Rushewar Cibiyar Ciniki ta Duniya ta giant ta Wall Street da rushewar manyan cibiyoyin kuɗi na Wall Street sun tayar da hotuna biyu na Musulunci a fili: hoto guda da ke yada tsoro kuma yana ɗauke da barazana; da kuma hoto guda da ke haskakawa da rayuwa da wadata. Harin ta'addanci da ya rusa Cibiyar Ciniki ta Duniya a ranar 9/11/2001 ya sa ya zama mai matuƙar wahala a nuna ainihin ra'ayin Musulunci game da duniya. Duk da kiraye-kirayen da masana siyasa, masu falsafa da masu tunani suka yi akai-akai na a bambanta Musulunci a matsayin addini daga waɗanda ke aikata waɗannan hare-hare, gurɓata hoton Musulunci ya yi tasiri sosai. Shekara bakwai bayan ƙara tsananta yaƙi da ta'addanci, kasuwar kuɗi ta Wall Street ta rushe, amma wannan karon masu ta'adin tattalin arziki ne, sun fito daga cikin tsarin kanta, kuma ba Musulmai ba ne. Sakamakon haka, jama'a sun makale da ra'ayoyi biyu da hotuna biyu; ɗaya yana nuna Musulunci a matsayin barazana, ɗayan kuma a matsayin amfani. Wannan ɓangaren littafin yana magance wannan matsala. Manufar wannan ɓangaren ba ita ce tattauna batun ta'addanci dalla-dalla ba; za a tattauna shi a wata bugawa daban. Za a tattauna shi ne kawai cikin iyakoki da faɗin wannan littafi.

The collapse of the Wall Street’s giant world trade center and the collapse of Wall Street’s giant financial institutions spectacularly raise two images of Islam: An image that spreads fear and carries threat; and an image that shines with life and prosperity. The terrorist attacks which demolished the world trade center on 9/11/2001 have made it very difficult to portray the true Islamic view of the world. Despite the repeated calls by politicians, philosophers, and thinkers to distinguish between Islam as a religion and those who carry the attacks, the distortion of the image of Islam was quite significant. Seven years after heightening the war on terrorism, wall street financial market collapsed, but this time the terrorists were economists and were from within the system, and were not Muslims. As a result, the public is stuck with two views and two images; one portrays Islam as a threat and the other one as a benefit. This part of the book addresses this dilemma. It is not the intention of this part to discuss the issue of terrorism at length; this will be dealt with in another publication. It will only be discussed within the limits and the scope of this book.

Lokacin da ake ta muhawara game da batun ta'addanci, mutane da yawa suna ci gaba da raba ra'ayi mai tsauri tsakanin Musulunci a matsayinsa na addini na duniya da ayyukan ta'addanci. Tare da irin wannan bambanci da bayyana gaskiya, bai kamata a sami tsoro mai tsanani daga karuwar Musulunci ba. Duk da haka, wannan ra'ayi ba shi ne ra'ayin tsohon sakataren tsaro, Donald Rumsfeld ba. A cikin wani jawabinsa, ya bayyana tashin tsarin siyasar Musulunci a matsayin barazana ga yammacin duniya gaba ɗaya, kamar yadda wata kasida da jaridar The New York Times ta buga a ranar 12 ga Disamba, 2005, mai taken "Gargaɗin ƙarni na 21 game da Barazanar da ta samo asali daga ƙarni na 7," ta ruwaito.158 A cikin wannan kasida, Bumiller ya nuna yadda manyan 'yan siyasa da dama ke ganin Musulunci a matsayin barazana ga wayewar yammacin duniya da dimokuraɗiyya. Yana amfani da batun tsattsauran ra'ayi, masu kishin addini da ta'addanci, Wayne Kopping ya shirya fim ɗin "Obsession—The Threat of Radical Islam" a shekara ta 2006.159 Manufar fim ɗin ita ce yin gargaɗi game da barazanar da ake zaton tsattsauran Musulunci yana haifarwa.

When the issue of terrorism is widely debated, many people continue to draw a hard line between Islam as a global religion and the acts of terrorism. With this type of distinction and clarity, there should not be a serious fear from the rising trend of Islam. This view, however, was not the case with the former Defense secretary, Donald Rumsfeld. In one of his comments, he portrayed the rise of the Islamic political system as a threat to the west in general, as reported in an article published by The New York Times on December 12, 2005, under the title “21st-century Warnings of a Threat Rooted in 7th Century.”158 In this article, Bumiller shows how score of high level politicians view Islam as a threat to western civilization and democracy. Capitalizing on the issue of radicalism, fundamentalism, and terrorism, Wayne Kopping produced in 2006 the film “Obsession—The Threat of Radical Islam.”159 The purpose of the movie was to warn against the threats presumably posed by radical Islam.

