Manufar Musulunci, wadda ta fara a Makkah kuma ta bunƙasa a Madina, tana da duk abin da ake buƙata domin ta girma ta zama manufa ta duniya baki ɗaya. Alƙur'ani ya bayyana a fili cewa Muhammadu ﷺ manzo ne ba ga Larabawa kaɗai ba, sai dai ga dukan mutane.28 Haka kuma ya bayyana cewa ɗaya daga cikin manufofin wannan aiki shi ne a mamaye sauran addinai da tsarin rayuwa. A takaice, ya aza harsashin yaɗuwar Musulunci da faɗaɗa ƙasarsa. Lallai, a lokacin da Annabi ﷺ ya bar duniyar nan, rundunonin ƙasar Musulunci suna kan iyakokin daular Roma da ta Farisa.

The mission of Islam which began in Mecca and flourished in Medina had all what it takes to grow into a global one. The Quran explicitly stated that Mohammad was a messenger not only for the Arabs but for all mankind.28 It also stated that one of the objectives of this mission is to take over other religions and systems. In essence it laid down the foundation for the spread of Islam and the expansion of its state. Indeed, the moment the Prophet (PBUH) departed this world, the armies of the Islamic state were on the borders of both the Roman and the Persian empires.

Ba da daɗewa ba, cikin ƙasa da shekara ɗari bayan kafuwar daular Musulunci a Madina, Musulunci ya bazu daga Sipaniya (Andalus) zuwa Sumatra. Jiragen ruwan Musulmi sun mamaye tekun Bahar Rum da tekun Indiya. A lokacin faɗaɗarsa, ƙaramin juriya ne ya fito daga sojojin Rumawa na Bizantiya ko na Farisa. Daulolin biyu sun sha wahala daga rikicin cikin gida, cin hanci da rashawa, da raguwar ɗabi'a da ƙwazon sojoji. Musulunci ya ba al'ummomin da aka ci yanzu addini mai sauƙi kuma mai ma'ana game da akida, da kuma tsari mai cike da adalci da gaskiya. Mutane da yawa sun fi son tauhidi, kuma sun ƙi aƙidar Triniti ta Bizantiya da aƙidar dualism ta Farisa. Musulunci ya fi dacewa da zuciyarsu, don haka ba wai kawai suka karɓi Musulunci ba, har ma suka taimaka wajen yaɗa shi.

Less than one hundred years after the creation of the Islamic state in Medina, Islam had spread from Spain (Andalusia) to Sumatra. The Muslim ships dominated the Mediterranean Sea and the India Ocean. During its expansion, very little resistance came from either the Roman Byzantine or the Persian troops. Both empires have suffered from internal chaos, corruption, and decline of morale. Islam provided to the newly conquered nations a religion with rational and simple creed as well as a system characterized with justice and fairness. Many people favored monotheism and found the Byzantine trinity and Persian dualism distasteful. Islam was more to their liking, and they not only converted to Islam, but helped to spread it further.

Musulunci ya cire yawancin nauyin haraji da na kuɗi da aka ɗora wa mutanen ƙasashen da aka ci. Ya cire shingayen da ke tsakanin al'ummomi, kuma ya yi wa dukkan al'ummomi da mutane mizani ɗaya. Babu girman kai na ƙabila ko ƙasa. Musulmai sun aiwatar da ƙa'idar da Alkur'ani ya bayyana sosai: "Daraja tana auna ta da takawa, ba ta ƙasa ko kabilar mutum ba." Lynn Nylson a cikin Medieval History, ta ce: "Musulmai sun aiwatar da 'yancin addini, kuma tsarin zamantakewa da tattalin arziƙi na Musulunci ya fi jin ƙai fiye da na sauran al'ummomin zamanin." Ta kammala da cewa Alkur'ani ya ba mutanen daular Roma da ta Farisa tsarin dokoki da dabi'u guda ɗaya.

Islam removed much of the financial burden and taxation which was imposed upon the people of the conqured lands. It removed the boundaries between nations and treated all nations and peoples by the same standard. There was no national or ethnic supremacy. The Muslims practiced to the fullest extent the principle declared by the Quran: “Honor is measured by piety rather than by national identity.”29 Lynn Nylson in Medieval History,30 says that “Muslims practiced religious toleration, and the social and economic doctrines of Islam were far more humane than those of the other peoples of the time.” She concludes that the Quran gave the peoples of the Roman and Persian empires a common set of laws and values.

Tare da yaduwar Musulunci da fadada daularsa, wata sabuwar wayewa ta bayyana. Wannan wayewa ta mayar da ka'idar ilimi da aka gina ta tsawon lokaci zuwa tsari mai aiki. Ta iya canza Larabawa makiyaya masu yaki zuwa wata al'umma mai wayewa, wacce ke iya kula da al'amuran wasu kawai don neman yardar Allah Maɗaukakin Sarki. Wannan wayewa ta kirkiro sabon hoto na shugabanni a cikin kasa: ba su kasancewa sama da doka ba, ko sama da mutane. An ruwaito cewa lokacin da wakilin sarkin Farisa ya zo Madina yana neman Khalifa Umar bn Al-Khattab, sai ya yi mamakin ganinsa yana barci a karkashin wata bishiya. Bai samu fada irin na sarkinsa ba, ko masu gadi irin wadanda ya saba da su. Kalamansa sun bayyana halayen shugabannin sabuwar wayewar cikin kyau: "Ku yi mulki da adalci, ku huta cikin kwanciyar hankali."31

Together with the spread of Islam and the expansion of its state, a new civilization emerged. This civilization translated the theoretical model which was constructed over an extended period of time into a practical one. It was able to transform nomad warrior Arabs into a civilized group of people capable of looking after the affairs of others in return only for the pleasure of the Almighty Allah. The civilization created a new imagery of the rulers of the land: never above the law or above the people. It is reported that when an envoy of the Persian king came to Medina looking for the caliph Omar Bin Al-Khattab, he was astonished to find him lying asleep under a tree. He did not find a palace like that of his own king or guards like those he was used to. His comments elegantly characterized the traits of the leaders of the new civilization: “Rule with justice and rest with a sense of security.”31

Faɗaɗawar Musulunci cikin sauri da sauƙi an rubuta ta a cikin littafin World Civilization: The Global Experience, 32, inda marubutan suka bayyana cewa,

The rapid and smooth expansion of Islam was documented in the book World Civilization: The Global Experience, 32 in which the authors state,

A cikin karni na bakwai miladiyya, Larabawan da suka bi Muhammadﷺ sun yi ta yaɗuwa daga Tsibirin Larabawa don kafa wayewar farko ta duniya baki ɗaya.

