Lokacin da na fara isa ƙasar babbar ƙasar jari-hujja a duniya, na yi mamakin ƙarfin samar da jari-hujja a Amurka. A matsayina na matashi ɗan ƙasa da shekara 16, na ga manyan tarakto da injunan girbi suna noma ɗaruruwan kadada da kuma samar da tan-tan na masara da waken soya; duk wannan ana aiki da shi ta hannun iyali ɗaya kawai. Na ga hannayen wani manomi da ƙasar da yake nomawa ta taurara, kuma kuɗin da ƙasarsa ke samarwa ya sa su yi laushi. Ban gani ba a lokacin hannayen da ba a iya ganinsu na bankunan da ke ba da kuɗin wannan aiki gaba ɗaya. Ban iya ganin alamun faduwa ba a lokacin.

When I first arrived at the land of the largest capitalist nation in the world, I was amazed by the power of capitalism productivity in the United States of America. As a young teenager, less than 16 years old, I saw huge tractors and combines cultivating hundreds of acres and producing tons of corn and soybean grain; all operated by a single family. I saw the hands of a farmer hardened by the land he cultivates and softened by the money his land generates. I did not see then the invisible hands of the banks financing all that operation. I could not see any signs of failure then.

Shekara guda bayan haka, ƙaddarar karatuna ta kai ni wani matsanancin wuri daban. Na isa ƙasar babbar ƙasar gurguzu a duniya domin in yi shekaru shida masu zuwa ina karatu, ina kuma lura da gurguzu a Tarayyar Jamhuriyyun Gurguzu ta Soviet (USSR). Ina tuna yadda sau da yawa nakan tsaya a layi don sayen wani kayan abinci, sai kuma in yi takaici awa ɗaya bayan haka saboda kayan da nake jira ba ya nan kuma. Wannan tsarin ba zai daɗe ba; zuciyata ta faɗa mini haka. Ina tuna yadda dole ne in sayi wata mujallar gurguzu a matsayin sharaɗin sayen littafin lissafi ko na kimiyyar kwamfuta. Wannan tsarin ba zai daɗe ba; na ji haka a cikin raina.

A year later, my education fate flew me to the other extreme. I arrived at the land of the largest socialist nation in the world to spend the next 6 years studying while observing socialism in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR). I recall how often I had to stand in line to buy a grocery product, only to be disappointed an hour later because the item I waited for is no longer available. That system would not last; my instincts told me. I recall having to buy a communist publication as a condition for buying a book of math or computer science. That system would not last for long; I felt it.

Ina tuna yadda nake tsallake mutane da suka kwanta a buge da giya a hanyata ta safe zuwa makaranta da kuma a hanyar dawowa. Ina tuna dalibai da yawa suna kammala karatu daga makarantun likitanci, shari'a da injiniyanci ba tare da sun halarci darussa ba; su 'yan gwagwarmayar siyasa ne ko dalibai baki masu arziki. Ina tuna mutane suna yin tiyata kawai don cika kason da aka tsara wa likitan tiyata a wani asibiti. Ina tuna rediyon tsoho da aka manne a bango a dakin kwanana, wanda dole ne ya zama rediyo mai hanyoyi biyu. Duk lokacin da na kashe rediyon, ma'aikatan gyara za su zo dakina; duk da cewa ban taba neman wannan hidima ba; Na sani cewa wannan tsarin ba zai dade ba. Jin cikina, ilhamata, da sauki na nazari sun zama gaskiya shekaru 10 kawai bayan na kammala karatu. Gurguzanci ya rushe, kuma Tarayyar Soviet ta wargaje zuwa 1991.

I recall having to step over people laying drunk in my morning journey to school and on my way back. I recall scores of students graduating from medical, law, and engineering schools without attending classes; they were political activists or rich foreign students. I recall people having to go through surgery only to fulfill the quota plan for the surgeon at a given hospital. I recall the primitive radio fixed on the wall of my dorm room which must have been a two way radio. Every time I disabled the radio, technicians would show up at my room to fix it; although, I never asked for the service; that system could not last for long; I knew it. My guts feelings, my instincts, and simple analysis turned out to be true only 10 years after I graduated. Socialism collapsed and the Soviet Union was dismantled by 1991.