Yaƙin da ake yi da ta'addanci da kuma dimbin kafofin watsa labarai, shafukan yanar gizo (blogs), shafukan intanet, shirye-shiryen tattaunawa ta rediyo, da wallafe-wallafe, sun taimaka wajen haifar da abin da ya kai ga "Islamophobia" a matakin jama'a da kuma na hukumomi a Turai da Amurka. A Faransa, an zartar da wani ƙuduri da ya hana mata Musulmi sanya hijabi na Musulunci a makarantun gwamnati. Ƙasashen Turai da dama sun yi shirin kafa doka da za ta hana mata Musulmi sanya lulluɓi. Amurka ta kafa dokoki da dama da suka shafi tsaro, ciki har da bin diddigin mutane bisa kabilanci (profiling), leƙen asiri, sauraren kiran waya ba tare da izini ba, Dokar Patriot (Patriot Act), da sauran dokoki, waɗanda duk suna da alaƙa a kaikaice da Musulmi.

The war against terrorism and the myriad of media outlets, blogs, web pages, radio talk shows, and publication have helped create what amounts to an “Islamophobia” at the public as well as the official levels in Europe and the USA. In France, a resolution was passed against wearing Islamic head dress by Muslim women in public schools. Several European countries contemplated a law against Muslim women wearing the veil. The United States adopted several security related laws including profiling, spying, wire tapping, patriot law, and other laws, all of which have been indirectly related to Muslims.

Babban abin da ake nufi a nan shi ne cewa wani muhimmin ɓangare na tsoro ya rufe yanayin Musulunci da damarsa ta tashi. Magance wannan lamari ba abu ne mai sauƙi ba, musamman idan aka bayyana cewa mutanen da suka aikata wasu daga cikin mafi munin hare-hare Musulmi ne. Ta'addanci a matsayinsa na haka laifi ne mai muni; ba za a yafe shi ba, ko a karɓe shi, ko a halasta shi ta kowace hanya. Wannan an faɗa; amma kuma dole ne a bayyana sarai cewa Musulunci a matsayinsa na addini da akida mai cikakken tsari, ba shi ne sanadi ko dalilin ta'addanci ba. Akasin haka, Musulunci, a matsayinsa na cikakken tsari, zai iya taka rawa mai muhimmanci wajen kawar da ta'addanci da yanayin da ke haifar da ta'addanci.

The point here is that a significant element of fear has clouded the atmosphere of Islam and its potential rise. Dealing with this phenomenon is not a simple task, especially when the identities of people who carry some of the worst attacks are revealed and found to be Muslims. Terrorism as such is a horrible crime; it cannot be condoned or accepted or justified in any way. This is said; it must also be clear that Islam as a religion and a comprehensive ideology is not the cause or reason behind terrorism. On the contrary, Islam, in its capacity as a comprehensive system, can play a decisive role in eliminating terrorism and the environment which breeds terrorism.

Dalilin da ke gudana a cikin wannan littafi shi ne cewa Musulunci, a matsayinsa na akida, yana aiki ne a matsayin tsari guda ɗaya gaba ɗaya. Domin Musulunci ya samar da sakamakon da ake sa ran, sai an aiwatar da shi a fiye da mataki ɗaya. Ko da tsarin tattalin arziki da na kuɗi, waɗanda suka samu yabo mai yawa daga ɓangarori da dama a duniya, ba a sa ran za su kawo kwanciyar hankali da wadata ba sai an haɗa su da sassan zamantakewa, siyasa da ɗabi'a na wannan akida. Kasancewar Musulunci a matsayin tsari cikakke ba a aiwatar da shi ko a tabbatar da shi a duniyar Musulmi ba, yana sa wahala a danganta halayen al'ummar duniya da Musulunci, ko a fagen yaƙi ko a fagen zaman lafiya. Ba daga kwatsam ba ne Musulunci, a cikin shekaru goma sha uku na farkon tashinsa, ya bar babban ɓangare na dokokinsa, ƙa'idodinsa da ka'idodinsa. A gaskiya, dukkan ƙa'idodin da ke da alaƙa kai tsaye da tsara al'umma da halayen al'umma an saukar da su ne a cikin shekaru goma na ƙarshe na rayuwar Annabi ﷺ, lokacin da aka kafa daula ga Musulunci.