In the seventh century C.E. the Arab followers of Muhammad surged from the Arabian Peninsula to create the first global civilization.

Sun ci nasara da sauri wani daula da ta haɗa abubuwan wayewar gargajiya ta Girka, Masar, da Farisa. 'Yan kasuwa Musulmai, masu tasawwufi,

They quickly conquered an empire incorporating elements of the classical civilizations of Greece, Egypt, and Persia. Islamic merchants, mystics,

da mayaƙa suka ci gaba da faɗaɗa a Turai, Asiya, da Afirka. Wannan tsari ya samar da hanyoyin musayar ilimi da kayayyaki tsakanin cibiyoyin wayewa, kuma ya gina wayewar duniya ta gaskiya.

and warriors continued its expansion in Europe, Asia, and Africa. The process provided links for exchange among civilized centers and forged a truly global civilization.

Ni masanin fasaha ne, don haka abin da ya fi burge ni shi ne maganganun tsohuwar Shugabar kamfanin Hewlett Packard (HP) a wani jawabi da ta gabatar a taron da aka gudanar a karkashin taken "Fasaha, Kasuwanci da Hanyar Rayuwarmu: Me Zai Biyo Baya."33 Ta bayyana cewa wayewar Musulunci, wadda ta mamaye duniya sama da shekaru dari takwas, wayewa ce da kirkire-kirkire ya jagoranta. Sojojin Musulunci sun samar da zaman lafiya da wadata a wani mataki da "ba a taba sanin irinsa ba." Domin amincewa da gudunmawar wayewar Musulunci, ta ce fasahar yau "ba za ta wanzu ba in ba don gudummawar masana lissafi na Larabawa ba." A bangaren falsafa kuwa, masana falsafa Musulmi kamar Rumi "sun kalubalanci tunaninmu game da kai da gaskiya." A fannin hakuri da dokokin jama'a kuma, shugabanni irin su Suleiman "sun ba da gudummawa ga tunaninmu game da hakuri da shugabanci na jama'a." Abin da ke sa kalaman Fiorina su bambanta kuma na musamman shi ne cewa sun zo ne makonni biyu bayan harin ta'addanci na 9/11, wanda ya sa Musulunci ya fuskanci tsananin bincike ba bisa ka'ida ba game da ta'addanci da halin rashin tausayi.

Being a technologist myself, I found most intriguing the comments of former CEO of Hewlett Packard (HP) in a speech delivered to a conference held under the theme “Technology, Business and Our Way of Life: What Is Next.”33 She noted that the Islamic civilization which dominated the world for more than eight hundred years was one driven by invention. The Islamic military allowed a degree of peace and prosperity that “had never been known.” In recognition of the Islamic civilization contribution, she notes that today’s technology “would not exist without the contributions of Arab mathematicians.” On the philosophical front, Muslim philosophers like Rumi “challenged our notions of self and truth.” In the domain of tolerance and civic code, leaders like Suleiman “contributed to our notions of tolerance and civic leadership.” What makes Fiorina’s observations distinct and unique is that they came two weeks after the 9/11 acts of terrorism which rendered Islam unjustly scrutinized for notions of terrorism and savage behavior.

Ta fuskar tattalin arziki kuwa, wayewar Musulunci ta kasance da wadata a matakin al'umma da kawar da talauci a matakin mutum ɗaya. Ira Marvin Lapidus ta lura a cikin littafinta The History of Islamic Society cewa wayewar da ke Arewacin Afirka da Spain an ginata ne bisa "wadata ta tattalin arziki mai ban mamaki."34 Malamai irin su Ibn Katheer da Al-Tabari sun ruwaito cewa cikin shekaru sittin na farko da Musulunci ya tashi, ya yi nasarar kawar da talauci a dukkan matakai. Babban cibiyar sadaka a Musulunci, Zakah, ta samu yawan kuɗi da ya wuce kima, har ta kai ga masu karɓar wannan sadaka sun ƙusan ɓacewa saboda wadata da kwanciyar hankali ta fuskar kuɗi.

On the economic side, the Islamic civilization was characterized by prosperity at the societal level and poverty elimination at the individual level. Ira Marvin Lapidus notes in her book The History of Islamic Society that the civilization in North Africa and Spain was fostered by “extraordinary economic prosperity.”34 Historians like Ibn Katheer and Al-Tabari report that within the first sixty years of its rise, Islam managed to remove poverty at all levels. The main charity institution in Islam, Zakah, experienced a positive overflow of money when recipients of this form of charity virtually disappeared due to prosperity and financial stability.

Masana tarihi, 'yan siyasa, marubuta da masu suka duk sun yarda cewa Musulunci ya yaɗu kuma ya bazu cikin sauri mai ban mamaki. Suna bayyana bangarori daban-daban na wayewar, kuma wasu sun bayar da wani irin bayani game da wannan al'amari. Noah Feldman a cikin littafinsa The Fall and the Rise of Islamic State ya danganta tashi da yaɗuwar daular Musulunci ta farko ga aiwatar da Shari'ah (dokar shari'ar Musulunci) tare da tsarin daidaita iko (check-and-balance) da malaman da suka ayyana kansu suka kiyaye. Masanin tarihi dan kasar Faransa Lamartine kuwa ya danganta al'amarin da wani ƙarfin motsi (momentum) 35

Historians, politicians, writers, and critiques agree that Islam spread and expanded at a breathtaking speed. They describe different aspects of the civilization and some have provided some sort of explanation for that phenomenon. Noah Feldman in his book The Fall and the Rise of Islamic State attributed the rise and spread of the first Islamic state to the implementation of the Shari’ah (the Islamic legal code) coupled with a check-and-balance mechanism maintained by self-proclaimed scholars. French historian Lamartine attributed the phenomenon to a momentum 35

An wannan ya samu ne daga halin Annabi Muhammad ﷺ na ban mamaki. Irin waɗannan lura sun faru ne ga Sir Bernard Shaw.

generated by the extraordinary character of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH). Similar observations were made by Sir Bernard Shaw.

