƙi. Kamar yadda aka tattauna a baya, an sha amincewa cewa rikicin ɗabi'a yana ɗaya daga cikin manyan dalilan rikicin kuɗi wanda ya haifar da rushewar manyan cibiyoyin kuɗi. Lalacewar ɗabi'u a hankali abu ne na halitta kuma abin da ake tsammani, saboda tsarin jari-hujja yana mayar da hankali ne kawai kan bukatun abin duniya a lokacin zagayowar samarwa da amfani.

Failure to address these needs or considering them irrelevant at the time of production and consumption of products create a great disparity in the society. It has become widely known under capitalism that the only role of a stakeholder in a company is to make money. Social responsibility of corporates is known to be a problem with epidemic scale. The absence of moral values in the market (production and consumption) has serious impacts on the overall well-being of the society, which invariably affects the well-being of the economy. As discussed earlier, moral crisis had been widely acknowledged to be a major factor behind the financial crisis which led to the collapse of major financial institutions. The decay of moral values over time is a natural and expected consequence of the fact that capitalism focuses and concentrates only on materialistic needs during the cycle of production and consumption.

Nuna wariya a wurin aiki bisa jinsi, launin fata, kala da kabila ya samo asali kai tsaye daga irin wannan rabuwa tsakanin bukatun abin duniya da na ruhi. Har zuwa lokacin da gwamnati ta shiga tsakani a shekarar 1963, kamfanoni a karkashin tsarin jari-hujja a Amurka suna iya biyan mata albashi kasa da abin da suke biyan maza a kan aiki iri daya. Shugaban Amurka na baya, J. F. Kennedy, ya sanya hannu kan Dokar Biyan Albashi Daidai (Equal Pay Act43) a shekarar 1963, wadda ta haramta wa ma'aikata biyan maza da mata albashi mara daidai a kan aiki daya da suke yi. A shekarar 1963, mace tana samun centi hamsin da tara (59) a kowace dala da namiji ke samu; sannan a shekarar 2009, mace har yanzu tana samun centi saba'in da takwas (78) a kowace dala da namiji ke samu. Mata Ba-Amurkawa da matan Hispanic suna ci gaba da samun albashi mai yawa kasa da na maza da matan fararen fata (centi sittin da hudu da centi hamsin da hudu a kowace dala bi da bi).

Discrimination in the workplace based on gender, race, color, and ethnicity is a direct result of such separation between material and nonmaterial needs. Until the government intervened in 1963, corporations under capitalism in the United States were able to pay women less than what they paid men for the same job. The Equal Pay Act43 was signed in 1963 by former president J. F. Kennedy, making it illegal for employers to pay unequal wages to men and women who hold the same job and do the same work. In 1963, a woman earned fifty-nine cents for each dollar a man earned; and in 2009, a woman still earns seventy-eight cents for each dollar a man earns. African American women and Hispanic women continue to be paid much less than white men and white women (sixty-four cents and fifty-four cents on the dollar respectively).

Watakila kishin ƙasa ne ya fi ba da mafi ban sha'awa a cikin batun bukatu marasa na abin duniya. Kare ƙasa ko al'umma yana bukatar a fassara shi zuwa bukatu na abin duniya da za a iya aunawa a ƙarƙashin tsarin jari-hujja. Matsalar takan zama mafi bayyana kuma mafi tsanani idan aka bayar da farashi mafi girma ga wata manufa ta adawa, wanda hakan zai iya zama cin amana. Haka ne cin amana ke faruwa ta hannun waɗanda ke sayar da kishin ƙasarsu don neman farashi mafi girma. Kishin ƙasa bukata ce marar ta abin duniya. Ji ne na gaske da mutane na yau da kullum ke ɗauke da shi a cikin zukatansu, wanda ke motsa su su tsaya don kare ƙasar da suke zaune a kai. Ya kamata a dubi albashin da ake biyan sojoji ba a matsayin diyya ga kishin ƙasa ba; diyya ce ga lokacin da suka kashe a aikin da ke hana soja samun kuɗi ta wani aikin daban.