The argument throughout this book has been that Islam as an ideology functions as a whole system. For Islam to produce the expected outcome, it needs to be implemented at more than one level. Even the economic and financial systems, which have received a great approval from several parties around the world, are not expected to provide the stability and prosperity unless coupled with the social, political, and ethical components of the ideology. The fact that Islam as a comprehensive system is not practiced or implemented in the Islamic world, makes it difficult to attach global societal behavior to Islam, whether in the fields of war or peace. It is not a coincident that Islam for the first thirteen years of its initial rise left out a great part of its legislation, rules, and regulations. In fact, all of the rules which are directly related to the organization of society and societal behavior were revealed during the last ten years of the life of the Prophet when a state for Islam was created.

Sai dai ga al'amuran ibada da na kai tsaye na rayuwar mutum, al'amuran aikin Musulunci na jiha sun zama ba a yi amfani da su ba a tsawon karni na ashirin da kuma shekaru goma na farkon karni na ashirin da daya. Sakamakon haka, wayewar Musulunci, wadda ta bunkasa tsawon shekaru dubu da dari uku da suka gabata, ta koma gauraya ta wayewa daban-daban. Tun bayan da aka soke halifanci a shekarar 1924 a Istanbul, nau'o'in kishin kasa daban-daban tare da bambance-bambancen jari-hujja da gurguzu suka mamaye duniyar Musulunci. Mamayar wadannan wayewa ta bayyana a fannoni da dama na rayuwa, ciki har da tsarin gwamnati, tsarin tattalin arziki, cibiyoyin ilimi, salon rayuwa, da huldar kasa da kasa. Haka kuma ya bayyana sosai a zamanin gwagwarmayar 'yantar da kasashe daga mulkin mallaka, wadda ta mamaye yawancin kasashen duniya ta uku. A mafi yawan karni na ashirin, akidu da wayewar da suka mamaye sun kasance cikin tasirin kungiyoyin gurguzu na kishin kasa, wadanda suka yi wa Masar alama da Nasirism, da gwagwarmayar kasar Falasdinu, da gwagwarmayar Indo-Pakistan, da gwagwarmayar Indonesiya, da gwagwarmayar kishin kasar Turkiyya, da makamantansu.

Except for the rituals and personal aspects of Islam, the practical aspects of the Islamic state were superseded throughout the twentieth century and the first decade of the twenty-first century. As a result, the civilization of Islam, which flourished for the previous thirteen hundreds years, was replaced by a mixture of civilizations. Since the caliphate was abolished in 1924 in Istanbul, various types of nationalism coupled with variations of capitalism and socialism dominated the world of Islam. The dominance of these civilizations was reflected in many aspects of life including the government structure, the economic system, the educational institutions, the lifestyle, and international relations. It was also remarkably visible during the era of anticolonial national liberation movements, which swept the majority of third world countries. For the majority of the twentieth century, the dominant ideologies and civilizations were stamped by national socialist movements, which characterized Egypt Nasirism, Palestinian national movements, Indo-Pakistani movements, Indonesian movements, Turkish nationalist movements, and the like.

Sifofin Musulunci sun fara bayyana a cikin motsin kishin ƙasa a ƙarshen karni na ashirin, lokacin da aka hambarar da Sarkin Iran ta hanyar juyin juya hali wanda Ayatollah Khomeini ya jagoranta a shekarar 1979. A lokacin ɗaya, mamayar Tarayyar Soviet a Afghanistan ta haifar da juyin juya hali na adawa wanda ke da alamar kishin ƙasar Afghanistan, Musulunci na yankin, da kuma kyakkyawan fata na sassaucin Yammaci. Daga baya a wannan karni, rushewar gurguzu da Tarayyar Soviet ta sauya motsin gurguzu na kishin ƙasa a ƙasashen Musulmi zuwa motsin dimokuraɗiyya na kishin ƙasa.

Traits of Islam began to appear in the national movements towards the end of the twentieth century when the shah of Iran was toppled by a revolution led by Ayatollah Khomeini in 1979. During the same period, the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan prompted a counterrevolution characterized by Afghan nationalism, local Islam, and Western liberal idealism. Later in the century, the collapse of socialism and the Soviet Union shifted the national socialist movements in the Muslim world to national democratic movements.