Gaskiya ne cewa halin mutum da ɗabi'ar Muhammad ﷺ sun yi tasiri mai girma a kan tashi da yaɗuwar Musulunci. Amma domin wannan tasiri ya ci gaba da kasancewa shekaru aru-aru masu zuwa, yana buƙatar tattaunawa mai zurfi sosai. Haka kuma, aiwatar da dokokin Musulunci a cikin sifar Shari'ah ya taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen dorewar daular Musulunci da wayewarta. Amma domin wannan Shari'ah ta ci gaba da dacewa tsawon lokaci haka, yana buƙatar nazari mai zurfi.

It is true that the personality and character of Mohammad had a great impact on the rise and spread of Islam. But for that impact to last many centuries ahead requires more elaborate discussion. Similarly, the implementation of the rules of Islam in the form of Shari’ah was instrumental to the sustainability of the Islamic state and civilization. But for that Shari’ah to remain relevant for such a long period of time requires more analysis.

Shugabanci da tsarin rayuwa da Annabi Muhammad ﷺ ya bari sun ci gaba da kasancewa masu muhimmanci da tasiri saboda dalili guda mai sauki. Musulmai sun dauki Muhammad ﷺ a matsayin wanda ake saukar wa wahayi daga Allah. Imani da Muhammad ﷺ a matsayin manzon Allah yana daidai da imani da Allah a matsayin Ubangiji. Don haka a lokacin da Musulmai suka fara rubuta rayuwar Muhammad ﷺ, sun san cewa suna tattara wata madogara ta wahayiban da Alkur'ani. Ba kwatsam ba ne cewa Musulmai na farko sun kirkiro wata sabuwar hanya gaba daya don tattara maganganu, ayyuka da halayen Annabi ﷺ.

The leadership and methodology provided by Prophet Mohammad remained relevant and influential for one simple reason. Mohammad was perceived by Muslims as one who receives revelation from Allah. The belief in Mohammad as a messenger from Allah was tantamount to the belief in Allah as a god. So when the Muslims set out to document Mohammad’s life, they knew that they were compiling another source for the revelation in addition to the Quran. It is not a coincidence that early Muslims formulated a whole new methodology for compiling the statements, the actions, and behavior of the Prophet (PBUH).

Malamai Musulmi sun ƙirƙiro abin da ya yi kama da wani babban rumbun bayanai na nazarin mutane, inda suka tattara dukkan cikakkun bayanai game da kowane mutum da ya taɓa kasancewa cikin hulɗa kai tsaye ko a kaikaice da Annabi ﷺ. An ɗauki wannan a matsayin abin da ya zama dole domin tabbatar da sahihancin duk wani abu da aka danganta ga Annabi ﷺ. A cikin wannan aiki, malamai kamar Bukhari, Muslim, Nisa'i, Tirmidhi da Abu Dawoud sun iya tace dubban maganganun da aka danganta ga Annabi Muhammad ﷺ ba bisa gaskiya ba. Ga Musulmi, rayuwa da abubuwan da Annabi Muhammad ﷺ ya yi sun zama wani ɓangare na akida. Alkur'ani ya tabbatar da wannan gaskiya a wurare da dama. A wani wuri, ya haɗa kai tsakanin son Allah da bin Muhammad ﷺ. A wani wurin kuma, Alkur'ani ya umurci Musulmi da su karɓa su riƙe duk abin da Manzon Allah ﷺ ya kawo musu.37

Muslim scholars invented what amounts to a profiling knowledge database in which they collected all possible details about each and every one who has been in direct or indirect contact with the Prophet. This was deemed necessary to authenticate any piece that was attributed to the Prophet. In the process, the Muslim scholars like Bukhari, Muslim, Nisa’i, Tirmidhi, and Abu Dawoud managed to filter out thousands of references falsely attributed to Prophet Mohammad (PBUH). To the Muslims, the life and products of Prophet Mohammad were part of the creed. The Quran confirmed this fact in several places. In one location, it made a direct link between loving Allah and following Mohammad.36 In another place, the Quran asked the Muslims to take and accept everything that the Messenger of Allah provided to them.37

A wajen neman yaɗuwar aikinsa, Annabi Muhammadﷺ ya ɗauki dabaru, hanyoyi da tsare-tsare waɗanda suke na zahiri kuma masu amfani. Bai taɓa dogara ga tsafe-tsafe ko ƙarfin da ba na zahiri ba wajen tsara shirye-shiryensa ko aiwatar da su. A lokacin da yake yaɗa cewa nasara a ƙarshe daga Allah take, ya jaddada cewa dole ne mutane su yi dukkan shirye-shirye da matakan kariya. A takaice, ya bayyana a fili cewa nasara ko gazawar aikin ya dogara ne da matakin jajircewa, sadaukarwa da hadayar mutanen da suke ɗaukar aikin. Kasancewar ra'ayoyi, ƙa'idodi, dokoki, da dabi'u masu adalci, gaskiya da kuma daraja ta sama ba su wadatar da saƙon Musulunci ya tashi ya bunƙasa ba. Samuwar wata jama'a da take imani da waɗannan ra'ayoyi da tsarukansu yana da muhimmanci kamar yadda ingancin ra'ayoyin da kansu yake da muhimmanci.

In pursuing the prevalence of his mission, Prophet Mohammad assumed strategies, tactics, and plans which are both tangible and practical. He never relied on superstitious or supernatural forces in sketching or implementing the plans. At the time when he preached that victory is ultimately provided by god, he insisted that all preparations and precautions need to be carried out by the people. In other words, he made it clear that the success or failure of the mission depends on the degree of commitment, devotion, and sacrifice of the people who carry the mission. The fact that the ideas, concepts, rules, regulations, and values are just, fair, and supreme do not suffice for the message of Islam to rise and prosper. The existence of a group of people who believe in the ideas and its systems is as essential as the correctness of the ideas themselves.