Perhaps patriotism provides the most interesting paradox when it comes to nonmaterialistic needs. The defense of a land or nation needs to be translated into measurable materialistic needs under capitalism. The problem becomes more visible and serious when a higher price is offered for a counterobjective, which could amount to treason. This is exactly how treason is committed by those who sell off the patriotism of their nation in favor of a higher price. Patriotism is a nonmaterialistic need. It is a genuine feeling that normal people carry within their own self which motivates them to stand up in defense of the land they live on. Compensation paid to soldiers should not be looked at as a compensation for patriotism; it is a compensation for the time spent in duty which prevents a soldier from earning money doing another job.

Wani misalin shari'o'i kuma: ana shigar da kararraki saboda abubuwan zahiri kamar raunukan jiki da barnar dukiya, haka nan kuma saboda abubuwan da ba na zahiri ba kamar mutunci, girman kai da daraja. Abin mamaki, kararrakin da suka shafi abubuwan da ba na zahiri ba sukan ci kudi fiye da na abubuwan zahiri. Akwai banbanci a fili idan ana maganar kararrakin da suka shafi ji da mutuncin mutane. Farashin da ake sanyawa ga ji ko mutunci na iya kasancewa daga babu komai har zuwa daruruwan miliyoyin daloli! Abin lura kuma shi ne yawan kararraki yakan karu sosai a lokacin rikicin kudi da tattalin arziki. A gundumomin Amurka, yawan kararraki ya karu daga 150 a wata a shekarar 2003 zuwa 650 a wata a shekarar 2009. Wannan babban banbanci a farashin raunukan da ba na zahiri ba yana nuna wani aibi a tushen tsarin tattalin arziki, wanda ke mu'amala da abubuwan zahiri kawai. Saboda haka, kimanta farashin raunin da ba na zahiri ba ana barin shi ga ra'ayin alkalan sulhu a kowace shari'a.

Another example is the case of lawsuits. Lawsuits are filed for material objects such as physical injuries and property damages, as well as for nonmaterial objects such as character, pride, and honor. Amazingly, the lawsuits for nonmaterial objects usually cost much higher than those for material objects. There is a visible disparity when it comes to lawsuits related to people’s feelings and honor. The price placed on feelings or honor can range from nothing at all to hundreds of millions of dollars! It is also interesting to note that the number of lawsuits soars during financial and economic crisis. In the US districts, the number of lawsuits increased from 150 per month in 2003 to 650 per month in 2009. This large variance in the price of nonmaterial injuries reveals a defect at the core of the economic system, which only deals with material objects. As such, the estimation of the price of a nonmaterial injury is left to the discretion of the arbitrators in each case.

Gazawar tsarin jari-hujja wajen yin la'akari da magance bukatun mutane marasa nasaba da abin duniya babban lahani ne kuma gazawa ce a cikin tsarin. Wannan gazawar tabbas za ta kai ga manyan kura-kurai, ma'ana, za ta iya haifar da rugujewar tsarin.

Failure of capitalism to consider and address the nonmaterialistic needs of people is a serious flaw and defect within the system. This defect is bound to lead to major errors and potentially a collapse of the system.

Kamar yadda aka lura a sama, jari-hujja (capitalism) ba ya ba wa kowace daraja ta ɗabi'a muhimmanci, sai dai darajar kayan da aka samar da kuma yanayin buƙatar ɗan adam ta fuskar abin duniya. A cewar Milton Friedman37, nauyin al'umma da ya rataya a wuyan kasuwanci shi ne ƙara riba gwargwadon iko, kuma duk wani ƙoƙari na cika nauyin al'umma wanda ba shi da alaƙa da samun kuɗi haraji ne marar halal, ko ma sata ce; ƙara riba zai haifar da mafi kyawun sakamako gabaɗaya ga al'umma.