Ma'anar wannan ita ce wayewar Musulunci ba ita ce babbar mai tafiyar da al'amura da halayen al'umma a duniyar Musulmi cikin shekara ɗari da suka wuce ba. Manyan al'amura sun fi samuwa ne sakamakon kishin ƙasa, gurguzu, sannan daga baya a karni, dimokuraɗiyya da 'yancin kai na zamani. Haɗuwar waɗannan wayewa ce ta haifi kusan kowane yanayi a dukkan duniyar Musulmi. Wannan ya haɗa da talauci a ƙasashe kamar Masar da Indonesiya, ko wadata a ƙasashe kamar Qatar da Bahrain. Haka kuma ya haɗa da rashin ci gaban tattalin arziki a wurare da dama, da rashin kwanciyar hankali na siyasa da zalunci a wasu wurare. Alhakin Musulunci kan yanayin da ya wanzu a tsawon wannan lokaci kusan babu shi kuma ƙarami ne ƙwarai. Ma, wani ɓangare na yanayin da ya ci gaba da wanzuwa a wurare da dama a duniyar Musulmi shi ne tsanantawa ga masu fafutukar Musulunci da tilasta kawar da Musulunci daga rayuwar mutane ta yau da kullum. Turkiyya, alal misali, na ci gaba da hana wasu ayyukan Musulunci na jama'a kamar tufafin mata Musulmi.

The point here is that the Islamic civilization was not the main driver of events and societal behavior in the Muslim world for the past one hundred years. The main events were driven by nationalism, socialism, and later in the century by democracy and liberalism. A mixture of these civilizations created almost every environment in the entire Muslim world. This includes the environment of poverty in countries like Egypt and Indonesia or prosperity in countries like Qatar and Bahrain. It also includes lack of economic developments in many parts and political instability and oppression in other parts. The responsibility of Islam for the conditions which prevailed throughout this period of time is almost null and negligible. In fact, part of the conditions which persisted in many places in the Muslim world included the persecution of Islamic activists and forced ejection of Islam from the practical life of people. Turkey, for example, continues to ban some Islamic public practices like the Muslim women dress code.

A cikin wannan lokaci, wanda ke da halin keɓe Musulunci a matsayin wayewa da akida, an samar da yanayi na tsattsauran ra'ayi da tashe-tashen hankula a wasu sassan duniyar Musulmi. Wani ɓangare na wannan tsattsauran ra'ayi ya samo asali ne daga, kuma ci gaba ne da, ƙungiyoyin 'yantar da kai da aka kafa a baya a ƙarƙashin yanayin mamaya, mulkin mallaka, ko danniyar zamantakewa. Al-Qaeda, alal misali, ya fito ne daga cikin mahaifar ƙungiyar jihadi ta Afganistan da ke adawa da Tarayyar Soviet, wadda Amurka ta goyi baya kuma ta ba da kuɗi a wani ɓangare ta hanyar ayyukan sirri. Hamas, a Falasɗinu, an haife shi ne a tsakiyar tashe-tashen hankula na adawa da mamayar Isra'ila a filayen Falasɗinawa, wanda ya haifar da kafa nau'o'in ƙungiyoyin 'yantar da ƙasar Falasɗinawa da yawa. Duk da bayyanar yanayin Musulunci na waɗannan ƙungiyoyin tsattsauran ra'ayi, Musulunci bai ba da gudummawa ga yanayin da aka kafa kowace ɗaya daga cikin waɗannan ƙungiyoyi a ciki ba. A mafi yawan waɗannan ƙungiyoyi, an yi amfani da Musulunci a matsayin hanyar ɗaukar mambobi da kuma tushen ƙarfafa gwiwa ga mambobin.

During this period, which is characterized by an exclusion of Islam as a civilization and ideology, an environment of militancy and violence was created in some parts of the Muslim world. Part of this militancy was an outgrowth and continuation of previously created liberation movements under conditions of occupation, colonialism, or social repression. Al-Qaeda, for example, grew out of the womb of the Afghan anti-Soviet jihad movement, which was in part supported and funded by US covert operations. Hamas, in Palestine, was born in the midst of uprising against Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands, which had instigated the creation of several brands of Palestinian national liberation movements. Despite the apparent Islamic character of these militant movements, Islam did not contribute to the environment in which any of these movements was created. Islam was used in the majority of these movements as a recruiting vehicle and a source of inspiration for the members.

Kafin Musulunci ya shigo gaba, kishin ƙasa da ruhin ƙishin ƙasa sun ƙarfafa wannan jama'a guda wadda ta samar da mayaƙan zamanin baya. A wata ma'ana, yanayin tashin hankali, yaƙi, danniya, ta'addanci, mamaya, talauci, rashin wadata da rashin zaman lafiyar siyasa ne suka mamaye yawancin ƙasashen duniya ta uku, ciki har da duniyar Musulmi, ba tare da Musulunci ya kasance cikin tsarin al'ummar waɗannan ƙasashe ba. Domin mayar da martani ga waɗannan yanayi, al'ummomin waɗannan ƙasashe sun yi amfani da akidu da manufofin siyasa iri-iri; idan wata akida ta gaza ko ta ƙare ƙarfinta, sai wata ta fito. Ƙungiyoyin Falasɗinawa su ne misali mafi kyau na wannan al'amari, inda abubuwan motsa kishin ƙasa da ruhin ƙasa suka sannu a hankali suka koma na addini. A Afghanistan kuma, Musulunci ya taimaka wajen ƙarfafa dalilan kabilanci na mutanen Afghanistan. Abin da ake nufi a nan shi ne cewa Musulunci a matsayin akida ba shi ne abin zargi ko yabo ba, ko abin yabo ko abin Allah-wadai, saboda duk wani aiki da motsi da suka faru a cikin shekaru ɗari na ƙarshe.