Shekaru shida da na yi a Tarayyar Soviet sun ba ni wata gogewa da ba zan taɓa mantawa da ita ba. Da farko, ba zan iya fuskantar rayuwar tsarin gurguzu a yau ko da ina so ba. Mafi muhimmanci, na koyi ƙa'idodin tattalin arziki, tattalin arziki na siyasa, da tsarin zamantakewa na duka gurguzu da jari-hujja. Koyarwar Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, da Friedrich Engels na da muhimmanci a cikin manhaja kamar yadda darussan lissafi, kimiyyar lissafi, da injiniyanci suke. Ka'idar tarihin ɗabi'ar abin duniya wadda Marx ya kirkira kuma Lenin ya ƙara inganta ta, ta nuna cewa jari-hujja za ta shuɗe ta kuma haifi gurguzu. Wannan ra'ayi ya ruguje a zahirin duniya lokacin da gurguzu ta fara faɗuwa. Ka'idar "ƙarin ƙima" ta Marx ta yi daidai ne kawai ta ma'anar cewa a ƙarƙashin jari-hujja dukiya kan taru a hannun tsirarun mutane. Amma ɓangaren ka'idar da ya ce ma'aikata da manoma marasa galihu za su tayar da hankali saboda haƙƙin mallakarsu da aka sace, bai taɓa tabbatuwa ba.

The 6 years I spent in the Soviet Union gave me an experience of a lifetime. For one thing, I can not experience the life under socialism today even if I want to. Most importantly, I learned the principles of economy, political economy, and social structure of both socialism and capitalism. The teachings of Karl Marx, Vladimir Lenin, and Friedrich Engels were as important part of the curriculum as the subjects of math, physics, and engineering. The theory of historic materialism developed by Marx and later refined by Lenin suggested that capitalism would fade away only to give rise to socialism. That view was dead beaten in real world when socialism fell first. Marx’s theory of the “surplus value” was correct only in the sense that under capitalism the wealth tends to accumulate in the hands of the few. But the other part of the theory that the poorer classes of workers and farmers would revolt for their stolen rights of ownerships never materialized.

Lokacin da na isa ƙasar jari-hujja a karo na biyu, wanda ya fi tsayi, na lura da abubuwan da ba zan iya gani ba a tafiya ta farko lokacin da nake yaro. Gonar da na zauna a cikinta a tafiya ta farko ba ta ƙara kasancewa iri ɗaya ba. Bankin da ya ba da kuɗin noma a 'yan shekarun baya ne ya ƙwace ta, saboda bashin da iyalin da suka karɓe ni suka kasa biyansa. Manomin nan mai aiki tuƙuru ya rasa gonarsa, da kuma kamfanin iri da shi da 'yan'uwansa suka mallaka tare. Wannan tsarin ba zai daɗe ba; hankalina ya faɗa mini haka.

When I arrived at the land of capitalism for the second but longer period of time, I observed what I could not have observed during my first trip when I was a young boy. The farm I lived in during my first trip was no longer the same. It was confiscated by the bank which, few years earlier had financed its production, in exchange of the debts which my host family failed to pay. The hard working farmer lost his land as well as the seed company he co-owned with his brothers. This system would not last; my instincts told me.

Wannan dodon kifin nan, bankin, ya haɗiye masana'antar injina da wani abokina ke mallaka a birnin Milwaukee da ke jihar Wisconsin. Na tuna yadda abokina ya yi tafiya zuwa ƙasata yana ƙoƙarin kafa masana'anta don taimakawa wajen bunkasa masana'antu a wata ƙasa mai tasowa. Na tuna yadda mai masana'antar (abokina) yake cike da himma wajen taimakawa mutane su samu aikin yi, yana tallafawa ilimi, da yadda yake ƙin korar mutane daga ayyukansu. Kamar kowane kasuwanci a ƙarƙashin tsarin jari-hujja, nasa ma mallakin Bankin ne. Yawanci kasuwancin ƙasashen jari-hujja suna bin bashi ga banki ɗaya ko fiye. Har yanzu ina tuna kalmomin wani wakilin bankin zuba jari ga mai wata ƙaramar kamfanin fasaha, cewa "ba za ka iya kasancewa cikin kasuwanci ba tare da kasancewa cikin bashi ba". Abokina mai masana'antar injina ya rasa shagon injinansa, wanda ya kera kayayyaki na gaske a nan ƙasar jari-hujja. Yana kera kayayyaki yana kuma samun riba lokacin da bankin ya ƙwace shi. Bankunan sun ɗan lokaci suna neman inshorar rayuwar abokina a matsayin tabbaci ga abin da ake ce dukiyarsu ta ɓace! A lokacin na san cewa wannan tsarin ba zai dore ba.