As noted above, capitalism does not give weight to any value, except to the material value of the product and the material nature of the human need. According to Milton Friedman37, the social responsibility of business is to maximize profits and any commitment to fulfilling social responsibilities other than making money is an illegitimate tax, or even theft; maximizing profits will produce the best overall consequences for society.

Abin sha'awa ne a lura cewa nazarin da'a a harkokin kasuwanci bai fara zama fannin ilimi a Amurka ba sai a shekarun 1970; nazarin da'a a kasuwancin duniya ya fito ne a ƙarshen shekarun 1990 45. Wannan alama ce bayyananniya cewa al'amuran da'a na tattalin arziki ba su dogara ga ainihin ka'idar jari-hujja ba. Al'amuran da'a a duniyar kasuwanci sun fito ne sakamakon munanan ayyuka, waɗanda ba za a ƙara yin watsi da su ba.

It is interesting to note that the study of business ethics did not emerge as a field of study in the United States until the 1970s; international business ethics emerged in the late 1990s45. This is a clear indication that the ethical aspects of the economy are not based in the core theory of capitalism. The ethical aspects in the business world emerged as a result of unethical practices, which no longer could be ignored.

Rashin ɓangaren ɗabi'a da na ɗabi'un kirki a cikin kasuwanci, da kuma mayar da hankali gaba ɗaya kan samun kuɗi da riba, babban aibi ne a asalin ka'idojin tsarin jari-hujja. Wannan tabbas zai haifar da ɗimbin ayyukan rashin da'a, wanda ke cutar da zaman lafiyar tattalin arziki baki ɗaya. A cewar Theodore Roosevelt Malloch24, ba za a iya dawo da ɗabi'un kirki ta hanyar zaman horo ba, ko ta shirya darussa, ko ta takaitattun rahotannin shugabanni. Ɗabi'a ta rabu da tsarin tun ranar da aka yi watsi da bukatun da ba na abin duniya ba.

The absence of the ethical and moral aspect of the business and the absolute focus on making money and profit is a major flaw in the origin of the theories of capitalism. This is bound to create a myriad of unethical practices, which adversely impacts the stability of the economy at large. According to Theodore Roosevelt Malloch24, the moral values cannot be reinstated through training sessions, course development, or executive summaries. Morality has been detached from the system the moment the nonmaterialistic needs were ignored.

A ƙarƙashin tsarin jari-hujja, ciyar da talaka (wani nau'i na rarraba dukiya) na iya faruwa ne kawai idan yana kawo wa mutum amfani na zahiri, kamar rangwamen haraji. Amma hakan ba zai faru ba saboda umarni daga Allah ko don neman yardar Allah da gamsuwarsa ba. Ba abin mamaki ba ne cewa yawancin ƙungiyoyin agaji masu tasiri a duniyar jari-hujja suna bisa addini.

Under capitalism, feeding a poor (a form of wealth distribution) may be done only if it brings a material benefit, such as tax break. But it will not happen in response to an order from God or in pursuit of God’s pleasure and satisfaction. It is not surprising that most of the effective charity organizations in the capitalist world are religion based.

Baya ga rashin kishin ɗabi'a da na ɗa'a a cikin tsarin samarwa da amfani, jari-hujja ta kasa fahimtar cewa al'umma baki ɗaya tana da wasu buƙatu waɗanda suka bambanta da na daidaikun mutane. Jari-hujja, kamar yadda aka tattauna a baya, an gina ta ne bisa ƙa'idar rabuwar coci da gwamnati. Haka kuma, an gina ta ne a kan 'yancin mallaka, wanda ke jaddada ƙa'idar mallakar mutum ɗaya. Wannan tushe ya sa masu jari-hujja suka yi imani cewa al'umma tana ƙunshe ne kawai da mutanen da suke hulɗa da juna domin biyan buƙatun juna ta hanyar musayar ƙwazonsu da/ko kayayyakinsu. Babban ɓangaren al'umma a idon masu jari-hujja shi ne mutane. Manyan ciniki da ke faruwa tsakanin mutane su ne waɗanda suka shafi musayar kayayyaki da ƙwazo. Gwamnati a cikin al'umma kayan aiki ce, wadda babban aikinta shi ne tabbatar da gudanar da ciniki cikin 'yanci. Domin cika aikinta, gwamnati tana buƙatar a biya ta da mutane (ta hanyar haraji) saboda ayyukan da take bai wa daidaikun mutane a cikin al'umma. Irin wannan kallon al'umma kuskure ne.