Before Islam was drawn into the front, nationalism and sense of patriotism inspired the same crowd which supplied the fighters of the earlier periods. In other words, the environments of violence, war, repression, terrorism, occupation, poverty, economic deprivation, and political instability were predominant throughout the majority of the third world including the Muslim world, without Islam being part of the mosaic of the land. In response to these conditions and environments, the nations of these lands used many ideologies and political agendas; when an ideology fails or runs out of energy, another one comes into play. The Palestinian movements provide the best example of this phenomenon, where the nationalistic and patriotic drivers were slowly replaced by Islamic ones. In Afghanistan, Islam helped fuel the tribal motives of the Afghan people. The point here is that Islam as an ideology is not the one to blame or praise, to commend or to condemn for whatever activities and movements which culminated in the last one hundred years.

Lokacin da Musulunci ke mulki kuma wayewar Musulunci ita ce babba kuma mafi rinjaye a ƙasashen Musulunci, masana tarihi suna iya danganta abubuwa da yanayi da al'amura da yawa ga Musulunci. Wannan gaskiya ne ko da lokacin da daular Musulunci ta yi rauni a lokacin yaƙe-yaƙen Crusade, domin Musulunci ya ci gaba da samar da dokar ƙasa. Babu wata jayayya cewa a lokacin mulkin Musulunci, har zuwa ƙarshen ƙarni na sha tara lokacin da ya fara raguwa, Musulunci ne ke da alhakin ƙarewa da farfaɗowa, fid da zuciya ko bege, zaman lafiya ko hargitsi, ci gaban tattalin arziki ko koma baya, tashin hankali ko zaman lafiya, ci gaban kimiyya ko rashinsa. Kirkire-kirkiren da aka yi a Baghdad ko Samarqand, gine-ginen Andalus ko Istanbul, da laburare-laburaren Alexandria ko Baghdad, tabbas sakamakon wayewar Musulunci ne. A yau, akwai dubban masu kirkire-kirkire, masana kimiyya, marubuta da malamai Musulmi. Amma gaskiyar al'amari, wadda duk mai lura da fannin ya sani, ita ce waɗannan fitattun mutane ba kayan wayewar Musulunci ba ne, duk da cewa da yawa daga cikinsu Musulmi masu ibada ne. Babu tambaya cewa Musulunci yana taimakawa wajen tsara halayen masana kimiyya da masu kirkire-kirkire kuma yana ba da gudummawa ga yawan aikinsu; amma yanayin da ya haifar musu da iyawar kirkira da fice, kayan wayewar zamani ne, wadda kuma gauraya ce ta kishin ƙasa, 'yanci, gurguzu, jari-hujja, da dimokuraɗiyya.

When Islam ruled and the Islamic civilization was the main and dominant one in the lands of Islam, historians could easily attribute many events, conditions, and environments to Islam. This was true even when the Islamic state was at its weakest point during the crusade wars, because Islam continued to provide the law of the land. There is no dispute that during the period of Islamic dominance and until its decline at the end of the nineteenth century, Islam was responsible for the ups and downs, the despair or hope, the stability or chaos, the economic progress or downturn, the violence or peace, the scientific advancement or the lack of it. The inventions made in Baghdad or Samarqand, the architecture in Andalusia or Istanbul, the libraries in Alexandria or Baghdad are undoubtedly the results of Islamic civilization. Today, there are thousands of Muslim innovators, scientists, writers, and scholars. But the truth of the matter, which is recognized by any observer in the field, is that these brilliant people are not the product of the Islamic civilization, despite the fact that many of them are devout Muslims. There is no question that Islam helps molding the personality of scientists and innovators and contributes to their productivity; but the environment, which created their ability to invent and excel, is a product of the contemporary civilizations, which in turn are mix of nationalism, liberalism, socialism, capitalism, and democracy.

