Watakila abu mafi fice a cikin tsarin tattalin arzikin siyasa shi ne wanda ke bayyana mallakar dukiya a cikin al'umma. An amince da mallakar mutum ɗaya a matsayin babban halin tsarin jari-hujja. Mallakar jama'a ta hanyoyin samar da kayayyaki ita ce babbar alamar gurguzanci. Tsarin tattalin arzikin siyasa na Musulunci yana amincewa da nau'o'i uku na mallaka, watau mallakar mutum ɗaya, mallakar jama'a, da mallakar gwamnati. Iyakar kowane ɗaya daga cikin waɗannan nau'o'in mallaka an ayyana ta sosai.

Perhaps the most outstanding feature of political economies is that which defines property ownership in the society. Private ownership was recognized as the distinctive feature of capitalism. Public ownership of the means of production is the main characteristic of socialism. The Islamic political economy recognizes three forms of ownership, namely, the private ownership, the public ownership, and the state ownership. The scope of each of these forms of ownership is exclusively defined.

Kafin a ci gaba da bayyana waɗannan nau'ikan mallaka, ya kamata a lura cewa ba gurguzanci ba, ba kuma jari-hujja ba, ya iya tsayawa tsayin daka kan ma'anoninsu na mallaka kawai. Shugabannin gurguzu a Tarayyar Soviet sun tilasta wa kansu sassauta tsayayyar ra'ayinsu na mallakar jama'a, suka bude kofa ga mallakar mutum ta iyakantacciyar hanya, musamman a masana'antar noma. Haka nan, masu gurguzu na kasar Sin sun amince da iyakantacciyar mallakar mutum a masana'antar kere-kere. A duniyar jari-hujja kuwa, mayar da mallakar mutum ga gwamnati saboda dalilai daban-daban ya zama ruwan dare. Gwamnati ta karbe bankuna, kamfanonin inshora da masana'antun kera motoci a Amurka da wasu kasashen Turai ya zama mafita da aka amince da ita ga rikicin kudi da matsalolin tattalin arziki. Iyakar mallakar dukiya a duniyar da akidun gurguzanci da jari-hujja ke mamaye da ita za a iya hangota kamar yadda aka nuna a zanen da ke a adadi na 31. Tattalin arzikin kasashen da suka dogara da mallakar mutum kan kara mallakar jama'a a tsarinsu; wadanda ke da mallakar jama'a kuma sukan kara mallakar mutum.

Before proceeding to explain these forms of ownership, it should be noted that neither socialism nor capitalism was able to exclusively stand by their definitions of ownership. The socialist rulers in the Soviet Union were forced to relax their strict view of public ownership and open the door for limited private ownership, especially in the farming industry. By the same token, the Chinese socialists have also allowed a limited private ownership in the manufacturing industry. Within the world of capitalism, nationalization of private property for different reasons is more than common. The government takeover of banks, insurance companies, and auto industries in the United States and some European countries has become an acceptable response to financial crisis and economic problems. The scope of property ownership in a world dominated by the ideas of socialism and capitalism can be visualized as shown in the diagram in figure 31. State economies based on private ownership end up adding public ownership to their systems; those with public property ownerships end up adding private ownerships.

A wannan yana nuna a aikace cewa tsarin tattalin arziki na siyasa mafi kyau kuma mafi dorewa su ne wadanda ke amfani da fiye da nau'i guda na mallaka. Ba za a iya samun daidaitaccen hadin mallaka da iyakar abin da ke zama mallakar daidaiku da abin da ke sa mallakar jama'a ba ta hanyar gwaji da kuskure ko jira da kallo ba. Ya kamata a bayyana wannan hadin a fili da tsari, domin tsarin tattalin arzikin siyasa da zai biyo baya ya zama mai dorewa, kuma ya iya kai ga manufofin da ake so na kawar da talauci da yunwa.