Besides the absence of the moral and ethical factor in the production and consumption process, capitalism fails to recognize the fact that the society as a whole has certain needs which are different from those of the individuals. Capitalism, as discussed earlier, is based on the principle idea of separation of church and state. Further, it is built upon the freedom of ownership which emphasizes the private ownership principle. This foundation has led the capitalists to believe that the society is made only of the people who interact with each other in order to satisfy each other’s needs through the exchange of their efforts and/or products. The main component of the society in the capitalist’s view is the people. The main transactions, which occur between people, are those related to the exchange of products and efforts. The state in the society is a tool, whose main function is to guarantee the free execution of transactions. In order to accomplish its task, the state needs to be paid by the people (through taxes) in return to the services provided by the state to individuals in the society. Such view of the society is flawed.

Mutane kaɗai ba za su iya samar da al'umma ba sai dai idan an sami dangantaka mai ɗorewa a tsakaninsu. Lura cewa rukunin mutane da ke tafiya a cikin jirgin sama ko jirgin ruwa ba sa samar da al'umma, ko da yake matafiyan na iya mu'amala da juna su kuma gudanar da nau'o'in harkokin ciniki iri-iri yayin da suke cikin jirgin ruwan ko jirgin saman. Sai dai mutanen da ke cikin gari, birni, ko yanki za su samar da al'umma yayin da dangantakar da ke tsakaninsu ta zama mai ƙarfi da ɗorewa. Dangantaka tsakanin mutane tana tasowa ne don biyan buƙatu da sha'awoyinsu. Buƙatu da sha'awar maza da mata na samun zuriya su ne ke kai ga dangantakar aure. Buƙatu da sha'awar mutane na tsaro da kariya su ne ke kai ga alaƙar kishin ƙasa. Buƙatu da sha'awar mutane na girman kai da asali su ne ke kai ga alaƙar kabilanci da ƙabilanci. Buƙatu da sha'awar mutane na tsarki da ibada su ne ke kai ga alaƙar addini. Buƙatu da sha'awar mutane na abinci, tufafi, da lafiya su ne ke kai ga alaƙar kuɗi da tattalin arziki. Waɗannan dangantaka da alaƙoƙi za su ɗauki wata siga ko wata, bisa ga irin ra'ayoyi, tunani, da motsin zuciyar da mutane ke da su game da waɗannan dangantaka da alaƙoƙi.

The people alone cannot form a society until and unless permanent relations persist among them. Note that a group of individuals travelling on an aeroplane or a ship do not form a society, although the travellers may interact with each other and execute various types of transactions while on the ship or on the plane. The people in a town, city, or region would, however, form a society when the relations between them become more stable and permanent. The relations between people take place in response to their needs and desires. The needs and desires of men and women for progeny lead to relations of marriage. The needs and desires of people for safety and security lead to bonds of patriotism. The needs and desires of people for pride and identity lead to bonds of tribalism and nationalism. The needs and desires of people for sanctification lead to bonds of religion. The needs and desires of people for food, clothing, and health lead to financial and economic relations. These relations and bonds will take one form or another based on what type of ideas, concepts, and emotions the people have towards these relations and bonds.