Alƙur'ani ya raba a sarari tsakanin halayen Annabi ﷺ da wahayin Allah. Mahimmanci ya kasance a kan wahayin Allah. A wurare da yawa, Alƙur'ani ya gargadi Annabi ﷺ da kansa ya kiyaye dokar da aka saukar da tsananin kiyayewa.38 A cikin Suratul Ma'ida (sura ta 5, aya ta 49), Alƙur'ani ya sanya wannan takura: "Saboda haka ka yi hukunci (ya Muhammadu ﷺ) a tsakaninsu da abin da Allah Ya saukar, kada ka bi son zuciyarsu, kuma ka yi hattara da su kada su karkatar da kai daga wani sashi na abin da Allah Ya saukar maka." Ma'anar ita ce akidar Musulunci ba ta bar wata shakka ba cewa Annabi ﷺ mutum ne kawai wanda ke karɓar wahayi daga Allah, kuma Musulmi za su bauta wa Allah ne kawai idan suka bi Manzon Allah ﷺ. Saboda haka, muddin wannan akida tana raye a zukatan masu bangaskiya, tasirin Annabi Muhammadu ﷺ yana ci gaba da rayuwa da aiki.

The Quran carefully drew the line between the personality of the Prophet and the divine revelation. The emphasis was on the divine revelation. In numerous locations, the Quran warned the Prophet himself to keep a strict observation of the revealed code.38 In Surah Al-Maidah (chapter 5, verse 49), the Quran makes the following restriction “And so judge ( O Muhammad) among them by what Allah has revealed and follow not their vain desires, but beware of them lest they turn you far away from some of that which Allah has sent down to you.” The point is that the Islamic creed left no doubt that the Prophet was but a man who receives revelation from Allah, and that the Muslims will only be worshiping god when they follow the Messenger. Then as long as the creed remains alive in the minds and hearts of the believers, the impact of Prophet Mohammad remains alive and active.

Haka kuma, sa'ad da Alkur'ani ya saukar da dokokin ɗabi'a, ya yi haka ne tare da akida kanta. Alkur'ani bai kawai roƙon muminai su aikata kyakkyawan aiki ko su nisanci mummunan aiki ba. Maimakon haka, ya jaddada alaƙar aikin da tushen Allah wanda yake bayan umarnin aikin. Misali, sa'ad da Alkur'ani ya saukar da doka game da haramcin abin sha mai sa maye, ya haɗa dokar da wasu manyan dabi'u. A cikin Suratul Ma'ida (sura ta 5, aya ta 90) an ce: {Ya ku waɗanda suka yi imani! Giya da caca da gumaka da kiban caca abu ne mai ƙazanta daga aikin Shaiɗan. Don haka ku nisance shi domin ku sami rabauta.} Ku lura yadda ayar ta fara da kira "Ya ku waɗanda suka yi imani!", wanda ke tunatar da masu saurare imaninsu, abin da yake da muhimmanci ga biyayyarsu ga umarnin. Sa'an nan ta haɗa ayyukan da aka haramta, kamar abin sha mai sa maye, da ayyukan Shaiɗan. Sa'ad da aka saukar da wannan ayar, Musulmi sun zubar da duk giyar da suka taskace a baya, har ta kai titunan Madina sun cika da giya.

By the same token, when the Quran revealed code of conduct, it did so in conjunction with the creed itself. The Quran did not simply ask the believers to do a good deed or to refrain from doing an evil deed. Rather it emphasized the link between the action and the divine source that stands behind the command of the action. For example, when the Quran revealed a rule regarding the prohibition of alcoholic drink, it wrapped the rule within a set of other supreme values. In Surah Al-Maidah (chapter 5, verse 90) it says, “O you who believe! Intoxicants (all kinds of alcoholic drinks), and gambling, and Al-Ansâb, and Al-Azlâm (forms of lottery) are an abomination of Shaitân’s (Satan) handiwork. So avoid (strictly all) that (abomination) in order that you may be successful.” Note how the verse begins with an address “O you who believe!” reminding the audience of their belief, which is important for their compliance with the command. Then it links the prohibited acts, e.g., alcoholic drinks, to the acts of the devil (Shaitan). When this verse was revealed, the Muslims dumped all the wine they had previously stored to the extent that the streets of Medina were flooded with wine.

Lokacin da Alƙur'ani ya roƙi muminai su bai wa waɗanda ke cikin buƙata kuɗi, ya yi haka cikin salon da ke ƙarfafa karimci da yalwar bayarwa. A cikin Suratul Baqara (babi na 2, aya ta 245), Alƙur'ani yana ƙarfafa muminai su ba wa 'yan'uwansu kuɗinsu bashi, yana cewa wannan aiki yana daidai da ba Allah bashi.39 A wasu wuraren kuma yana maimaita cewa Allah yana roƙon muminai su ciyar da dukiyar da Allah ya ba su. Wannan ra'ayi ya fi bayyana a cikin Suratul Hadid (babi na 29, aya ta 7), wadda ta ce: "Ku yi imani da Allah da ManzonSa, kuma ku ciyar daga abin da Ya sanya ku masu gādo a cikinsa. Kuma waɗanda suka yi imani daga cikinku suka ciyar (a hanyar Allah), suna da lada mai girma." Wannan salo yana nan daram a ko'ina cikin Alƙur'ani, ko dokokin sun shafi dukiya, kasuwanci, al'adun abinci, aure, saki, yaƙi, zaman lafiya, alaƙar iyali, ɗabi'a, ɗabi'un kirki, ko kuma wani batu daban.

When the Quran requested of the believers to give money to those who are in need, it did so in a style conducive to generosity and munificence. In Surah Al-Baqara (chapter 2, verse 245), the Quran motivates the believers to lend their money to their fellow men saying that this act is equivalent to giving Allah a loan.39 In other places it repeats the fact that Allah requests the believers to expend the wealth that has been provided to them by Allah. This notion is most clear in Surah Al-Hadeed (chapter 29, verse 7), which states, “Believe in Allah and His Messenger and spend of that whereof He has made you trustees. And such of you as believe and spend (in Allah’s Way), theirs will be a great reward.” This style is consistent throughout the Quran, whether the rules are related to wealth, trade, food habits, marriage, divorce, war, peace, family relations, morals, ethics, or any other issue.