Practically this shows that optimal and stable political economies are the ones that deploy more than one form of ownership. The proper mix of ownerships and the scope of what constitute a private and what makes a public ownership cannot be obtained through a trial-and-error, wait-and-see kind of process. This mix should be more formally defined so that the resulting political economy can be a stable one and can lead to the desired objectives of resolving poverty and hunger.

Abin da ke ƙayyade daidaitaccen haɗin mallakar dukiya shi ne yadda ake fahimtar al'umma da kuma yadda akidu daban-daban ke kallonta. In aka ɗauki al'umma a matsayin rukunin daidaikun mutane, to a dabi'ance ana ba da fifiko ga mallakar daidaikun mutane, sannan a keɓe sauran nau'o'in mallaka gaba ɗaya ko wani ɓangare. In kuma aka ɗauki al'umma a matsayin wani gini ɗaya na zahiri, daidaikun mutane kuwa suna zama sassan wannan gaba ɗaya kawai, to a dabi'ance ana ba da fifiko ga mallakar gama-gari a cikin al'umma. Amma idan aka ɗauki al'umma a matsayin tsari da ya ƙunshi sassa daban-daban masu zaman kansu, to nau'o'in mallakar dukiya za su bambanta gwargwadon bambancin sassanta.

What defines the proper mix of ownerships is the way the society is formed and viewed by different ideologies. If the society is perceived as being as a group of individuals, then it is natural to emphasize the private ownerships of individuals and to partially or completely exclude other ownerships. If the society is perceived to be as a single material unit with individuals being only as parts of the whole unit, then it is natural to emphasize the collective ownership in the society. However, if the society is perceived as a structure composed of distinct and independent components, then property ownerships will diverse according to the diversity of its components.

Tsarin Musulunci game da al'umma ya ƙunshi sassa uku daban-daban. Kowane ɗayansu yana da buƙatunsa na musamman waɗanda suka bambanta da na sauran sassan. Bangare na farko shi ne mutum ɗaya, wanda yake da dabi'un halitta da buƙatun jiki waɗanda ake buƙatar biyan su a kai a kai. Kowane mutum a cikin al'umma yana da buƙatunsa na abinci, matsuguni, lafiya, hutu, aure, ibada, da haihuwa. Domin biyan waɗannan buƙatu, dole ne mutum ya mallaki hanyoyi da kayan aikin da suka wajaba don biyan kowannensu. Idan wani mutum ɗaya ko al'umma gaba ɗaya ne ke mallakar waɗannan hanyoyi da kayan aiki, ba za a sami tabbacin cewa buƙatun wanda ba shi da su za a biya ba. Misali, idan John, Ali, da Adam kowannensu yana da gurasa guda, amma Sam ba shi da ko ɗaya, to Sam na iya kwana da yunwa yayin da John, Ali, da Adam suke cike. Haka kuma, idan John, Ali, Adam, da Sam tare suke mallakar gurasa huɗu, yana yiwuwa ɗayansu ma ya kwana da yunwa. Domin tabbatar da biyan buƙatun mutum na asali, dole ne mutum ya iya mallakar kayayyaki da kayan aikin da suka wajaba don cika waɗannan buƙatu.

The Islamic view of society is such that the society has three distinct components. Each has its specific needs which are different form the needs of the other ones. The first of these components is the individual human being who possesses specific instincts and biological needs which need to be satisfied on a continuous basis. Each individual in the society has his own needs for food, shelter, health, rest, mating, worshiping, and breeding. In order to satisfy these needs, the individual must own the means and tools necessary to satisfy each of these needs. When the means and tools are owned by one person, or by the community at large, there will be no guarantee that the needs of another person who does not own them will be satisfied. For example, if John, Ali, and Adam each has a loaf of bread, but Sam does not have any, then Sam may go hungry while John, Ali, and Adam are full. By the same token, if four loaves of bread are collectively owned by John, Ali, Adam, and Sam, then it is possible that one of them can go hungry as well. To guarantee the satisfaction of the individual basic needs, the individual must be able to own the commodities and tools which are necessary to fulfill these needs.