A cikin ma'ana, Musulmin da ya lashe kyautar Nobel a fannin adabi ko kimiyya ya samu wannan nasara ne a karkashin yanayi da tsarin da akidu banda Musulunci suka kirkira. Kuma ba adalci ba ne a danganta irin wadannan nasarori ga Musulunci, tun da Musulunci ba shi ne ke tafiyar da dokokin kasa ba, ko kuma shi ne ya gina wayewar kasar. A cikin al'ummomin da ake mulki da dokokin da ba na Musulunci ba, Musulmi masu nasara ba kayan Musulunci ba ne kawai. Haka kuma, Musulmin da ya tada bam a cikin kasuwa cike da mutane ko ya dauki bam a jirgin sama ba kayan Musulunci ba ne. Dukkansu kayan dokoki, ka'idoji, tsare-tsare da wayewar da ke mamaye al'ummomin da masana kimiyya ko 'yan ta'adda suke girma a cikinsu.

In essence, a Muslim who wins a Noble Prize in literature or science achieves this performance under the conditions and systems created by ideologies other than Islam. And it is not fair to attribute such achievements to Islam when Islam is not the driver of the laws of land or the maker of the civilization of the land. In societies ruled by non-Islamic laws, Muslim achievers are simply not the product of Islam. By the same token, a Muslim who blows up a market full of people or carries a bomb on an airplane is not a product of Islam either. Both are the products of the laws, regulations, systems, and civilizations which dominate the societies in which both brands—scientists or terrorists—grow.

Har sai Musulunci ya zama tushen dokoki da tsare-tsare a cikin ƙasa, kuma ya zama babban jagora ga wayewar al'umma da halayen jama'a, ba daidai ba ne a fuskar akida a danganta duk wani abu da ke faruwa a yau da Musulunci. Kamar kowace akida, tushen ka'idar Musulunci shi kaɗai ba zai iya haifar da sakamakon da ake tsammani ba, sai dai idan an fara zartar da shi a aikace ta hanyar aiwatar da tsare-tsaren da ke fitowa daga wannan tushe. Wannan ka'ida ta shafi tattalin arzikin Musulunci da siyasarsa baki ɗaya. A shekaru goma sha uku na farko na fitowar Musulunci, an yi tattaunawa mai yawa kan abubuwa da dama na halayen al'umma, kamar talauci, adalci, ɗabi'a, rarraba dukiya, yaƙi, zaman lafiya, zumunta, da abubuwa da yawa. Musulunci bai ɗauki alhakin ayyukan mutanen da ke rayuwa da aiwatar da waɗannan al'amura ba, ko da yake wasu Musulmi na cikin irin waɗannan ayyuka. Misali, wasu Musulmi da ke zaune a Makka a wancan zamani sun ci gaba da kasancewa cikin harkokin riba, wadda Musulunci ya haramta.

Until and unless Islam becomes the source of laws and systems in the land, and becomes the main guide for the civilization and the societal behavior, it will be ideologically incorrect to attribute any of the contemporary events to Islam. As any ideology, the theoretical foundation of Islam alone cannot produce its expected outcome unless it begins the practical period by implementing the systems that emanate from this foundation. This principle applies to the economics of Islam as well as to its politics. During the first thirteen years of the first rise of Islam, there was an extensive discussion on many aspects of the societal behavior and issues such as poverty, justice, morals, wealth distribution, war, peace, family ties, and much more. And Islam did not take the responsibility over the actions of people living and practicing any of these issues, although some of the Muslims were part of these actions. For example, some Muslims living in Mecca during that era continued to be part of the usury practices, which were condemned by Islam.

Ko bayan kafa daular Musulunci a Madina, al'umma da daular Musulunci ba su dauki nauyin Musulmai da suka ci gaba da zama a wajen iyakokin al'umma da daular Musulunci ba. Wannan yana da muhimmanci a sani, domin Musulunci, idan ya dauki nauyin wata matsala, dole ne ya kasance yana da cikakken iko don yin tasiri a kan sakamakon wannan matsala da dukkan abubuwan da ke ba da gudummawa a cikinta. Lokacin da Annabi Muhammad ﷺ ya kulla yarjejeniyar zaman lafiya da kabilar Quraishawa ta Makka, ya amince da korar duk wani Musulmi da ya yi hijira zuwa daular Musulunci ba tare da yardar Quraishawa ba. An ruwaito a cikin tarihin rayuwar Muhammad ﷺ, kamar yadda Ibn Hisham ya tattara,160 cewa wani Musulmi ya gudu daga Makka ya shiga Madina yana neman kariyar daular Musulunci; amma Annabi ﷺ ya tilasta wannan mutum ya koma Makka bisa bukatar Quraishawa. Lokacin da mutumin ya sake gudu ya fara kai hare-haren tashin hankali kan Quraishawa, Annabi ﷺ ya nisanta kansa daga ayyukansa kuma ya ki ba shi duk wani irin tallafi.

