Manyan shugabannin duniya sun amince da cewa wani mummunan koma-bayan tattalin arziki yana rufe dukkan duniya, kuma masana tattalin arziki da 'yan siyasa da yawa suna ambaton ainihin ra'ayoyin tsarin tattalin arziki na jari-hujja a matsayin tushen matsalar. Shugabannin G8 a taronsu da aka yi a Italiya a watan Yulin 2009 sun bayyana a cikin Sanarwar Shugabannin G8: Jagoranci Mai Nauyi Don Makoma Mai Dorewa: "Muna ci gaba da mayar da hankali kan rikicin tattalin arziki da kudi da kuma sakamakonsa na ɗan adam da na zamantakewa". Wannan rikici ya sa masana kamar Francis Fukayama suka busa ƙaho game da jari-hujja da dimokuraɗiyya. Ya rubuta a cikin labarinsa "The Fall of America, Inc.":

Top leaders of the world acknowledge the fact that a deep economic depression is encompassing the entire world and scores of economists and politicians cite the core ideas of the economic system of capitalism as a root cause of the problem. The G8 leaders in their meeting in Italy in July 2009 stated in the G8 Leaders Declaration: Responsible Leadership for a Sustainable Future: “We remain focused on the economic and financial crisis and its human and social consequences” . This crisis prompted scholars like Francis Fukayama to blow the siren on capitalism and democracy. He wrote in his article “The Fall of America, Inc.” :

Tare da wasu daga cikin manyan kamfanonin Wall Street da suka shahara, wani salon tsarin jari-hujja ya rushe. Yadda za mu maido da amincewa ga alamarmu. Rugujewar manyan bankunan zuba jari na Amurka da suka shahara. Bacewar sama da tiriliyan dala na dukiyar kasuwar hannayen jari cikin yini guda. Dala biliyan $700

Along with some of Wall Street’s most storied firms, a certain vision of capitalism has collapsed. How we restore faith in our brand. The implosion of America’s most storied investment banks. The vanishing of more than a trillion dollars in stock-market wealth in a day. A $700

biliyan tab ga masu biyan haraji a Amurka. Girman faduwar Wall Street kusan ba zai iya zama mafi girma ba. Duk da haka, yayin da Amurkawa ke tambaya dalilin da yasa suke biyan irin wadannan makudan kudi masu ban mamaki don hana tattalin arziki rushewa, kadan ne ke tattaunawa kan wani kuɗin da ba a iya gani ba, amma mai yiwuwa ya fi girma sosai ga Amurka—barnar da durkushewar kudi ke yi wa martabar Amurka.

billion tab for U.S. taxpayers. The scale of the Wall Street crackup could scarcely be more gargantuan. Ye t even as Americans ask why they’re having to pay such mind-bending sums to prevent the economy from imploding, few are discussing a more intangible, yet potentially much greater cost to the United States—the damage that the financial meltdown is doing to America’s brand.

Farfesa a fannin tattalin arziki a Jami'ar Massachusetts, Richard Wolff, ya yi bayani dalla-dalla kan tushen matsalar tattalin arzikin yau, yana nuna yadda hakan ke nuna manyan gazawa a cikin tsarin tsarin jari-hujja irin na Amurka kanta. Farfesa Wolff ya bayyana cewa rikicin yanzu shi ne babban rikicin jari-hujja da ya gani a rayuwarsa. Ya bada shawarar cewa lallai a yi sauye-sauye masu zurfi don kaucewa bala'o'i a nan gaba.

University of Massachusetts economics professor Richard Wolff breaks down the root causes of today’s economic crisis, showing how it reflects seismic failures within the structures of American style of capitalism itself . Professor Wolff declares that the current crisis is the greatest crisis of capitalism in his lifetime. He suggests that more fundamental changes need to be made to avoid future catastrophes.

Rikicin tattalin arziki na yanzu da kuma yawan sukar da ake yi wa tsarin jari-hujja suna nuna wani muhimmin yanayi a tarihin zamani na tsare-tsare da akidu; wato faduwar tsarin jari-hujja.

The current economic crisis and the score of criticisms targeted at capitalism point to one important trend in the contemporary history of systems and ideologies; that is the downfall of capitalism.