Abin da ke nuna cewa Musulunci ya damu sosai wajen kiyaye cikakken iko ga Allah Mahalicci, ba ga dokoki da ka'idojin da ke fitowa daga gare shi ba, shi ne. Biyayya ga dokoki da ka'idojin ɗabi'a a ƙarshe hujja ce ta gaskiyar imani da akidar Musulunci. A cikin Suratun Nisa'i (sura ta 4, aya ta 65), Alƙur'ani ya tabbatar da wannan matsaya: "Amma a'a, na rantse da Ubangijinka, ba za su yi imani ba sai sun naɗa ka (ya Muhammadu ﷺ) mai hukunci a cikin rikicin da ke tsakaninsu, sannan ba za su sami wani ƙunci a cikin zukatansu game da hukuncinka ba, kuma su karɓa gaba ɗaya da cikakkiyar biyayya." Wannan yana tuna mana cewa Annabi Muhammadu ﷺ ya shafe fiye da kashi 65 cikin 100 na tsawon rayuwarsa a matsayin Annabi yana gina tare da ƙarfafa akida a matsayin tushen imani da mabiyar akida.

The point is that Islam was very keen about maintaining the ultimate sovereignty to Allah the creator rather than to the laws and regulations that come from him. The adherence to the laws and code of conduct is eventually a proof for the sincerity of one’s belief in the creed of Islam. In Surah Al-Nisa’a (chapter 4, verse 65), the Quran confirms this conclusion: “But no, by your Lord, they can have no Faith, until they make you (O Muhammad) rule in all disputes between them, and find in themselves no resistance against your decisions, and accept (them) with full submission.” This brings back into play the fact that Prophet Mohammad spent more than 65% of his life span as a prophet building and strengthening the creed as a foundation of faith and the ideology.

Yaduwar Musulunci, faɗaɗar daular Musulunci, da mamayar wayewarta duk sun kasance sakamako na halitta na biyayya da sadaukarwar al’ummar Musulmi baki ɗaya (Ummar Musulmi) ga tushen ilimi na addinin. Abin da Noah Feldman ya lura da shi ta hanyar binciken da nazarinsa shi ne bayyanar wannan biyayya ga akida ta hanyar aiwatar da Shari’ah. Aikin malamai kawai shi ne su ci gaba da kiyaye dangantaka tsakanin lambar Shari’ah kanta da tushen wannan lamba, wato Allah Maɗaukakin Sarki. Sa’ad da mutane suka nemi hukunci na Musulunci kan kowane batu, malamai (ulama) ba su wuce kawai su ba da hukuncin Musulunci mara tushe kan wannan batu ba (misali, halal, wajibi, mustahabbi, haramun ko makaruhi). A maimakon haka, sukan samo hukuncin daga nassoshi da aka ba su a cikin Alƙur’ani ko Sunnah (maganganu da ayyukan Annabi ﷺ). Za su isar da hukuncin tare da hujjojin da aka yi amfani da su wajen samo shi. Ta haka ne suke kiyaye alaƙar masu sauraro da wahayin Allah wanda ke ba hukuncin ƙarfi, kuma yana ba masu sauraro dalilin bin hukuncin.

The spread of Islam, the expansion of the Islamic state, and the dominance of its civilization were a natural consequence of the adherence and devotion of the Muslim community at large (the Muslim Ummah) to the intellectual foundations of the faith. What Noah Feldman observed through his research and analysis is the manifestation of this observance to the creed through the implementation of the Shari’ah. The role of the scholars was merely to sustain the links between the code of Shari’ah itself and the source of the code, i.e., Allah the supreme. When people requested an Islamic opinion on any issue, the scholars (ulama) did not simply provide an abstract Islamic opinion on the particular issue (e.g., allowed, obligated, recommended, banned, or discouraged). Rather, they would derive the rule from given texts in the Quran or the Sunnah (Prophet’s statements and acts). They would pass on the rule together with the evidences used to derive that rule. This way, they kept the audience connected to the divine revelation which gives power to the rule and provides the audience with the reason to adhere to the rule.

Wannan aiki an rubuta shi sosai a cikin littattafan manyan malaman da aka tsara manyan makarantun tunani a kewayensu. Littattafan shahararru na manyan malamai Abu Hanifah, Ja'afar, Al-Shafi'i, Ahmad Bin Hanbal, da Malik Bin Anas suna ba da hujja mai kyau akan haka. A cikin kowace makaranta an rubuta ɗaruruwan littattafai. Kowane ɗayan waɗannan littattafai yana ba da tarin dokoki tare da dukkan nassoshi masu dacewa daga Alƙur'ani da Sunnah, da kuma hanyar tunani da aka yi amfani da ita wajen fitar da dokokin daga waɗannan nassoshi.

This practice was thoroughly documented in the literature of the prominent scholars around whom the main schools of thought were organized. The famous books of the major scholars Abu Hanifah, Ja’afar, Al-Shafi’i, Ahmad Bin Hanbal, and Malik Bin Anas provide an outstanding proof to this effect. Within each school hundreds of books were composed. Each and every one of these books provides a collection of rules with all relevant texts from the Quran and Sunnah and the logic used to derive the rules from these texts.

Tsarin khalifanci da Annabi Muhammad ﷺ ya kafa a shekara ta 623 ya tsaya cik gaba ɗaya a ranar 3 ga Maris, 1924. Bayan shekaru dubu da ɗari uku na girma, faɗaɗa, da mulki, Musulunci ya rasa kayan aikin da ke tabbatar da aiwatar da shi a rayuwar jama'a ta fuskar tattalin arziki, siyasa, da zamantaka. Shawarar soke tsarin khalifanci Majalisar Ƙasa ta Istanbul ta yanke ta ƙarƙashin jagorancin Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Rushewar daular ba ita ce farkon koma baya ba; a zahiri, ta kasance sakamakon wani dogon tsari na koma baya wanda ya fara tun a farkon zamani a tarihi.