Even after the creation of the Islamic state in Medina, the Islamic society and state did not assume responsibility for Muslims who continued to live outside the scope of the Islamic society and the state. This is important to know, because Islam, when it assumes the responsibility over an issue, it must have the complete authority to impact the outcome of that issue as well as all the parameters that contribute to it. When Prophet Mohammad (PBUH) conducted a peace treaty with the Quraish tribe of Mecca, he agreed to expel any Muslim who migrates to the Islamic state against the will of Quraish. It is narrated in the biography of Mohammad, as compiled by Ibn Hisham,160 that a Muslim fled Mecca and ran into Medina seeking the protection of the Islamic state; but the Prophet forced that man to return to Mecca based on the request of Quraish. When that man fled again and began to carry militant assaults against Quraish, the Prophet (PBUH) distanced himself from his actions and refused to provide him with any type of support.

A cikin wannan lokacin, Annabi ﷺ a matsayinsa na shugaban al'umma, yana gudanar da dangantakar al'ummarsa da sauran al'ummomi da cikakken nauyi. Dokokin mu'amala tsakanin al'ummarsa da sauran duniya an bayyana su sosai, ko a lokacin zaman lafiya ko yaƙi. Musulunci ya tanadi cikakken tsari na dokokin mu'amala. Amma wadannan dokoki ana aiwatar da su a matakin al'umma, ba a matakin mutane ko kungiyoyi ba. Alhakin ayyuka yana hannun gwamnati kuma an bayyana shi sarai. Tsarin Musulunci ko al'ummar Musulunci ba ta daukar nauyin ayyukan mutane ko kungiyoyin da ke waje da iyakar gwamnati, ko ta jure sakamakon ayyukansu. Abin da nake so in jaddada shi ne: domin Musulunci ya dauki cikakken alhakin ayyukan Musulunci ko abubuwan da ke faruwa, dole ne ya mallaki al'umma da dokokin kasa. Idan Musulunci ya kama mulki, dokokin kasa suka kasance karkashin tafiyar Musulunci kuma akwai shugabanci na tsakiya a cikin sifar khalifa da ke jagorantarsa, to a lokacin ne kawai za a iya danganta halaye da ayyuka na gaba daya ga Musulunci. Amma muddin Musulunci ba ya mulki, kuma babu shugabanci na tsakiya, ayyukan rarrabe, marasa tsari da kai-kawo na Musulmai da yawa a duniya za su ci gaba da kasancewa a waje da iyakar tsarin Musulunci da akida; kowane mutum zai dauki alhakin ayyukansa da kansa.

In the meantime, the Prophet as a leader of a state conducted the relations between his state and other states with complete responsibility. The rules of engagement between his state and the rest of the world were well defined, whether in peace or war. Islam provided a full and complete script for the rules of engagement. But these rules are carried out at a state level, and not at the levels of individuals or groups. The responsibility for the acts are centralized and well defined. The Islamic state or system does not assume the responsibility or bear the consequences over the acts of individuals or groups outside the scope of the state. The point I want to make here is that for Islam to be fully responsible for Islamic acts or events, it must be in control of the society and the rules of the lands. Once Islam is in control, and the laws of the land are driven and controlled by Islam, and a central leadership in the form of a caliph is in charge, then and only then we can attribute general behavior and actions to Islam. While Islam is not in power, and a central leadership is absent, the sporadic, fitful, and spasmodic acts of many Muslims in the world will continue to be outside the scope of the Islamic system and ideology; each individual will be responsible for his own acts.

Baya ga shekaru goma sha uku na farko a rayuwar Annabi Muhammadu ﷺ, wannan shi ne karon farko a tarihin Musulunci gaba ɗaya da Musulmi suke rayuwa cikin al'ummomi da jihohi waɗanda ba Musulunci da tsarinsa ke mulkinsu ba. Sai dai bambancin shi ne, a lokacin shekaru goma sha uku na farko, tsarin Musulunci bai cika saukowa ba, kuma ba a taɓa kafa daular Musulunci ba a da. A wannan zamani kuwa, an riga an tattara tsarin Musulunci, ana iya samunsa a rubutattun nassoshin Alƙur'ani, da Sunnah, da litattafai masu yawa na fiqhu; haka kuma akwai tarihin fiye da ƙarni goma sha uku na aiki na gaske, wanda kowa zai iya samu. Duk da haka, zamanai biyu suna kama da juna a ainihinsu, domin wanzuwar daular Musulunci da shugabanci na tsakiya yana da muhimmanci wajen aiwatar da Musulunci. Kasancewar dokoki da ƙa'idodin Musulunci an tattara su kuma ana iya samun su a tushe da yawa, ba ya nufin cewa waɗannan dokoki suna aiki da kansu, ko da ƙarfin imani a zukatan masu imani da su. Dokoki da ƙa'idodi suna buƙatar daular tsakiya da gwamnati don su rayu su yi aiki. Haka nan, tsarin tattalin arziƙi, mulki, rayuwar zamantakewa, da shari'a ba sa tafiya da kansu a cikin al'umma; domin waɗannan tsare-tsare su kasance masu aiki su kuma samar da sakamakonsu, suna buƙatar tsarin siyasa da zai kafa su, ya sa ido kan aikinsu, kuma ya kare su daga lalacewa.