Wani al'amari kuma da ke jan hankalin malamai da 'yan siyasa baki ɗaya shi ne wanda ya shafi tashin siyasar Musulunci da neman sake kafa tsarin mulki da tattalin arziki irin na Musulunci a yankuna masu fadi na duniya. Mafi bayyananniyar magana a kan wannan al'amari ita ce wadda Noah Feldman ya yi a littafinsa The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State. Feldman ya bayar da hujjar cewa daular Musulunci wadda ta faɗi a shekarar 1924 tana ci gaba da...

Yet another trend which captures the attention of scholars as well as politicians is the one related to the rise of political Islam and the quest for the reestablishment of an Islamic model of governance and economy in a large geographic span of the world. The most explicit reference to this trend is made by Noah Feldman in his book The Fall and Rise of the Islamic State . Feldman argues that the Islamic state which fell in 1924 is being 4

"reconstructed today. He states:" → "an sake gina shi a yau. Ya bayyana cewa:" Hmm, wait, that rendering is rough. A more natural Hausa version is: An sake gina shi a yau. Ya bayyana cewa:

reconstructed today. He states:

A ma’ana da kuma a zahiri, Daular Musulunci ta mutu a shekara ta 1924. Amma a yau, Daular Musulunci tana dawowa... Yanayin yana tare da su. A kasashen Musulmai da ke shimfiɗe daga Morocco zuwa Indonesia, mafi yawan mutane suna cewa ya kamata Shari’ah ta zama tushen doka a kasashensu. (Feldman, pp. 2)

In both symbolic and practical terms, the Islamic State died in 1924. Ye t today, the Islamic State rides again . . . The trend is with them. In Muslim countries running the geographical span from Morocco to Indonesia, substantial majorities say that the Shari’ah should be the source of law for their states. (Feldman, pp. 2)

Wani bayani game da yanayin "tashin Musulunci" ya fito a wata kasida da aka wallafa kwanan nan a mujallar intanet ta Townhall.com, Patrick Buchanan ne ya rubuta ta mai taken "An Idea Whose Time Has Come"5. Pat Buchanan ya rubuta:

Another account of the “rising Islam” trend is depicted in a recent article published by Patrick Buchanan in the Townhall.com online magazine under the title “An Idea Whose Time Has Come”5. Pat Buchanan wrote:

Amma a yau, miliyoyin Musulmai sun kai dubban miliyoyi, suna ta komawa ga asalinsu cikin Musulunci mai tsarki. Lallai, dorewar addinin Musulunci abin mamaki ne. Musulunci ya tsira daga karnoni biyu na shan kaye da wulakanci a hannun Daular Usmaniyya, da kuma kawar da halifanci da Ataturk ya yi. Ya jure mulkin Yammacin duniya na tsararraki da dama. Ya kuma dade fiye da sarakunan masu goyon bayan Yamma a Masar, Iraki, Libya, Habasha da Iran.

But today, tens of millions of Muslims appear to be . . . returning to their roots in a more pure Islam. Indeed, the endurance of the Islamic faith is astonishing. Islam survived two centuries of defeats and humiliations of the Ottoman Empire and Ataturk’s abolition of the caliphate. It endured generations of Western rule. It outlasted the pro-Western monarchs in Egypt, Iraq, Libya, Ethiopia and Iran.

Musulunci ya kāre kansa cikin sauƙi daga gurguzanci, ya tsira daga durƙushewar Nasserism a 1967, kuma ya tabbatar da cewa ya fi ɗorewa fiye da kishin ƙasa na Arafat ko Saddam. Yanzu kuma, yana tsayayya da babbar ƙasar duniya ta ƙarshe.

Islam easily fended off communism, survived the rout of Nasserism in 1967 and has proven more enduring than the nationalism of Arafat or Saddam. Now, it is resisting the world’s last superpower.

Ana wallafe-wallafe da yawa game da ɗayan batutuwan biyu—faduwar jari-hujjanci ko tashin Musulunci—kuma adadinsu yana da yawa sosai. Abin da ba a cika samu ba a cikin littattafai shi ne a tattauna batutuwan biyu tare a dandali ɗaya. Kwanan nan, "faduwar jari-hujjanci da tashin Musulunci" ita ce take da aka sanya wa wani taro da aka shirya a yankin Chicago. Taron ya haifar da martani daban-daban daga al'ummar Musulmi da waɗanda ba Musulmi ba. Abin lura shi ne cewa idan aka tattauna kowane bangare na wannan batu daban, martanin ba ya da ƙarfi sosai kamar yadda yake idan aka tattauna batutuwan biyu a lokaci guda. Haɗuwar batutuwan biyu tana tayar da shafukan yanar gizo, Twitter, rukunin yanar gizo da sharhin kafofin watsa labarai da yawa. Wannan haɗuwar ita ce za ta zama jigon wannan littafi.