The same monster, the bank, swallowed the machine factory owned by one of my friends in the city of Milwaukee in Wisconsin. I recall how my friend traveled to my home country in attempt to setup a factory to help industrialize a developing country. I recall how the owner (my friend) was enthusiastic about helping people get jobs, supporting education, and how much he detested laying people off their jobs. Just like every other business under capitalism, his was owned by the Bank. Typically, businesses in capitalist countries are indebted to one or more banks. I still recall the words of an investing bank representative to the owner of a small technology company “you can not be in businesses without being in debt”. My machine factory owner friend lost his machine shop, the one that produced real products right here in the land of capitalism. It was making products and generating profit when it was confiscated by the bank. The banks for sometime were going after the life insurance policy of my friend as a guarantee for their supposedly lost wealth! I knew then that this system would not last.

Yayin da nake aiki a ɗaya daga cikin manyan kamfanoni a duniya (mai ma'aikata sama da 160,000 a lokacin), na ga yadda ɗimbin mafi kyawun injiniyoyi da ƙwararrun masu fasaha ake fitar da su daga ginin a ƙarƙashin sunan korar ma'aikata. Zagayen farko na korar ma'aikata, wanda ya kawar da ayyuka sama da 50,000, an yi shi ne a lokacin da kamfanin yake samun riba kuma yana samun kuɗi masu yawa. An yi korar ma'aikatan ne don haɓaka farashin hannun jarin kamfanin, wanda ya tashi sama da kima.

During my tenure at one of the largest corporations in the world (more than 160000 employees at the time), I witnessed how scores of the best engineers and technicians were escorted out of the building under the auspices of layoff. The first round of layoffs which eliminated more than 50,000 jobs were done at a time when the company was profitable and making lots of money. The layoffs were necessary to boost the stock prices of the company which have soared over the roof.

Na yarda cewa waɗannan labarai ne kawai, ra'ayi da jin ciki. To ina alamun gazawa, idan akwai? Bayan haka, jari-hujja ta sha fuskantar koma-bayan tattalin arziki, damuwa mai tsanani, raguwar ayyuka, ƙarancin yawan aiki da faɗuwar kamfanoni a baya. Koyaushe tana fitowa da ƙarfi ko ma da ƙarin ƙarfi. Me ya sa wannan karon ya bambanta?

I admit that these are just stories, instincts, and guts feelings. So where are the signs of failure if there are any? After all, capitalism has gone through several rounds of recessions, depressions, downturns, low productivity and corporate failures in the past. It has always emerged as strong or even stronger. Why is it different this time?

Kashi na farko na wannan littafi "The Fall of Capitalism" ya yi bayani kan wannan tambaya, kuma ya gabatar da cikakken bincike kan lahani masu zurfi da ke cikin ka'idar jari-hujja (capitalism), da yadda waɗannan lahani za su iya kai wa ga rushewa gaba ɗaya, idan ba a shawo kansu ba kuma a cire su yadda ya kamata.

The first part of this book “The Fall of Capitalism” addresses this question and provides a thorough analysis of the deeply rooted defects in the core theory of capitalism and how these defects can lead to a total collapse, if not properly contained and removed.