A cikin duniyar da akidar jari-hujja ta mamaye, mallakar kayayyaki, da kayan masarufi, da hanyoyin samarwa ta hanyar mallakar mutum shi ne tsarin mallaka da aka saba da shi. Amma a cikin tsarin gurguzu, mallakar mutum ana ɗaukarta a matsayin abin da ya saba wa al'ada. Lokacin da nake zaune a Tarayyar Soviet a tsakiyar shekarun 1970, na sha wahala wajen shawo kan abokan aikina cewa mallakar mutum wani hali ne na ɗan adam da ya zama ruwan dare. Ba abu ne mai sauƙi ba ga mutum ya kasance mabiyin addini kamar Musulunci, wanda yake kare mallakar mutum har ya kai ga sanya mafi tsananin hukunci kan laifin keta mallakar dukiyar wani. Kwarewata a duniyar jari-hujja ta kasance akasin haka gaba ɗaya; mallakar mutum ita ce al'ada, kuma duk abin da ba haka ba shi ne banda.

In a world dominated by the capitalist ideology, the private ownership of commodities, goods, and means of production is the default norm of ownership. However, within the realm of socialism, private ownership is considered to be against the norm. When I lived in the Soviet Union in the mid-1970s, I had a hard time convincing my colleagues that private ownership was a normal human behavior. It was not easy to belong to a religion, like Islam, which protects private ownership to the extent that it invokes the harshest punishment against the crime against the private property ownership. My experience in the capitalist world was totally the opposite; private property was the norm, and anything else was the exception.

Ba kamar gurguzanci ba, Musulunci yana amincewa da abin da yake a cikin zuciyar mutum, wato sha'awar neman dukiya da hanyoyin samar da dukiya. Amma kuma ya bambanta da jari-hujja ta fuskar cewa yana takaita iyaka da fagen da mallakar mutum ta gida take aiki. Musulunci bai yarda mutum ya mallaki ko ya samar da abubuwan da aka ware a matsayin haramtattun kaya a Musulunci ba. Misali, bisa ga Musulunci, ba a yarda a samar ko a mallaki kwayoyi ba, ko abubuwan sha na giya, ko gidan caca. Musulunci kuma yana hana daidaikun mutane mallakar dukiyar da ake ganin ta jama'a ce, kamar filayen mai, dazuzzuka, ko koguna.

Unlike socialism, Islam recognizes the innermost characteristic of a human which calls for the acquisition of wealth and the means to produce wealth. But it also differs with capitalism in the sense that it restricts the scope and the range in which private ownership is allowed to operate. Islam does not allow an individual to own or produce things which are categorized as prohibited goods in Islam. For example, it is not allowed under Islam to produce or own drugs, alcoholic drinks, or a casino. Islam also restricts individuals from acquiring property which is considered to be a public property such as oil fields, forests, or rivers.

A dai, Musulunci ya amince da yanayin ɗan Adam na asali, kuma ya yarda cewa mallakar dukiya ta mutum ɗaya abu ne na halitta da ke bayyana ilhamar ɗan Adam ta rayuwa. A lokaci guda kuma, ya gane cewa wasu dukiyoyi ya kamata su kasance a hannun al'umma baki ɗaya, domin hana rashin daidaito da ke tasowa saboda bambancin iyawar mutane wajen samun dukiya. Ba sabon abu ba ne a cikin al'umma wasu mutane su sami ƙwarewa fiye da wasu, ko wasu su fi himma wajen neman arziki, ko ma wasu su kasance da nakasa ko lalura da ke hana su samun isasshen dukiya don biyan bukatunsu. Yanayi daban-daban kamar yaƙe-yaƙe da rikice-rikicen cikin gida, bala'o'in ƙasa kamar girgizar ƙasa da tsunami, bauta da wariya, da rashin adalci na siyasa da tattalin arziki, su ma na iya haifar da halin da wasu mutane ke baya ta fuskar mallakar dukiya.