Imani da rabuwar addini da gwamnati da kuma jin ƙaunar 'yanci a ƙarshe za su tsara alaƙoƙi da danganta-dangantaka a wata hanya ta musamman, wadda ta bambanta da wadda imani da juyin halittar tarihin tattalin arziki (historical materialism) zai tsara, ko kuma wadda imanin cewa Allah ne tushen dukkan dokoki zai tsara. Abin da ke bambanta al'ummomi da juna ba mutanen da ke rayuwa a cikin al'umma ba ne; a'a, siffar alaƙoƙi da danganta-dangantakan da ke tsakanin mutane ce. Lokacin da al'ummar Rasha kwanan nan ta canza daga al'ummar gurguzu zuwa al'ummar jari-hujja, daidaikun mutane ba su canja ba; bukatunsu ba su canja ba. Alexander, Peter, da Katrina sun ci gaba da samun irin bukatu da sha'awoyi iri ɗaya. Abin da ya buƙaci canji, duk da haka, shi ne hanyoyi da tsarin da suke biyan bukatunsu, da yanayin danganta-dangantaka a tsakaninsu, da dokoki da ƙa'idodin da ke kare waɗannan alaƙoƙi. Haka nan, a al'ummar Masar, mafi yawan mutane Musulmi ne. Sai dai alaƙoƙin kuɗi a tsakaninsu ana gudanar da su ne bisa ƙa'idodin jari-hujja. Alaƙoƙin siyasa kuma ana gudanar da su bisa kishin ƙasa na cikin gida. Al'ummar Masar ba za a iya kwatanta ta a matsayin al'umma ta Musulunci ba, duk da cewa mafi yawan mutane Musulmi ne. Haka kuma ba za a iya kwatanta ta a matsayin al'umma ta dimokuraɗiyya ba, duk da cewa wani ɓangare na alaƙoƙin ana gudanar da su bisa jari-hujja.

The belief in the separation of religion from state and the emotional feelings toward freedom will eventually shape the various bonds and relations in a particular way, which is different from that one shaped by the belief in the historical materialism evolution, or from that one shaped by the belief that God is the source of all legislations. What distinguishes societies one from another is not the people who live in the society; rather it is the shape of the relations and bonds that exist between the people. When the Russian society recently was transferred from a society of socialism to a society of capitalism, the individuals did not change; their needs did not change. Alexander, Peter, and Katrina continued to have the same needs and desires. What required the change, however, were the means and ways they satisfy their needs, and the nature of bonds and relations between them, and the laws and regulations which protect these bonds and relations. Similarly, in the society of Egypt, the majority of people are Muslims. However, the financial relations between them are conducted according to the principles of capitalism. The political relations are conducted according to local nationalism. The society of Egypt cannot be characterized as an Islamic one, although the majority of the people are Muslims. It cannot be characterized as a democratic one, although part of the relations is done according to capitalism.

Ta amfani da misali na kwamfuta, al'umma tana kama da hanyar sadarwa ta kwamfutoci. Kowace kwamfuta a cikin hanyar sadarwar tana da naurarta ta kanta, tana da buƙatunta, kuma tana da matsalolinta. Amma hanyar sadarwar gaba ɗaya tana da nata ƙayyadaddun bayanai, buƙatu, da matsaloli. Mafi shahara a cikin sassan hanyar sadarwar shi ne abin da masana kwamfuta ke kira ka'idar hanyar sadarwa (network protocol). Ba abin karɓa ba ne a magance buƙatun kowace naura a cikin hanyar sadarwar sannan a ɗauka cewa ka'idar hanyar sadarwar za ta cika kanta ta atomatik kuma hanyar sadarwar za ta yi aiki yadda ya kamata.

Using computer analogy, the society is similar to a network of computers. Each computer in the network is a stand-alone unit which has its own specifications, needs, and problems. But the network as a whole has its own specifications, needs, and problems. The most prominent piece of the network is what the computer people call the network protocol. It is not acceptable to address the needs of each node in the network and assume that the protocol of the networks will automatically be satisfied and the network will function as well.