Shekaru shida da na yi a Tarayyar Soviet sun taimaka wajen canza mini hangen duniya zuwa wata hanya daban. Sun taimaka mini na gano ƙarfin addinin Musulunci, wanda har zuwa wannan lokaci ban san shi sosai ba. Na girma a matsayin Musulmi saboda an haife ni cikin iyali Musulmi. Ba ni da zaɓin zama Musulmi, Bayahude, Kirista ko mai kafircin Allah. Iliminina game da Musulunci ya takaita ne ga koyarwa da al'adun yau da kullum, waɗanda na koya a makaranta ko na lura da su a masallatai. Tun lokacin da na taka ƙasar kwaminisanci, na ji ƙalubale ga tushen imanina. Alamu da taken kafirci an nuna su ko'ina. Imani da Allah an ɗauke shi a matsayin aikin koma-baya, kuma ga mazauna wurin yana karya doka.

The six years I spent in the Soviet Union helped shape my world view in another direction. They helped me to discover the power of the religion of Islam, which until that time I knew very little about. I grew up as a Muslim by the virtue of being born to a Muslim family. I had no choice to be a Muslim, a Jew, a Christian or an atheist. My knowledge of Islam was limited to the teachings and daily rituals, which I learned in school or observed in mosques. The moment I stepped foot in the land of communism, I felt the challenge against the core of my beliefs. Signs and slogans of atheism were displayed all over the place. To believe in God was considered a reactionary practice, and for locals was against the law.

A karo na farko a rayuwata, na fuskanci tambayar ko "Allah" hakika ne ko kuma tatsuniya ce. Akidun rashin imani da kwaminisanci, dialectic da historic materialism, da tattalin arzikin siyasar kwaminisanci duk sun zama wani bangare na wani tsari na wanke tunani da na fuskanta a tsawon lokacin zamana. Wannan ya sanya matsi mai girma a kan ji na cikin raina da kuma imanin da na gada. Na gano da sauri cewa ji kadai tare da son gado ba zai iya dorewa da imanina ba. Ina da zabi biyu: ko dai in bar imanina, ko kuma in tabbatar da cewa yana daidai. Na zabi zabi na biyu.

For the first time in my life, I had to face the question whether “God” was a reality or a fiction. The principles of atheism and communism, the dialectic and historic materialism, and the communist political economy all were part of a systematic mind cleansing I had to face for the whole period of my stay. This had placed a tremendous pressure on my inner feelings as well as on my inherited belief. I soon discovered that feelings alone coupled with the love for heritage can not sustain my belief. I had one of two options: either surrender my faith or prove it correct. I took the second option.

Binciken da na yi kan ginshiƙan akida da ke tushen imani na a addinina ya ƙara min imani mai ƙarfi, wanda ba ji kaɗai ba, har ma hankali da hujja ke goyon bayansa. Abin da na gano a tafiyata ta neman hujjoji shi ne cewa Musulunci ba wai kawai yana samar da tushe mai ƙarfi ga imani ba, mafi muhimmanci ma yana samar da tsari cikakke na rayuwa. Da hujjoji, dalilai da ilimi a hannuna, na iya yin tattaunawa da muhawara da malaman jami'a na masu akidar kwaminisanci. Har zuwa ƙarshen zamana a Tarayyar Soviet, ta hanyar karatu mai yawa da muhawara, na tsara a zuciyata cikakken hoton akidar Musulunci.

My investigation of the core ideas underlying the belief in my religion created in me a stronger belief, supported not only be feelings but also by reason and rational. What I discovered through my journey looking for proofs is that Islam not only provides a solid foundation for faith, but most importantly it provides a complete structure for life. Equipped with proofs, evidences, and knowledge I was able to conduct dialogue and debate with my communist professors. By the end of my stay in the Soviet Union, and through extensive readings and arguments, I had convoluted in my own mind the full image of the ideology of Islam.

Bayan dawowata daga Tarayyar Soviet zuwa ƙasata, na gano kuma na fahimci gaskiya ta biyu mai muhimmanci game da Musulunci. Wannan gaskiya ita ce cewa Musulunci a matsayin akida yana rayuwa ne kawai a cikin littattafan gado ko a zukatan ƴan kaɗan waɗanda suka ɗauki lokaci, ƙoƙari da ƙalubalen gano hakikanin Musulunci. Tun daga lokacin, na halarci dubban taruka, laccoci, tarurrukan ƙoli da zaman horo a duniya, ina kira ga buƙatar farfado da tsarin akidar Musulunci da kafa shi a zahirin duniya.