Aikin ɗan adam shi ne farko kuma babbar hanyar samun dukiya. Ta hanyar aikin jiki ko na hankali, namiji ko mace na iya ƙirƙirar dukiya ta asali wadda ta zama mallakinsa ko mallakinta, wadda doka ke kare ta kuma gwamnati ke aiwatarwa. An ruwaito cewa Annabi Muhammadﷺ ya ce: "Duk wanda ya noma ƙasar da ba ta da mai, to ta zama tasa." Wannan magana ta Annabiﷺ tana shafar ƙasa tsirara wadda ba a taɓa amfani da ita ta kowace hanya ba, kuma babu wata al'umma da ta mallake ta. Ta hanyar noma wani yanki na ƙasa da mayar da shi wurin amfani don noma ko raya ƙasa, mutum ya zama kaɗai mamallakin ƙasar.

Human labor is the first and foremost means of wealth acquisition. Using physical or mental labor, a man or woman can create an original wealth which becomes his or her private property, protected by law and enforced by the state. It is reported that Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) had said, “Whoever cultivated a dead land, it becomes his.”100 This statement of the Prophet applies to bare land that has never been used in any form before and had not been owned by any people. By cultivating a piece of land and converting it into a useful piece for farming or development, one becomes the sole owner of the land.

Musulunci kuma ya halatta wa mutum ya mallaki abin da zai ciro daga ƙarƙashin ƙasa kamar duwatsu da marmara, ko daga teku kamar lu'u-lu'u mai daraja, ko daga iska kamar iskar oxygen da nitrogen. Banda ga ma'adanai da ke cikin manyan ma'adinai, domin an san cewa waɗannan ma'adanai mallakin jama'a ne. Haka nan, ana iya samun dukiya ta hanyar farauta ta tsuntsaye, dabbobi, kifi da sauran abubuwan da ake samu a teku. Alƙur'ani ya ce a cikin Suratul Ma'ida (sura ta 5, aya ta 96): "An halatta muku (kamun) kifin teku da cin abincinsa." A wani wuri kuma, Alƙur'ani ya yi magana game da farautar dabbobi a ƙasa a matsayin hanyar mallakar abu.102

Islam also allowed the individual to own what he can extract from beneath the ground such as stones and marbles, from the sea such as precious pearl,101 or from the air such as oxygen and nitrogen. An exception would be the minerals which exist in large mines since these minerals are known to be the property of the public. By the same token, wealth acquisition can be attained by hunting of birds, animals, fish, and other sea products. The Quran says in Surah Al-Mai’dah (chapter 5, verse 96), “Lawful to you is (the pursuit of) sea hunting and its use for food.” In another location, the Quran speaks of hunting on the land as a means of possession.102

Mutane za su iya amfani da ƙwarewarsu ta tunani da ta jiki wajen shiga tsakani a yarjejeniyoyin cinikayya na halal tsakanin abokan kasuwanci; ka lura cewa 'yan kasuwa ne ke da dukiyar asali, yayin da mai shiga tsakani ke amfani da aikinsa wajen mallakar wani ɓangare na wannan dukiyar. Haka kuma mutane na iya shiga wata yarjejeniya ta musamman da ake kira "Mudharaba." A cikin wannan nau'in haɗin gwiwa, ɗaya daga cikin ɓangarorin yana bayar da kuɗi, ɗayan kuma yana bayar da aiki kawai. Wanda ke shiga da aikinsa ne ke samar da dukiya ga kansa. Wannan nau'in haɗin gwiwa za a iya faɗaɗa shi zuwa noma ma.