A takaice dai, al'umma ba kawai tarin daidaikun mutane ba ce. Akwai tsari a cikin al'umma wanda yana da nasa bukatu da buƙatu, waɗanda suka bambanta da na daidaikun mutane. Ɗabi'a, da'a, girmama tsari, ruhaniya, dokoki da umarni, ra'ayoyi da jigogi, ra'ayin jama'a da wayewa, duk suna cikin bukatun al'umma. Yin watsi da waɗannan bukatu da iyakance matsalar tattalin arziki ga samun riba ga daidaikun mutane babban kuskure ne. Ba daidai ba ne a ɗauki wani abu a matsayin mai amfani kawai saboda yana samar da riba ga wani, ko saboda wani yana son wannan kaya, ko yana da cutarwa ko a'a, ko yana shafar dangantaka tsakanin mutane ko a'a, ko kuma an haramta shi ko an halatta shi a imanin mutanen al'umma.

In summary, the society is not simply a collection of individuals. There is a protocol in the society that has its own requirements and needs, which are different from those of the individuals. Morality, ethics, respect of the order, spirituality, laws and orders, ideas and themes, public opinion and awareness are all part of the needs of the society. Ignoring these needs and limiting the economic problem to profit making by individuals is a serious defect. It is incorrect to consider a thing beneficial simply because it generates profit to someone, or because somebody likes that product, whether it is harmful or not and whether it affects the relationships among people or not, and whether it is prohibited or permitted in the belief of the people in the society.

Jari-hujja yana ɗaukar barasa, taba, tabar wiwi, opium, abubuwan fashewa da makamantansu a matsayin kayayyakin kasuwanci kawai saboda akwai wanda yake son su. Ba za a iya ɗaukar waɗannan kayayyaki a matsayin masu amfani da daraja ba idan aka yi la'akari da mummunan tasirinsu a kan dangantaka tsakanin mutane a cikin al'umma. Kuskure ne a duba kayan da aka sani kawai kamar yadda yake, ba tare da la'akari da tasirinsa ga al'umma ba. Matsalar dumamar yanayi da ke ƙara ta'azzara saboda yawaitar fitar da sinadarin carbon a sararin samaniya wani misali ne, inda riba ta mutane ke karo da jin daɗin al'umma.

Capitalism considers alcoholism, tobacco, cannabis, opium, explosives, and the like as economic commodities just because there is somebody who wants them. These commodities cannot be considered of benefits and value when their negative effects on the relationships between people in the society are taken into consideration. It is wrong to look at a product merely as it is, regardless of its impact on the society. The growing problem of global warming due to increased output of carbon products in the sphere is another example, where the profitability of individuals clash with the society’s well-being.

Masu jari-hujja na jari-hujja (masu tsarin babban birni) suna ikirarin cewa matsalar tattalin arziki da kowace al'umma ke fuskanta ita ce karancin kayayyaki da ayyuka. Suna kuma ikirarin cewa karuwar bukatu a kullum da rashin iya biyan dukansu, wato rashin isassun kayayyaki da ayyuka don biyan dukkan bukatun mutum gaba daya, shi ne tushen matsalar tattalin arziki. Wannan ra'ayi kuskure ne kuma yana iya cin karo da yanayin dan Adam. Bukatun da ya kamata a biya su su ne muhimman bukatun mutum a matsayinsa na dan Adam (abinci, matsuguni, lafiya, da tufafi), ba na alatu ba, ko da yake ya kamata a nemi su ma. Muhimman bukatun dan Adam suna da iyaka, kuma albarkatu da kokarin da suke kira kayayyaki da ayyuka tabbas sun isa su biya muhimman bukatun dan Adam; yana yiwuwa a biya dukkan muhimman bukatun bil'adama gaba daya. A takaice, ba rashin albarkatun ne ke haifar da matsalar ba; a'a, rabon wadannan albarkatun ne. Don haka, matsalar tattalin arziki ya kamata ta zama rabon albarkatu ta hanyar da za ta baiwa kowane mutum damar biyan muhimman bukatunsa gaba daya, da kuma taimaka masa ya yi kokarin samun bukatunsa na alatu.