After returning from the Soviet Union to my home country, I realized and discovered the second major fact about Islam. That was the fact that Islam as an ideology lives only in the heritage books or in the minds of few people who took the time, effort and challenge to discover the reality of Islam. Since then, I participated in thousands of events, lectures, conferences, and seminars worldwide advocating the need to revive the ideological structure of Islam and to install it in the real world.

Shekaru talatin bayan kammala karatu a Tarayyar Soviet, kuma shekaru ashirin bayan rugujewar gurguzanci na Soviet, wani lamari na tarihi ya bayyana a cikin al'amuran duniya; wato lamarin "tashin Musulunci" don ya sake komawa matsayinsa na akida ta duniya. Kashi na biyu na wannan littafi "Tashin Musulunci" an keɓe shi ne don tattaunawa da nazarin wannan lamari.

Thirty years after graduating from the Soviet Union, and twenty years after the collapse of the Soviet socialism, a historical phenomenon has been depicted in the world affairs; that is the phenomenon of the “rise of Islam” to resume its role as a universal ideology. The second part of this book “The Rise of Islam” is devoted to the discussion and analysis of this phenomenon.

Tare da tashin Musulunci, batun ta'addanci ya gurbata yanayin Musulunci da motsin tarihi na farfado da shi. Lokacin da aka nemi in yi jawabi a taron London a shekarar 1994 game da tashin Musulunci, na zama dole in magance damuwar da mutane za su iya yi game da alaƙar da ke tsakanin Musulunci da ta'addanci. Yunkurin farko na tada Cibiyar Ciniki ta Duniya (World Trade Center) a 1993 an danganta shi da Musulmi. Harin bam a ginin gwamnatin tarayya da ke Oklahoma an fara danganta shi da wani ɗan ta'adda Musulmi kafin a yanke wa Timothy McVeigh hukunci. Sannan babban harin ta'addanci na 9/11/2001 ya haifar da mafi tsananin tsoro da aka taɓa yi wa Musulunci da yuwuwar yaɗuwarsa. Jawabina na farko a bainar jama'a bayan harin 9/11 yana da taken "Hangen Musulunci a kan Ta'addanci", inda na yi ƙoƙarin tabbatar da cewa Musulunci a matsayin akida ba shi da alhakin ta'addanci; akasin haka, Musulunci wani ɓangare ne na mafita ga wannan matsala mai ban tsoro da ban firgici. Kashi na uku na wannan littafi, "Musulunci Barazana ne Ko Amfani?", ya bayar da hujjar cewa aiwatar da Musulunci yana amfanar mutane, kuma tsoron akidar Musulunci ba shi da tushe.

Along with the rising Islam trend, the notion of terrorism had clouded the atmosphere of Islam and the historical movement for its revival. When I was asked to speak at a conference in London in 1994 about the rise of Islam, I had to address the concern people may have regarding the links between Islam and terrorism. The first attempt to blow the world trade center in 1993 had been connected to Muslims. The bombing of the federal building in Oklahoma was first attributed to a Muslim terrorist before Timothy McVeigh was convicted. Then the catastrophic terrorist event of 9/11/2001 spurred the most serious fear ever towards Islam and the potential rise of Islam. My first public lecture after the 9-11 attacks was under the title “The Islamic Perspective on Terrorism,” where I tried to prove that Islam as an ideology is not responsible for terrorism; on the contrary, Islam is part of the solution to this outrageous and horrific problem. The third part of this book “Is Islam a Threat or Benefit” provides evidence that the implementation of Islam is in the benefit of people, and the fear from the Islamic ideology is unfounded.

"Faɗuwar jari-hujja da tashin Musulunci" tarihi ne da ke rubuta manyan abubuwa guda biyu masu girma na tarihi, waɗanda ke faruwa a gaban idanunmu a yau, kuma suna iya yin tasiri mafi girma a kan rayuwar al'ummomi da ƙasashe a duniya.

“The Fall of capitalism and the Rise of Islam” is a historical record of two major and massive historical events, which are unfolding in front of us today, and may have the greatest impact on the life of peoples and nations around the world.