Tattaunawa game da Musulunci ba ta taɓa zama mai cike da cece-kuce a tarihi ba kamar yadda take a yau. A lokacin da ake neman Musulunci don shawara ta gaskiya kan matsalolin kuɗi na duniya, a lokaci guda ana bincikensa a matsayin wanda ake zargi duk lokacin da aka samu hari na ta'addanci. Muhawara kan yadda Musulunci yake da alhakin ayyukan ta'addanci a duniya a yau na ci gaba da zama labarai a manyan kafofin watsa labarai. A halin yanzu kuma, muhawara kan yadda Musulunci zai iya bayar da gudummawa wajen gina tsarin kuɗi mai inganci na ƙara girma kowace rana. Amma haka nan, fatan da ake yi game da Musulunci a matsayin tsari da salon rayuwa ba shi da ƙasa da ban mamaki. Malamai, masana ilimi, da masu tunani da yawa, daga Musulmi da waɗanda ba Musulmi ba, na ci gaba da yin tunani kan tashin Musulunci zuwa mulkin ƙasashe da abin da zai biyo baya da sakamakon irin wannan iko.

The discussion of Islam could not have been more controversial at any time in history than the way it stands today. At the time Islam is being sought for a genuine advice on the financial predicaments of the world, it is also pursued as a suspect when terrorism strikes. The debate on how much Islam is responsible for the acts of terrorism in the world today continues to make headlines of major media platforms. In the meantime, the debate on how much Islam can contribute to the construction of a more sound financial system is growing day after day. Yet the prospects of Islam as a system and a way of life are not less dramatic. Scores of Muslim and non-Muslim scholars, academics, and thinkers continue to contemplate on the rise of Islam to the ruling reign of nations and the potential outcome and consequences of such sovereignty.

Ma'anar tashin Musulunci, kamar yadda littafin nan ya gabatar, ba wai kawai yana nufin tashin daular Musulunci ta khilafah ko aiwatar da dokar Musulunci ta injiniya ba, wadda ake kira Shari'ah. Haka kuma ba komawar yaƙe-yaƙen addini ba, wanda ake kira jihadi. Ba kuma mayar da kotuna da tsarin shari'a zuwa kotunan Musulunci ba. Duk da cewa a cikakken ma'anarsa, Shari'ah, jihadi da kotunan Musulunci sassa ne na Musulunci. Tashin Musulunci a cikin mahallin wannan littafi yana nufin komawa ga salon rayuwa irin ta Musulunci, inda abin duniya ke koma baya yayin da ibada da tsoron Allah ke ɗaukar sitiyari. Rayuwa ce da abin duniya ke zama kayan aiki don biyan buƙatun rayuwar ɗan adam, ba maƙasudin da ke tafiyar da rayuwar ɗan adam ba. Sananne ne cewa a cikin shekara goma sha uku daga cikin shekara ashirin da uku da Annabi Muhammad ﷺ ya yi a matsayin manzo, dokar Shari'ah, jihadi da kotunan Musulunci ba su zama babban ɓangare na al'adun Musulunci ba. Duk da cewa an saukar da babban ɓangare na Alƙur'ani a cikin waɗannan shekaru goma sha uku. Babban abin da aka fi mayar da hankali a kai a wannan lokaci shi ne tushen ilimi na addini da akida, da kuma gwagwarmayar akida da siyasa marar tashin hankali wadda Annabi Muhammad ﷺ da sahabbansa suka jagoranta.

The rise of Islam, as presented in this book, does not only refer to the rise of the Islamic state of khilafah or to a mechanical implementation of the Islamic code, otherwise referred to as Shari’ah. Neither is it the resumption of holy wars, otherwise called jihad. Nor is it the transfer of the court and judicial system to Islamic courthouses. Although in the fullest extent, Shari’ah, jihad, and the courthouses are integral part of Islam. The rise of Islam in the context of this book refers to the resumption of an Islamic way of life in which materialism falls to the backseat while piety moves to the driver seat. It is a life in which matter becomes the tool for satisfying the objectives of the human life, rather than it being the objective which drives the human momentum It is a well-known fact that for thirteen years of Prophet Mohammad’s twenty-three years as a messenger, the code of Shari’ah, the jihad, and the courthouses were not a dominant part of the culture of Islam. Although a large portion of the Quran was revealed during these thirteen years. The main focus during this period was the intellectual foundation of the religion and ideology as well as the nonviolent ideological and political struggle led by Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) and his companions.