The capitalists claim that the economic problem which faces any society is the scarcity of commodities and services. They also claim that the steadily increasing needs and the inability to satisfy all of them, i.e., the insufficiency of commodities and services to satisfy all of man’s needs completely, is the basis of the economic problem. This view is erroneous and and may well collide with the human nature. The needs which must be met are the basic needs of the individual as a human (food, shelter, health, and clothing), and not the luxurious ones, although they too should be pursued. The basic needs of humans are limited, and the resources and the efforts which they call the commodities and services are certainly sufficient to satisfy the basic human needs; it is possible to satisfy all of the basic needs of mankind completely. In other words, it is not the unavailability of the resources that creates the problem; rather it is the distribution of these resources. The economic problem should, therefore, be the distribution of the resources in a manner to enable every individual to completely satisfy their basic needs and to help them to strive for attaining their luxurious needs.

Maganar karuwar buƙatu a koyaushe ba daidai ba ce. Buƙatun ɗan adam na asali, a matsayinsa na mutum, ba sa ƙaruwa. Suna nan daram kuma an bayyana su sosai. Buƙatun jin daɗi kuwa na iya ƙaruwa da bambanta. Gaskiya ne cewa ci gaban birni a matakai daban-daban yana ƙara buƙatun jin daɗi; amma tabbas buƙatun asali suna nan iri ɗaya ba tare da la'akari da ci gaban birni ba. Rashin iya biyan buƙatun jin daɗi marasa muhimmanci na mutum ba ya haifar da matsala a cikin al'umma; abin da ke haifar da matsala shi ne rashin iya biyan buƙatun asali kamar buƙatar abinci, matsuguni, tufafi, da lafiya. An rawaito cewa Annabi Muhammad ﷺ ya ce: "Duk wanda yake da tsaro a gidansa, da jiki mai lafiya, da abinci na yininsa, to hakika ya samu dukkan buƙatun rayuwarsa."67

The reference to the steadily increasing needs is not accurate. The basic needs of man as a human do not increase. They are fixed and well defined. The luxurious needs may increase and vary. It is true that the advancement in various levels of urbanization increases demands for luxuries; but certainly the basic needs remain the same irrespective of urban development. The inability of a person to satisfy his luxurious non-essential needs does not cause a problem in the society; what causes a problem is the inability to satisfy the basic needs such as the needs for food, shelter, clothing, and health. Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) is reported to have said, “He who has security at his home, a healthy body, and food for his day, indeed has attained all the needs for his life”67.

Haka kuma, batun karuwar abubuwan jin dadi wani batu ne da ya shafi wasu mutane ba dukkan daidaikun jama'a a cikin ƙasa ba. Ana warware wannan batu ta hanyar sha'awar ɗabi'a ta ɗan adam na biyan buƙatunsa. Wannan sha'awa tana motsa mutum ya yi aiki don biyan waɗannan buƙatu na jin dadi. Mutanen wata ƙasa na iya biyan waɗannan buƙatu ta hanyar faɗaɗa albarkatun ƙasar, yin aiki a wasu ƙasashe, ko inganta ingancin kayayyaki, kaya da ayyuka. Wannan al'amari ne da ya shafi hanyoyi da dabarun ƙara da inganta ingancin samarwa, wanda batu ne na ilimin tattalin arziki maimakon tsarin tattalin arziki. Hakan ya bambanta da batun biyan buƙatun asali na kowane mutum a cikin al'umma gaba ɗaya, wanda matsala ce ta tsarin tattalin arziki maimakon ilimin tattalin arziki.