The state of khilafah established by Prophet Mohammad in the year 623 came to a complete halt on March 3, 1924. After thirteen hundred years of growth, expansion, and dominance, Islam lost the instrument responsible for its realization in the economic, political, and social lives of people. The decision to abolish the state of khilafah was taken by the National Assembly in Istanbul under the direction of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. The termination of the state was not the beginning of the decline; in fact it was a result of a long process of decline which began at a much earlier stage in history.

Noah Feldman, a cikin littafinsa The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State, ya danganta koma-bayan da aka samu ga raguwar rawar malamai wajen tsayar da iko a kan wajibcin masu mulki na aiwatar da Shari'ar Musulunci. Wannan tsari ya fara ne fiye da shekaru ɗari kafin ƙarshen rushewar ya faru. Babu shakka rawar malamai tana da muhimmanci wajen ci gaba da dorewar Shari'a. Amma aikinsu shi ne ci gaba da farfado da kuzarin akida a zukata da tunanin jama'a da kuma masu mulki baki ɗaya. Lokacin da aka tattara aka rubuta dokokin gwamnati a cikin wani littafi mai suna Majillah, an gabatar da su a matsayin ka'idoji masu ɗauke da ma'ana kawai, an cire su daga tushen Ubangiji wanda shi ne ya ba su ƙarfi tun farko. An samo waɗannan ka'idoji daidai daga majiyoyin Musulunci. Babu wanda zai iya jayayya game da halaccinsu daga mahangar Musulunci. Saboda rabuwar da aka yi tsakanin dokokin Shari'a da lambar Ubangiji da ke bayan waɗannan dokoki, jama'a sun kusan rasa alaƙar akidarsu da harkokin rayuwarsu ta yau da kullum, sai dai watakila ayyukan ibada na yau da kullum. Lokacin da aka yanke shawarar soke khilafah a shekara ta 1924, jama'a gabaɗaya ba su ji cewa tushen Musulunci nasu da harsashin imaninsu ana tumɓuke su ba.

Noah Feldman, in his book The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State, attributes the decline to the diminishing role of the scholars in maintaining a check against the rulers’ obligations to implement the Shari’ah of Islam. This process began more than one hundred years before the final collapse took place. There is no doubt that the role of the scholars is instrumental to the sustainability of the Shari’ah. Their role, however, is to continuously rejuvenate the energy of the creed in the minds and hearts of the people and the rulers alike. When the rules of the state were compiled and coded in a book called the Majillah, they were given as abstract rules stripped off the divine source that gave them power in the first place. The rules were correctly derived from Islamic sources. No one could argue against their legitimacy from an Islamic perspective. Due to the separation between the rules of the Shari’ah and the divine code behind these rules, the public almost lost the connection of their creed to their daily life affairs, except maybe for the daily rituals. When the decision to abort the khilafah came in 1924, the general public did not feel that the base of their Islam and the foundation of their faith were being uprooted.

Da farko dai, ya kamata a bayyana nan take cewa koma-baya na Musulunci da cire jiharsa da wayewarsa daga duniya ba don wasu lahani da kurakurai na cikin asasin Musulunci ba, kamar yadda lamarin yake ga gurguzanci da jari-hujja. Akasin haka, barin asasin Musulunci ne ya haifar da koma-baya, ba bin ka'idojinsa ba. Kiyaye wahayin Ubangiji sosai da bin umarninsa da dokokinsa sosai ne suka haifar da kuma sauƙaƙa tashin farko, yaɗuwa da bazuwar Musulunci, da jiharsa da wayewarsa. Wannan dalili guda ne kuma dalilin da yake tuƙa tashi na biyu a yau.

It should be immediately stated that the decline of Islam and the removal of its state and civilization from the world was not due to internal faults and defects in the foundation of Islam as was the case with socialism and capitalism. On the contrary, it was the departure from the foundation of Islam which led to the decline rather than the compliance with its principles. The close observance of the divine revelation and the strict compliance of its ordinance and rules caused and facilitated the first rise, expansion, and spread of Islam, its state and civilization. It is the same cause and reason that is driving the second rise today.

It can be argued that the rise of Islam today is caused by necessity as well as ordinance and obligation. Since the collapse of the Islamic state and the removal of the Shari’ah, the Muslims in Muslim-majority countries have experienced some of the worst conditions ever. The geopolitical distribution of the Muslim lands shows a great disparity and irregularity. This is evident in the composition of small states with less than a half million population but with extremely large wealth and very large states with more than one hundred million extremely poor people. Kuwait, for example, has less than one million Kuwaiti nationals with more than $140 billion GDP. Egypt, on the other hand, has a population of more than eighty-four millions and a GDP of $165 billion. This huge disparity in wealth created unbearable conditions which have promoted serious calls for the integration of Muslim lands and the unification of Muslims under one state. Initially, the unification calls were prompted by Arab pan nationalism.42 After several setbacks experienced by Arab nationalists, the call for the integration of Arab lands and states was carried forward by Islamic advocates. --- Ana iya cewa tashin Musulunci a yau yana faruwa ne saboda larura da kuma umarni da wajibci. Tun bayan rushewar daular Musulunci da kawar da Shari'a, Musulmi a kasashen da Musulmi suka fi yawa sun shiga cikin wasu daga cikin mafi munin yanayi da aka taba gani. Rarraba filayen Musulunci a fagen siyasar duniya ta nuna babban banbanci da rashin daidaito. Hakan ya bayyana a yadda ake da kananan kasashe masu kasa da rabin miliyan mutane amma da dukiya mai yawan gaske, da manyan kasashe masu fiye da miliyan dari na talakawa matalauta sosai. Kuwait, misali, tana da kasa da miliyan daya 'yan kasar Kuwait tare da GDP fiye da dala biliyan 140. Masar kuwa, tana da mutane fiye da miliyan tamanin da hudu da GDP na dala biliyan 165. Wannan babban banbanci a dukiya ya haifar da yanayi mara jurewa, wanda ya ingiza kiraye-kirayen hadewar kasashen Musulmi da hadin kan Musulmi karkashin kasa daya. Da farko, kiraye-kirayen hadin kai sun samo asali ne daga kishin kasa na Larabawa baki daya (pan-Arabism).42 Bayan koma-baya da dama da masu kishin kasar Larabawa suka fuskanta, masu rajin Musulunci ne suka dauki kiran hadewar filayen da kasashen Larabawa zuwa gaba.43

Ma'aunin fahimtar cin hanci (CPI) yana auna "cin zarafin ikon da aka amince da shi don samun riba ta kashin kai."44 Sai dai kasashe hudu, kasashen Larabawa da na Musulmi sun samu maki kasa da 5 a ma'auni daga 1 zuwa 10, wanda ke nuna yawan cin hanci. Kashi 37.5 na kasashen duniya da maki dinsu bai wuce ko yayi daidai da 3 ba, dukkansu ko kasashen Larabawa ne ko kasashen Musulmi. Yanayin cin hanci ya shafi dukkan fannonin rayuwa a wadannan kasashe, kuma ya zama babban dalilin sauya gwamnati da tsarin mulki.