Shekaru goma sha biyu na ƙarshe na rayuwarsa a matsayin manzo, Annabi Muhammad ya kafa ƙasa kuma ya gina al'umma. An sannu a hankali aka gabatar da dokokin Shari'ah ta Musulunci a cikin al'umma har sai da aka kammala su kafin Muhammad (SAW) ya bar wannan duniya zuwa ga makomarsa ta ƙarshe. Ana iya bayar da hujja cewa shekaru goma sha uku na farko na rayuwarsa, Annabi Muhammad ﷺ, tare da goyon bayan wahayin Alƙur'ani daga Allah Maɗaukaki, ya kafa tushe wanda a kansa aka aiwatar da ƙasa da al'umma. Ba tare da wannan tushe ba, dokar da ba za ta iya samar da tsare-tsaren siyasa, tattalin arziki, da rayuwar zamantakewa da aka yi niyya ba. Ba tare da wannan tushe ba, tsarin zai iya ci gaba da wanzuwa ne kawai yayin da Annabi ﷺ yake raye, sannan ya ɓace bayan rasuwarsa ﷺ. Gaskiyar al'amari ita ce tsarin Musulunci ya rayu shekaru 1,300 kuma ya samu yabo daga mabiya, abokan tafiya da abokan gaba baki ɗaya. Bernard Shaw, marubucin Ireland kuma wanda ya lashe kyautar Nobel a shekarar 1925, ya yi wannan sharhi game da Muhammad ﷺ da jagorancinsa: "Na yi imani cewa idan wani mutum kamar Muhammad ﷺ zai karɓi mulkin kama-karya na duniyar zamani, zai iya warware matsalolinta ta hanyar da za ta kawo mata zaman lafiya da farin ciki da take buƙata."1

The remaining ten years of his life as a messenger, Prophet Mohammad constructed a state and built a society. The Islamic code of Shari’ah was gradually introduced into the society until it was completed before Mohammad (PBUH) departed this life for his final destiny. It can be argued that the first thirteen years of his life, Prophet Mohammad, supported by revelation of the Quran from the Almighty God, established a foundation upon which the state and society was implemented. Without this foundation, the code could not have produced the envisioned systems of political, economic, and social life. Without this foundation, the systems could only have survived while the Prophet was alive only to disappear after his death. The truth of the matter is that the systems of Islam lived for 1,300 years and won the praise of the followers, the friends and the foes alike. Bernard Shaw, Irish writer and Nobel Prize winner in 1925, made the following comments on Mohammad and his leadership: “I believe that if a man like Mohammad were to assume the dictatorship of the modern world he would succeed in solving its problems in a way that would bring it the much needed peace and happiness.”1

Idan muna magana game da tashin Musulunci, dole ne mu yi bayani game da tushe da kuma tsarin Musulunci. Wannan ne ke ba Musulunci tsarin akida. Kuma wannan ne ainihin abin da ke sa Musulunci ya dace a lokacin da muke tattaunawa game da akidun jari-hujja ko gurguzu, musamman idan waɗannan akidu suna fuskantar babban kalubale.

When we talk about the rise of Islam, we have to address both the foundation and the structure of Islam. This is what gives Islam its ideological framework. And this is exactly what makes Islam relevant when we discuss the ideologies of capitalism or socialism, especially when these ideologies face a serious challenge.

Lokacin da tsarin duniya ya shiga cikin rikici wanda ya samo asali daga akidar da ke mamaye tsarinta na tattalin arziki da kuɗi, sai hoton wata akida madadin ta bayyana ya kuma shiga cikin zukatan mutane. Lokacin da gurguzu ya fara faduwa a tsohuwar Tarayyar Soviet, al'ummar cikin gida a Tarayyar Soviet da al'ummar duniya baki ɗaya suka fara neman wata akida madadin. Jari-hujja kuwa ta shirya don shiga zukatan masu neman akida da cike gibin da faduwar gurguzu ta bari. Wannan tsari ne na dabi'a.

When the world order experiences a crisis stemming from the ideology which dominates its economic and financial system, the image of an alternative ideology rises and tackles the very minds of the people. When socialism began to fail in the old Soviet Union, the local public in the Soviet Union and the global public in the world began to search for an alternative ideology. Capitalism was ready to engage the minds of the ideology seekers and to fill the vacuum created by the collapse of socialism. That was a natural process.