Aside from the first thirteen years of the life of Mohammad (PBUH), this is the first time, throughout the history of Islam, where Muslims find themselves living in societies and states which are not governed by Islam and its systems. The difference, though, is that during the first thirteen years’ period, the systems of Islam were not completely revealed and the Islamic state was never created before. This time around, the systems of Islam have already been compiled and can be found in original texts of the Quran, the Sunnah, and many books of jurisprudence; moreover, a history of more than thirteen centuries of real practice is readily available for all. Fundamentally, though, the two eras are similar, because the existence of the Islamic state and central leadership is essential for the implementation of Islam. The fact that the rules and laws of Islam are compiled and can be found in many sources does not mean that these laws perform on their own or by the power of conviction in the hearts of those who believe in these laws. Laws and rules need a central state and governance to activate them. By the same token, the systems of economy, governance, social life, and jurisprudence do not run on their own in a society; in order for these systems to be active and produce their results, they require a political system to install these systems, monitor their performance, and protect them from corruption.

Batun da ke nan shi ne cewa tsoron da wasu mutane ke da shi game da aiwatar da Musulunci ba shi da tushe a zahiri. Wannan tsoro yana samuwa ne daga kuskuren fahimta cewa Musulunci yana bayan ayyukan da mutane suka saba dangantawa da Musulunci. Tsoron yana nan da gaske, amma ba shi da tushe na hakika. Yana dogara ne akan zato cewa akidar Musulunci tana shiga cikin al'amuran duniya da ke gudana, har da waɗanda ke da tsananin yanayi. Gaskiyar al'amari shi ne Musulunci bai kasance cikin haɗakar akidu da suka tsara al'amuran duniya da siyasa a cikin shekaru ɗari da suka wuce ba. Akasin haka, Musulunci yana ta tashi, a lokuta da yawa cikin wahala mai girma, don ƙalubalantar wannan haɗakar akidu ta yanzu. Saboda haka, ya kamata a duba Musulunci kuma a yi nazarinsa daga mahangar akida da ke neman matsuguni a harkokin duniya. Tushen wannan nazari ya kamata ya zama tushen ka'ida na Musulunci da tarihin Musulunci a aikace.

The point here is that the fear that some people may have regarding the implementation of Islam is not realistic. This fear is created out of the false perception that Islam stands behind the actions that people have been accustomed to attribute to Islam. This fear is real, but it is not founded on real grounds. It is based on the premise that the Islamic ideology is an active participant in the affairs prevailing in the world including those of extreme nature. The truth of the matter is that Islam has not been part of the mix of ideologies, which have shaped the world affairs and politics for the last one hundred years. On the contrary, Islam has been rising, and in many cases with great difficulty, to challenge the current ideological mix. Consequently, Islam should be viewed and scrutinized from the perspective of an ideology seeking a foothold in the world affairs. The basis of this scrutiny should be the theoretical foundation of Islam and the history of Islam in action.

Ya kamata a fara gwada ingancin kowace akida a matakin ka'idarta. Idan an yi aiki da akidar tsawon lokaci mai isa, to ya kamata a gwada ta kuma a matakin aiwatarwa. Ka'idar Musulunci cikakkiya ce, an tattara ta, kuma ana samun ta a littattafai da dama; saboda haka, ana iya tabbatar da ita kuma a gwada ta. Musulunci kuma an aiwatar da shi, yana da tarihin aiwatarwa na shekaru dari uku da sittin da uku (fiye da kowace akida ta mutum guda). Saboda haka, ana iya gwada aiwatar da Musulunci a aikace kuma a tabbatar da shi.

The validity of any ideology should be first tested at the level of its theory. If the ideology had been practiced for a sufficient period of time, then it should also be tested at the implementation level. The theory of Islam is complete and had been compiled and can be found in numerous sources; therefore, it can be verified and tested. Islam also had been implemented and has a history of implementation over thirteen hundred years (more than any other single ideology). Therefore, the practical implementation of Islam can also be tested and verified.