Moreover, the question of the increasing luxuries is a question which is related to some people and not to all individuals in a country. This question is solved through the natural motivation of a human to satisfy his needs. This motive drives man to work towards satisfying these luxurious needs. People in a given country may meet these demands by expanding the resources of the country, working in other countries, or improving the quality of products, goods, and services. This is a matter related to the means and ways of increasing and improving the quality of production, which is an issue of economic science rather than economic system. That is different from the issue of completely satisfying the basic needs of each and every individual in society, which is a problem of the economic system rather than the economic science.

A wani misali da aka saba ambata a cikin nazarin tattalin arziki game da karancin albarkatu ya shafi karancin lokaci. Ana cewa a cikin sa'o'i ashirin da hudu na dare da rana, ba ma iya biyan dukkan bukatunmu da suke tasowa a cikin yini. Wannan na iya zama gaskiya a gaba daya, amma idan muka duba yunwa musamman, ya kamata mu fahimci cewa lokacin awanni ashirin da hudu ya kamata ya isa a ciyar da kowane mutum. Musulunci, misali, ya haramta a fili duk wanda zai kwana cikin yunwa a cikin yini da dare55.

A typical example cited in the economic studies of resource scarcity is related to the scarcity of time. It is claimed that within the twenty-four hours of the night and day, we are unable to satisfy all our needs that arise within the day. This may be true in general, but when we consider hunger in particular, we must realize that the twenty-four hours’ time frame should be sufficient to feed each and every individual. Islam, for example, makes it categorically prohibited for anyone to remain hungry within the day and the night55.

Peter Rosset, darektan Cibiyar Abinci da Manufofin Ci Gaba ta California, da kuma masu rubuta littafin World Hunger: Twelve Myths, sun binciki tatsuniyar karancin abinci, kuma sun tabbatar da cewa albarkatun abincin duniya suna da yawa ba karanci ba, kuma miliyoyin mutane suna fama da yunwa ko da a kasashen da ake samar da abinci fiye da bukata.82 Ya kammala da cewa ikirarin cewa za a iya magance yunwar duniya ta hanyar kara samar da abinci tatsuniya ce da babu hujja a kanta. Tatsuniyar karanci ta haifar da samar da abinci masu tsada don fitarwa zuwa waje, a kan kudin samar da abinci na asali ga al'umma. Irin wadannan manufofi sun samu goyon baya mai yawa daga kungiyoyin kasa da kasa irin su G8, IMF, da Bankin Duniya. A cewar Peter Rosset, "Ainihin tushen yunwar duniya ba karanci ba ne, manufofi ne; ba abu ne da ba makawa ba, siyasa ce. Ainihin masu laifi su ne tattalin arzikin da ya kasa ba kowa dama, da kuma al'ummomin da suke sanya ingancin tattalin arziki sama da tausayi."

Peter Rosset, director of Institute for Food and Development Policy in California and the coauthors of World Hunger: Twelve Myths explore the myth of scarcity and confirm that the food resources of the world are abundant rather than scarce, and that millions are starving even in countries with excess food production82. He concludes that the claim that world hunger can be solved by increasing food production is an unsubstantiated myth. The scarcity myth has led to production of expensive export foods on the expense of production of basic foods for the population. Such policies have been widely supported by international organs such as the G8, IMF, and the World Bank. According to Peter Rosset, “The true source of world hunger is not scarcity but policy; not inevitability but politics. The real culprits are economies that fail to offer everyone opportunities, and societies that place economic efficiency over compassion.”

1.3.1 Ka'idar Karancin Abu Dangane da Wani

Ƙarancin albarkatu dangi yana haifar da talauci

Tsarin Tattalin Arziki da Ilimin Tattalin Arziki

Bukatun Ɗan Adam na Abin Duniya da Waɗanda Ba Na Duniya Ba

Kayayyakin Tattalin Arziki da Alhakin Zamantakewa

Tatsuniyar Karancin Albarkatu