Hanyar samun dukiya ta biyu ita ce gado. Gado a Musulunci tsari ne da aka tsara sosai, wanda ta hanyarsa ake raba dukiyar mamaci tsakanin 'ya'ya, iyaye, ma'aurata, 'yan'uwa maza da mata bisa wani tsari na musamman. Dokokin gado a Musulunci suna ba da damar a raba dukiya a warwatsa ta bayan mutuwar mai dukiya. A lokacin ci gaban tattalin arziki, yana yiwuwa dukiya ta taru a hannun wasu mutane kaɗan a lokacin rayuwarsu. Dokokin gado sai a yi amfani da su domin karya wannan yanayi da kuma sa dukiya ta sake juyawa tsakanin mutane da yawa. Akwai nau'o'i uku daban-daban na gado a Musulunci:

The second means of wealth acquisition is inheritance. Inheritance in Islam is a well-defined process, whereby the wealth of a deceased person is distributed among the children, parents, spouses, brothers, and sisters according to a certain formula. Inheritance rules in Islam allow the wealth to be broken and distributed after the death of the wealth owner. It is possible in the process of economic growth for wealth to accumulate in the hands of a few individuals during their life. The rules of inheritance are then used to break this tendency and cause the wealth to be recycled among several individuals. There are three distinct cases of inheritance in Islam:

Shari'ar farko ita ce yayin da magada suka karbi dukkan gado bisa ga dokokin gado, inda ake raba dukkan dukiya a tsakaninsu.

1. The first case is when the inheritors take the whole inheritance according to the laws of inheritance, whereby all the wealth is distributed amongst them.

Shari'ar biyu ita ce idan magada suna da hakkin gadon wani sashe kawai na dukiyar. Misali, mamaci ya bar mijinta ko matarsa ne kawai. A irin wadannan lokuta, kashi daya cikin hudu ko rabin dukiya ne kawai ake gada, sauran gadon kuma yana zuwa ga gwamnati.

The second case is when the inheritors are entitled for part of the 2. inheritance only. For example, the deceased leaves behind only the spouse (husband or wife). In these cases only a quarter or half of the wealth is inherited, while the rest of the inheritance goes to the state.

Shari'a ta uku ita ce yanayin da mamaci bai bar wani magaji ba; a wannan yanayi, dukiyarsa gaba ɗaya tana komawa ga gwamnati.

The third case is when the deceased leaves no inheritor behind; in 3. this case the whole property goes to the state.

Don haka ana raba dukiya, a mayar da mallakar zuwa ga magada, sannan musayar dukiyar ta ci gaba a cikin zagayen tattalin arziki tsakanin mutane. Ba a barin dukiya a hannun wani mutum na musamman inda dukiya za ta taru. Gado hanya ce ta halal ta mallakar dukiya, don haka duk wanda ya gaji wani abu, to ya mallake shi bisa doka. Saboda haka gado na daga cikin hanyoyin mallakar dukiya, wanda Shari'ar Musulunci ta halatta.

Duk da dukkan matakan da aka ɗauka don rage talauci a cikin al'umma, ana tsammanin cewa wasu daidaikun mutane za su shiga halin talauci saboda dalilai iri-iri. Domin biyan bukatun waɗannan mutane, Musulunci ya ba da shawara ga gwamnati da ta samar da dama mai dacewa ga aikin waɗanda ba su iya samun aikin kansu ba. Annabi ﷺ ya ce: "Shugaba (shugaban ƙasa) makiyayi ne, kuma yana da alhakin al'ummarsa."108 Aiki yana ba mutane damar amfani da ƙwazon aikinsu wajen samun dukiya. Idan ba zai yiwu a sami aiki ba saboda yanayin kasuwa, ko mutum ya zama ba zai iya aiki ba saboda shekaru, rashin lafiya ko nakasa, to goyon bayansa da abin da zai ci da sha ya zama aikin wajibi kuma alhakin dangin da ke kusa da shi, kamar ɗa, uba da miji, muddin waɗannan mutane suna iya samar da goyon bayan da ake buƙata. Wannan yana cikin littattafan fiqhun Musulunci a ƙarƙashin babin "Nafaqah" (alimony).