The published material on either of the issues—the fall of capitalism or the rise of Islam—is notably large. What is not common in the literature is to have both issues discussed in the realm of the same platform. Recently, the “fall of capitalism and the rise of Islam” was a title of a conference convened in the Chicago area. The conference generated mixed reactions from both Muslim and non-Muslim communities. It is interesting to note that when each dimension of the subject is discussed separately, the reaction is far less dramatic than when both issues are addressed simultaneously. The combination of both topics provokes scores of Blogs, Twitters, sites, and media commentaries. It is this combination which will be the subject of this book.

Yana kuma da wuya ga Musulmi su shiga cikin muhawarar siyasa game da makomar tsarin jari-hujja. Ɗalibai na ilimin siyasa, tarihi, ilimin tauhidi, da motsin duniya sun saba karanta bayanan masu gurguzu, kwaminisanci, malaman jami'a, da 'yan siyasa na cibiyoyin tunani game da halin da tsarin jari-hujja ke ciki. Amma da wuya mu iske Musulmi suna magana kan wannan batu daga mahangar Musulunci. Wannan littafi zai kawo bayani kan tsarin jari-hujja daga mahangar Musulmi da kuma ra'ayin Musulunci.

It is also uncommon for Muslims to be involved in the political discussion on the fate of capitalism. Students of political science, history, theology, and global movements are accustomed to reading the accounts of socialists, communists, academics, and think tank politicians on the plight of capitalism. But rarely we find Muslims addressing this issue from an Islamic perspective. This book will provide an account of capitalism from the perspective of a Muslim and the viewpoint of Islam.

Rikicin baya-bayan nan na duniyar tattalin arziki ta jari-hujja ya haifar da bincike da dama game da madadin tattalin arziki na Musulunci. Sai dai wadannan masu bincike suna ci gaba da yin hakan ne domin neman mafita na wucin gadi ga tattalin arziki mai rauni, maimakon neman cikakken tsarin tattalin arziki mai tushe da tsari mabanbanta da wadanda jari-hujja da gurguzu suka nuna. Daya daga cikin manufofin wannan littafi shi ne gabatar da cikakken hangen nesa na Musulunci a matsayin akida wadda ta kunshi tsarin tattalin arziki, siyasa da zamantakewa, da kuma tsarin dabi'u da da'a, duk tare da cika ruhin dan Adam da ruhaniyya.

The most recent crisis of the capitalist economic world did provoke several inquiries into the Islamic economic alternatives. But those inquirers continue to be made in search of temporary fixes for an ailing economy instead of looking for a comprehensive economic system with different foundation and structures than those exhibited by capitalism and socialism. One objective of this publication is to present a comprehensive view of Islam as an ideology which comprises economic, political, and social system as well as a system of values and ethics, all coupled with a spiritual filling of the human soul.

Wannan littafi ba wani tsiro ba ne daga "karon batta tsakanin wayewar kai" kamar yadda Samuel Huntington ya yi hasashe. Maimakon haka, yana bayyana wani yanayi da ke ci gaba a fagen duniya; duba hoto na 1. A gefe guda, akidun kishin ƙasa, gurguzu, da jari-hujja ko dai sun dushe ko kuma suna ci gaba da dushewa. A gefe guda kuma, tushen sake haihuwar wata daula ta Musulunci da ke mulki da Shari'ar Musulunci na ci gaba da ƙarfafa.

This book is not an outgrowth of the “clash of civilizations” as prophesied by Samuel Huntington . Rather, it is a depiction of an ongoing trend in the global arena; see figure 1. On one side, the ideologies of nationalism, socialism, and capitalism either have faded or are still fading. On the other side, the grounds for the rebirth of an Islamic state governed by the Shari’ah of Islam continue to strengthen.