A yau, tsarin jari-hujja (capitalism) a matsayin akida yana fuskantar rikici wanda ke barazana ga rugujewar tsarin akida a duniya baki daya. Abu ne na dabi'a mutane su nemi su bincika akidu madadin. Matsalar da duniya ke fuskanta ita ce akidun nan guda biyu da ake iya dauka a matsayin madadi ba su samuwa nan take domin su maye gurbin wannan akida ta yanzu. Gurguzanci (socialism) ya rushe fiye da shekaru ashirin da suka wuce, kuma babu wani gagarumin yunkuri na farfado da shi. Musulunci kuwa ya fadi a matsayin akida fiye da shekaru tamanin da suka wuce, duk da cewa akwai gagarumin kokari mai zafi na sake dawo da cikakken aiwatar da shi. Da an yi aiki da akidar Musulunci tare da aiwatar da ita a wata kasa a duniya, to da ya zama abu na dabi'a Musulunci ya cike gurbin da zai iya samuwa bayan rugujewar jari-hujja. Haka kuma, Musulunci zai yi gogayya da jari-hujja wajen cike gurbin bayan rugujewar gurguzancin Soviet a karshen karni na ashirin.

Today, capitalism as an ideology is experiencing a crisis which threatens a collapse of the ideological framework in the world at large. It is only natural for people to search and investigate alternative ideologies. The dilemma that faces the world is that the other two potential ideologies are not immediately available to replace the current one. Socialism has collapsed more than twenty years ago, and there is no serious attempt to revive it. Islam has fallen as an ideology more than eighty years ago, although there are serious and vigorous attempts to resume its full implementation. Had the ideology of Islam been practiced and implemented in some country in the world, then it would have been natural for Islam to fill the vacuum which could result after the collapse of capitalism. More so, Islam would have competed with capitalism to fill the vacuum after the collapse of Soviet socialism at the end of the twentieth century.

Abin mamaki shi ne cewa tsarin akida na Musulunci (tushe da tsari) an cire shi kusan gaba ɗaya daga duniya a farkon karni na ashirin. Saboda haka, domin Musulunci ya zama madadin da zai yi nasara a kan akidun zamani, dole ne ya sake tashi a matsayinsa na akida. Tsarin tashi ya fara riga, kuma ba zai daɗe ba kafin duniya ta fara ganin akidar Musulunci a aikace. Patrick Buchanan ya bayyana wannan tsari da cewa akida ce lokacinta ya zo, kuma babu rundunar soji a duniya da za ta iya hana wannan tashi. Za a ƙara nazari da tattauna wannan tsari a cikin sassan da suka biyo baya.

The irony is that the ideological framework of Islam (the foundation plus the structure) was practically removed from the world at the start of the twentieth century. Hence, for Islam to be applicable as a viable alternative to current ideologies, it must rise again in its capacity as an ideology. The process of rising has indeed started, and it will not be too long before the world begins to experience the ideology of Islam in practice. Patrick Buchanan described this process as an idea whose time has come, and that no army in the world could stop this rise. This process will be further analyzed and discussed in the subsequent sections.

Saboda haka, kalmar "tashin Musulunci" a cikin wannan littafi tana nufin tashin akidar Musulunci. Wannan ya kamata ya sauƙaƙa damuwar da wasu za su iya samu game da cewa Musulunci a matsayin addini bai taɓa faɗuwa ba, kuma yana ci gaba da girma a yawan mabiyansa. Haka kuma, ya kamata ya kawar da rudanin da ke tasowa daga gaskiyar cewa tushen Musulunci, musamman Alkur'ani da maganganun Annabi Muhammadu ﷺ, an kiyaye su kuma an rubuta su da matuƙar daidaito; don haka kalmomin faɗuwa da tashin Musulunci ba sa shafar wannan ɓangare na Musulunci ma. A takaice, kalmar tashin Musulunci tana nufin musamman farfaɗowar akidar Musulunci a matsayinta na tushen ilimi, tsari da aka gina a kan wannan tushe, da kuma hanyar aiwatar da akidar.

Hence, the term rise of Islam in this book refers to the rise of the ideology of Islam. This should relax the concern that some may have regarding the fact that Islam as a religion has never fallen and continues to be an ever-growing religion in terms of the number of followers. It should also remove the confusion stemming from the fact that the sources of Islam, in particular the Quran and the statements of Prophet Mohammad, have been preserved and documented with utmost accuracy; so the term fall and rise of Islam does not apply to this part of Islam either. In effect, the term rise of Islam refers specifically to the revival of the ideology of Islam in its capacity as an intellectual foundation, a structure built upon that foundation, and a methodology for implementing the ideology.

Sashe na gaba zai yi bayani dalla-dalla game da Musulunci a matsayin akida; wannan zai bayyana ainihin abin da muke nufi da tsarin akidar Musulunci da kuma manyan sassan wannan akida.

The next section will explore the details of Islam as an ideology; this should clarify exactly what we mean by the ideological framework of Islam and what are the major components of this ideology.