Despite all measures taken to relieve the society from poverty, it is expected that some individuals will end up in a state of poverty for all types of reasons. In order to attend for the needs of these individuals, Islam recommended the state to provide a suitable opportunity for the employment of those who could not find employment on their own. The Prophet (PBUH) said, “The Imam (head of state) is a Shepard, and he is responsible for his subjects.”108 Employment enables individuals to use their labor to acquire wealth. In case it is not possible to find a job due to market conditions, or the person becomes unable to work due to age, sickness, or disability, then his support and sustenance becomes the duty and responsibility of his next of kin such as sons, father, and husband assuming that these parties are able to provide the required support. This is outlined in the books of Islamic jurisprudence under the section of “Nafaqah” (alimony).

Idan dangin 'yan uwa na kusa ba su iya biyan nafaka da ake bukata ba, to nauyin yana komawa ga gwamnati. Gwamnati tana amfani da kudaden da ake samu daga kudin shiga na dukiyoyin jama'a, da kuma daga Zakka. Zakka wani adadi ne na musamman da ake cirewa daga dukiyar masu arziki, a mika shi ga talakawa. A cikin Suratul Ma'arij (sura ta 70, aya ta 24-25), da kuma Suratul Tauba (sura ta 9, aya ta 103), Allah yana cewa:

If the immediate relatives are unable to maintain the required alimony, then responsibility is escalated up to the state. The state uses the funds available from the revenues of the public properties as well as from the Zakah. The Zakah is a specific amount of wealth taken out of the property of the rich and relayed to the poor. In Surah Al-Ma’arij (chapter 70, verse 24-25), and Al-Tauba (chapter 9, verse 103), Allah says,

[70:24] Waɗanda a cikin dukiyarsu akwai wani haƙƙi sananne; Ga mabaraci da wanda aka haramta masa (rabo).

Ƙasar Musulunci tana da izinin bayar da tallafi ga mutane a cikin al'umma don ƙarfafa samar da kayayyaki da kuma ba su damar haɓaka kasuwancinsu zuwa matakin riba. Gwamnati tana amfani da dukiyar jiha da ta jama'a wajen bayar da tallafin ƙarfafawa. An ruwaito cewa Umar Bin Al-Khattab, halifa na biyu, ya bayar da kuɗin ƙarfafawa ga manoma a Iraƙi don taimaka musu wajen noma gonakinsu. Taimakon ya kasance a matsayin tallafin gwamnati, ba a matsayin rance ba.

The Islamic state is allowed to provide grants for people in the society for the purpose of stimulating productivity and enabling people to grow their business to a profitable stage. The state uses both state as well as public property to issue stimulus grants. It is narrated that the second caliph Omar Bin Al-Khattab provided stimulus money for the farmers in Iraq to help them cultivate their farms. The help was in a form of state grant, rather than loans.

Ana ruwaito cewa Annabi Muhammadﷺ ya ba Abu Bakr da Umar filaye bayan hijira zuwa Madina. Haka kuma ya ba Al-Zubair wani yanki na fili. Bayan rasuwar Muhammadﷺ, halifofi sun ci gaba da ba wa mutane daban-daban wani ɓangare na filayen jama'a, da niyyar amfani da filayen da ba a noma ba. Ya kamata a lura cewa gwamnati ba ta amfani da kuɗin haraji ko kuɗin Zakka wajen waɗannan kyautar filaye. Kuɗin da gwamnati ke da izinin amfani da shi kawai shi ne wanda ya fito daga dukiyar gwamnati ko ta jama'a.

Prophet Mohammad is reported to have given land for Abu Bakr and Omar after the migration to Medina. He also gave a piece of land to Al-Zubair. After the death of Mohammad (PBUH), the caliphs continued to give part of the public lands to various individuals in an attempt to utilize unused bare land. It should be noted that the state does not use tax money or the funds of the Zakah for the grants. The only fund the state is allowed to use is the one that comes from the state or public property.