The corruption perception index (CPI) measures the “abuse of entrusted power for private gain.”44 Except for four states, the Arab and Muslim states scored less than 5 on a scale from 1 to 10, indicating a high level of corruption. The 37.5% of the states worldwide which had score less than or equal to 3 are either Arab or Muslim states. Corruption conditions have impacted all aspects of life in these countries and have become a driving force for regime and system changes.

قبل الانحطاط، كانت المدارس والجامعات الإسلامية في الأندلس وبغداد والقاهرة تتصدر العالم، وكانت مصدر المعرفة والتنوير. ويذكر المؤرخ البريطاني السير جون دافنبورت رسالةً بعثها الملك جورج الثاني ملك بريطانيا إلى الخليفة في الأندلس يطلب فيها إلحاق وفدٍ من إنجلترا بالجامعات الإسلامية.45 ومنذ انحطاط الحضارات الإسلامية، تأخرت الجامعات في العالم الإسلامي. ويبيّن الشكل 30 ترتيب الجامعات في أنحاء العالم. فليست هناك سوى جامعة عربية واحدة ضمن أفضل 200 جامعة في العالم، وجامعتان ضمن أفضل 500 جامعة، ولا توجد سوى أربع جامعات ضمن أفضل 1000 جامعة. واستنادًا إلى لوحة نتائج تعليم عالٍ محسوبة، تتخلف جميع الدول الإسلامية والعربية في درجات التعليم العالي، وتتصدرها المملكة العربية السعودية، الدولة الغنية بالنفط، بنسبة 38%! وعلى نطاق أوسع في العالم الإسلامي، لدى تركيا جامعة واحدة ضمن أفضل 500 جامعة، ولدى إيران جامعة واحدة ضمن أفضل 1000 مدرسة في العالم. وبالنظر إلى هذه الأرقام المحبطة والمثبطة في التعليم العالي، فمن الطبيعي أن نتوقع تراجعًا موازيًا في القطاع الصناعي كما نوقش سابقًا.

Before the decline, Islamic schools and universities in Andalusia, Baghdad, and Cairo ranked top in the world and were the source of knowledge and enlightenment. British historian Sir John Davenport reports on a letter sent by King George II of Britain to the caliph in Andalusia asking him to enroll a delegation from England into Islamic universities.45 Since the decline of the Islamic civilizations, the universities in the Islamic world have fallen behind. Figure 30 shows the ranking of universities around the world. There is only one Arab university within the top 200 universities in the world, two among the 500 top universities, and only four among the top 1,000 universities. Based on a calculated higher education scoreboard, all Muslim and Arab countries lag behind in their higher education score with Saudi Arabia, the oil-rich country leading the score with 38%! In the wider scope of the Muslim world, Turkey has one university among the top 500 and Iran has one in the top 1,000 schools in the world. Given these devastating and demoralizing figures in higher education, it is only natural to expect a parallel decline in the industrial sector as discussed earlier.

Wannan ya kasance sakamakon rushewar gaba ɗaya na tsarin siyasar duniya na ƙasashen Musulmi bayan an cire daular Musulunci da tsarinta. Ba a wuce shekara ashirin ba (a 1967), sai ƙasashen nan suka sake shan kaye a hannun sojojin Isra'ila, suka kuma rasa ƙarin ƙasa a yaƙin. Ko a fagen diflomasiyya, siyasa ko soja, ƙasashen Larabawa da na Musulmi ba su iya samun nasara mai ma'ana wajen warware rikicin Falasɗinu ba. Sauran matsalolin siyasar duniya sun ƙaru a Kashmir, Eritrea, Bosnia, Kosovo da Azerbaijan.

This was a result of total collapse of the geopolitical system of the Muslim world after the removal of the Islamic state and its systems. Less than twenty years later (in 1967), the same countries suffered another defeat by the Israeli forces and lost more land in the war. Whether it is in the diplomatic, political, or military fronts, the Arab and Muslim countries could not achieve any reasonable success in resolving the conflict in Palestine. Other geopolitical problems surged in Kashmir, Eritrea, Bosnia, Kosovo, and Azerbaijan.

Yaƙe-yaƙe na cikin gida tsakanin ƙasashen Musulmi, duk da tsananin haramcin faɗa tsakanin Musulmi, sun cinye rayukan miliyoyin mutane. Daga cikin mafi tsanani da ban tsoro akwai yaƙin da ya faru tsakanin Iran da Iraƙi, wanda ya ɗauki kusan shekara goma (1980-1989) kuma ya cinye fiye da mutum miliyan ɗaya a ɓangarorin biyu. Yemen, Saudiyya da Masar sun yi yaƙin basasa mai zubar da jini a farkon shekarun 1960. Pakistan da Bangladesh sun yi yaƙe-yaƙe da dama kafin Bangladesh ta balle daga Pakistan. Iraƙi ta mamaye Kuwait a 1991, kuma sakamakon yaƙin ya ci gaba har Iraƙin kanta ta zama wadda Amurka ta mamaye. A kan iyakokin Turkiyya, Iraƙi da Iran, yaƙi ya kasance yana ci gaba tsawon shekaru da dama tsakanin Kurdawa Musulmi da Musulmin Turkiyya da Iraƙi. Asarar da aka yi wa haɗin kai, cikakkiyar ƙasa da tsaron Musulmi ta kasance abin firgitarwa fiye da kima.