Baya ga waɗannan hanyoyin samun dukiya, akwai wasu hanyoyin mallakar dukiya ta kashin kai kamar kyauta da wasiyyar mamaci. Annabi Muhammad ﷺ ya halatta bayar da kyauta, kuma ya karɓi kyaututtuka daga Musulmi da waɗanda ba Musulmi ba. Haka kuma, Musulunci ya halatta wa Musulmi ya ware wani ɓangare na dukiyarsa a matsayin wasiyya, bisa sharadin cewa waɗanda za a bai wa wasiyyar ba za su kasance cikin waɗanda doka ta tanadi gādonsu ba, kuma yawan wasiyyar bai wuce kashi ɗaya bisa uku na jimillar dukiyar ba.111

Besides these means of property acquisition, there are other means of private ownership such as gifts and wills of deceased. Prophet Mohammad permitted gift giving110 and he accepted gifts from both Muslims and non-Muslims. Also, Islam allowed a Muslim to designate part of his wealth in form of a will such that the recipients of a will should not be among those who are entitled for inheritance by law; also the amount of will should not exceed one-third of the total wealth.111

Musulunci ya amince da cewa al'umma tana da wani matsayi na daban, tana kuma da bukatunta. Wadannan bukatu ba jimillar bukatun daidaikun mutane ba ne, don haka biyan bukatun al'umma ba ya samuwa ta hanyar biyan bukatun kowane mutum daya-daya. Tsaron al'umma, kiyaye yankinta, tsafta da tsarkin iskarta da muhallinta, hadin kan rassanta, kiyaye tekuna, koguna da tafkunan ruwa, da kuma martabarta a idon sauran al'umma, duk wadannan bukatu ne da suka shafi al'umma baki daya, ba wasu mutane kebantattu ba. Domin kiyaye al'umma a matsayin guda daya a cikin jama'a, Musulunci ya ayyana wasu nau'ukan dukiya a matsayin dukiyar jama'a.

Islam recognized the existence of public as an entity which has its own needs. These needs are not the sum of the needs of individuals, and therefore the satisfaction of the public needs cannot be achieved by satisfying the needs of each individual. The security of the public, the integrity of its territory, the cleanness and purity of its atmosphere and environment, the solidarity among its units, the preservation of the seas, river, and water reservoirs, and its image in front of other nations are all needs which pertain to the public as a whole and not to specific individuals. In order to preserve the public as one unit in the society, Islam defined certain types of property and declared them as a public property.

Rukunin dukiya ta jama'a ya haɗa da albarkatun ruwa, wuraren kiyaye daji, da kuma albarkatun makamashi.113 Tsoffin al'ummomin kabilu sukan yi ƙaura su canza wurin zamansu bisa ga samuwar ruwa da korayen makiyaya don dabbobinsu. Duk lokacin da maɓuɓɓugan ruwa suka bushe ko suka faɗa ƙarƙashin mamayar wata kabila, kabilar takan tilastu yin ƙaura ta nemi wurin da ruwa ya yi yawa. Haka kuma yakan faru idan dazuzzuka suka bushe, har su bar ƙarancin abinci ga dabbobin kabilar. Da yake fahimtar cewa albarkatun ruwa da makiyaya suna da muhimmanci ga rayuwar dukan al'umma, Musulunci ya sanar da cewa waɗannan albarkatu ya kamata kowa ya mallake su, ba wani mutum ɗaya ba. In waɗannan albarkatu suka fada hannun mutum ɗaya ko ƙalilan, to haɗin kai da ƙarfin al'umma na iya lalacewa. Haka abin yake ga hanyoyin makamashi. Malaman Musulunci na farko sun fassara kalmar "wuta" a cikin maganar Annabi ﷺ da ma'anar tushen wuta kamar itace (a cikin tsofaffin al'ummomi). A yau kuma "wuta" tana nufin albarkatun makamashi gabaɗaya.

The category of public property includes water resources, forest preserves, and energy resources.113 Old tribal societies used to move and change their location based on the availability of water and green meadows for their cattle. Whenever water springs dry out or fall under the dominance of another tribe, the tribe would be forced to move and search for a location where water is plenty. The same happens when the forests dry out and leave less food for the cattle of the tribe. Realizing that water resources and meadows are essential for the survival of the whole group, Islam announced that these resources should be owned by all and not by any single individual. If these resources fall in the hands of one or few, then the integrity and unity of the public may be compromised. The same applies to energy sources. Earlier Muslims scholars interpreted the word “fire” in the statement of the Prophet to mean the source of fire like woods (in the older societies). Today “fire” refers more generally to energy resources.

Musulunci ya ware wasu nau'o'in dukiya da za su kasance mallakin gwamnati kai tsaye. Babban bambanci tsakanin dukiyar gwamnati da dukiyar jama'a ya bayyana ne a yadda ake amfani da kudaden shigar wadannan dukiyoyi. Dukiyar jama'a gwamnati ce ke gudanar da ita, amma ba gwamnati ce ke mallakarta ba. Gwamnati na iya amfani da kudaden shigar dukiyar jama'a wajen kashe kudi kan ayyukan gwamnati ne kawai idan kudaden shigarta na kanta ba su isa biyan bukatunta ba. Dukiyar gwamnati kuwa, ta bawa gwamnati cikakken iko na kashe kudi yadda ta ga dama wajen gudanar da harkokinta da harkokin al'ummar kasa.

Islam designated certain types of property to be owned directly by the state. The main difference between state and public property shows in the way the property revenues are used. The public property is administered by the state but not owned by the state. The state may use revenues of the public properties to spend on state’s functions only when the state own revenue falls short of meeting its needs. The state property, on the other hand, gives the state full authority to spend as it sees fit to conduct its affairs and the affairs of the citizens.

Tsawon tarihin daular Musulunci, mafi girman tushen kudin shiga ga daular shi ne kudaden da ake samu daga mallakar filaye da ake kira Kharaj (filayen da aka kara wa daular Musulunci ta hanyar yaki). Kharaj a ma'anarsa ta zahiri na nufin fitarwa ko amfanin gona. Kalmar kharaj ta maye gurbin kalmar fai'i, wadda ake amfani da ita ga filayen da aka kara ba tare da yaki ba. Abu Ubaid ya ruwaito a cikin littafinsa Al-Amwal daga Az-Zuhri cewa Annabi Muhammad ﷺ ya dauki filayen Bahrain bayan an ci su a matsayin filin Kharaj, ko da bayan mutanen Bahrain sun karbi Musulunci.116 Ana bayyana filin Kharaj a matsayin filin da aka kara wa yankin daular Musulunci, kuma mallakarsa ta kasance ga daular. Daular tana ba da izinin amfani da filin wajen noma ko raya shi, a madadin wani kudi da aka tsara tun farko. Wajibi ne mai amfani da filin ya biya wannan kudin, ko ya amfana da filin ko bai amfana ba. Kudin ba don amfanin gonar ba ne; a madadin hakkin amfani da shi ne. Idan mai amfani da filin Kharaj Musulmi ne, dole ne ya biya sashin Zakka na amfanin gonar. Idan mai amfani da filin Kharaj ba Musulmi ba ne, sai ya biya kudin Kharaj kawai.

Throughout the history of the Islamic state, the largest source of income for the state has been the revenue generated from the property ownership of land called Kharaj (the lands annexed to the Islamic state through war). Kharaj literally means output. The term kharaj replaced the term fai’i, which was used for the land annexed without a fight. Abu Obaid narrated in his book Al-Amwal on the authority of Az-Zuhri that Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) considered the lands of Bahrain after its conquest a land of Kharaj even after the people in Bahrain had converted to Islam.116 Kharaj land is defined as a land added to the territory of the Islamic state and whose ownership belongs to the state. The state grants the right to use the land for farming or development in exchange for a predefined fee. The fee is due to be paid by the user of the land whether he was able to benefit from the land or not. The fee is not in exchange for the product of the land; it is in exchange for the right to use it. If the user of the land is a Muslim, he still has to pay the Zakah portion of the products. If the user of the Kharaj land is not a Muslim, he only has to pay the Kharaj fee.