Internal wars between Muslim countries, despite the strong prohibition of fight among Muslims, have consumed millions of lives. Among the most overwhelming and shocking was the war between Iran and Iraq, which lasted for almost ten years (1980-1989) and consumed more than one million casualties on both sides. Yemen, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt fought a bloody civil war in the early 1960s. Pakistan and Bangladesh fought several wars before Bangladesh broke away from Pakistan. Iraq invaded Kuwait in 1991, and the consequences of the war ensued until Iraq itself became a victim of occupation by the USA. Along the boarders of Turkey, Iraq, and Iran, a war has been going on for decades between Muslim Kurds and Muslims from Turkey and Iraq. The toll of the decline on the unity, integrity, and security of Muslims has been more than shocking.

Sababbin matsalolin siyasa, da rashin daidaiton rarraba dukiya, da rashin ababen more rayuwa na masana'antu, da koma-baya a fannin ilimi, da tsananin talauci, da mamaya, da rashin kyawun lafiya, duk sun haifar da babban rarrabuwa tsakanin jama'a da shugabannin siyasa. Kusan ba tare da togiya ba, shugabannin siyasa a duniyar Musulunci suna riƙe mulki da iko ta hanyar ƙarfin 'yan sanda na zalunci, wanda ƙasashen waje ke tallafawa ta hanyar leƙen asiri da goyon baya. Dangantaka tsakanin jama'a da hukumomi ta kasance tana da matuƙar adawa. Ana iya ganin hakan a cikin rahotannin hakkokin ɗan Adam na shekara-shekara, waɗanda ke bayyana labarai masu ban tsoro game da azabtarwa, ɗaurin kurkuku, takunkumi, tsare ba tare da tuhuma ba, kuma a wasu lokuta kisan gilla na fursunonin siyasa.46

Lokacin da Annabi Muhammadu ﷺ ya yi hijira zuwa Madina a shekara ta 632, ya kafa ƙasa ta Musulunci da al'umma ta Musulunci, mai tsari, tushe, da ginshiƙai da aka samo daga wahayin Allah mai tsarki. An gargaɗe shi sau da sau a cikin Alƙur'ani da ya riƙe tafarki madaidaici kamar yadda Ubangijinsa ya umarce shi. A cikin Suratu Ash-Shura (sura ta 42, aya ta 15), Alƙur'ani ya umurci Muhammadu ﷺ da wannan kira: {"Saboda haka ka yi kira zuwa ga wannan addini na Musulunci; ka tsaya dakka a kan duk abin da Allah ya ƙaddara kamar yadda aka umarce ka; kada ka bi sha'awarsu, amma ka ce: Na yi imani da duk littafin da Allah ya saukar, kuma an umarce ni in yi adalci a tsakaninku."} Da irin wannan umarni, Annabi ﷺ ba zai iya gina ƙasa mai ɗauke da ɗabi'ar kishin ƙasa ko ta ƙabilanci ba. Ba zai iya gina al'umma da ke ba da fifiko ga Larabawa ba, ko masu arziki, ko wasu manyan jama'a na musamman. Halayya guda ɗaya tilo ta ƙasar da al'ummar da ya gina ita ce ta Musulunci. Mulki guda ɗaya tilo da ya wanzu a ƙasarsa shi ne na Musulunci. Wannan halayya ta ba wannan ƙasa ta farko isasshen ƙarfi da kuzari har ta tsira shekaru aru-aru. Ko da lokacin da ƙwayoyin raguwa suka shafi ƙasar, ya ɗauki ɗaruruwan shekaru kafin ta rushe.

When Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) migrated to Medina in the year 632, he built an Islamic state and an Islamic society, with a structure, foundation, and pillars derived from the pure divine revelation. He was warned time and again in the Quran to keep a straight path as ordered by his Lord. In Surah Al-Shura (chapter 42, verse 15), the Quran directs this call to Mohammad, “So unto this religion of Islam invite people; and stand firm on all that is ordained by Allah as you are commanded; and follow not their desires but say: I believe in whatsoever Book Allah has sent down, and I am commanded to do justice among you.” With this type of order, the Prophet could not have built a state with nationalistic or cannibalistic flavor. He could not have built a society with specific favors to Arabs, or rich men, or special elites. The only characteristic of the sate and the society he built was Islamic. The only sovereignty that existed in his state was that of Islam. This character gave that initial state enough power and energy to survive for nanny centuries. Even when the seeds of decline hit the state, it took hundreds of years before it collapsed.

Abin sha'awa ne a lura cewa a cikin wata annabci ta Annabi Muhammad ﷺ, ya bayyana matakan mulkin Musulunci.

It is interesting to note that in one of the prophecies of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) he described the stages of the Islamic reign. He 54

Ya bayyana mataki na farko da cewa shi ne matakin annabci da rahama, wanda masana tarihi suka yarda cewa lokaci ne da Annabi ﷺ ya kasance shugaba, sannan kuma khulafa'u ar-Rashidun huɗu suka biyo baya. Sannan ya bayyana mataki na mulkin daulolin da suka yi sarauta a kan daular Musulunci. Mataki na uku shi ne na mulkin kama-karya, inda ake soke dokokin Musulunci da ƙarfi, kuma masu mulki suna samun matsayinsu ta hanyar ƙarfi ma. Daga nan Annabi ﷺ ya bayyana wani mataki na ƙarshe inda Musulunci zai sake tashi, kuma ya kwatanta wannan mataki da "Khilafah bisa tsarin annabci." Da wannan, ba abu ne mai wahala a gani ba cewa tsarin Musulunci da suka bayyana a cikin 'yan shekarun nan, ba komai ba ne face rabin-rabi idan aka kwatanta da abin da Annabi ﷺ ya kwatanta. Na farko daga cikin waɗannan tsare-tsare shi ne Jamhuriyar Musulunci ta Iran. Duk da cewa 'yan Iran sun yi nasarar gudanar da babban juyin-juya-hali, sun ƙare da gina daular Musulunci mai halayen ɓangaranci na Shi'a da kuma halayen kishin ƙasa na Iran. Dokoki da ƙa'idojin cikin gida galibi Musulunci ne, amma gaba ɗaya halin al'umma da daula ya kasance na musamman ga Iran da kuma mazhabar Shi'a.