Ƙaƙƙarfan matsalar kuɗi ba sabon abu ba ne a duniyar jari-hujja. Ƙasar Amurka da nahiyar Turai sun shiga ta koma baya na tattalin arziki da yawa, wato recessions da/ko depressions, a cikin shekaru ɗari da suka wuce. Sabanin dukkan rikice-rikice da hargitsin da suka gabata, wannan karon matsalar kuɗi ta tayar da damuwa mai tsanani game da halin da jari-hujja ke ciki, wato tushen tsarin kuɗi da tattalin arziki na yanzu. Lokacin da kasuwannin hannayen jari da na kayayyaki suka fada cikin mummunan hali a shekarar 2008, an dauki jari-hujja a matsayin mai cutar mai tsanani. Abin mamaki kamar yadda tarihi zai iya zama, an dauki Daular Usmaniyya ta Musulunci a matsayin "mutumin marar lafiya na duniya" a ƙarshen karni na sha tara; a lokacin ne kuwa jari-hujja ke fitowa a matsayin mai lafiya da daraja. A yau, bayan dogon karni na nasara, jari-hujja na zama "mutumin marar lafiya na duniya"; Musulunci kuwa yanzu yana fitowa a matsayin mai lafiya da daraja.

The financial crisis is not a new phenomenon in the world of capitalism. The United States and Europe have gone through several recessions and/ or depressions for the last hundred years. Unlike all crisis and turmoil of the past, this time around, the financial crisis raised serious concern about the plight of capitalism, the backbone infrastructure of the current financial and economic system. When stock and commodity markets hit rock bottom in 2008, capitalism was viewed as seriously sick. As astonishing as history could be, the Islamic Ottoman State was viewed as the sick man of the world in the late nineteenth century; then, capitalism was emerging as the healthy splendid one. Today and after a long century of success, capitalism is becoming the sick man of the world; Islam, now, is emerging as the healthy and splendid one.

Jaridar Financial Times ta buga jerin rubuce-rubuce mai taken "Makomar Jari-hujja" (The Future of Capitalism). Masana tattalin arziki, 'yan siyasa da masana falsafa sun ga Babban Koma-bayan Tattalin Arziki na 2007-09 a matsayin wani juyi na tarihi, kuma sun gabatar da sababbin ra'ayoyi game da jari-hujjar da ta canza. Babban mai sharhi kan tattalin arziki na jaridar Financial Times ta London, Martin Wolf, ya cimma wannan matsaya a cikin rubutunsa mai taken "Wannan Rikici Lokaci ne, Amma Shin Lokaci ne Mai Ayyana Komai?":

The Financial Times ran a series of articles titled “The Future of Capitalism.” Economists, politicians, and philosophers saw the Great Recession of 2007-09 as a historic watershed and produced new visions of a changed capitalism. Chief economics commentator at the London Financial Times Martin Wolf makes the following conclusion in his article “This Crisis Is a Moment, but Is It a Defining One?” :

Ina ganin cewa wannan rikicin ya hanzarta wasu al'amura, ya kuma tabbatar da cewa wasu ba za su iya ci gaba ba. Ya lalata martabar ilimin tattalin arziki. Zai bar mummunan gado ga duniya. Amma yana iya kasancewa ba zai zama wani muhimmin juyi a tarihi ba. Idan a ka karkata abin da mutane ke fada a lokacin mutuwar sarakuna: "jari-hujja ya mutu; jari-hujja ya dade."

Ya zama al'ada ga masana tattalin arziki, 'yan siyasa da masu tunani su yi iƙirarin cewa halaye irin su son kai da tsoro ne suka haifar da rikicin kuɗi da koma bayan tattalin arziki na yanzu. A wani fanni mafi girma, fitattun masu tunani da 'yan siyasa suna danganta rikicin ɗabi'a da bayan faduwa a babban mataki. Zbigniew Brzezinski, tsohon mai ba da shawara kan tsaron ƙasa a gwamnatin Carter, ya yi gargaɗin cewa Amurka ta rasa ma'aunin ɗabi'a wanda ya zama wajibi domin Amurka ta ci gaba da jagorancin duniya. A kalmominsa, "Martabar ɗabi'a ta Amurka ta lalace . . . rashin ƙa'idojin ɗabi'a yana barin dama ga dabarun yaudara masu amfani da rikice-rikice kwatsam da sabbin tsoro."11

It has become customary for economists, politicians, and thinkers to claim that traits such as greed and fear were behind the current financial crisis and economic downturn. In a more general case, prominent thinkers and politicians put the moral crisis behind failure at a larger scale. Zbigniew Brzezinski, the former national security advisor in the Carter administration, warns that the United States has lost the moral compass which is necessary for the United States to sustain its world leadership. In Brzezinski’s own words, “The moral standing of America has been tarnished . . . the absence of moral convictions leaves opportunities for demagogy that exploits sudden crises and new fears”11.

Jimmy Carter ya yi magana game da rikicin ɗabi'a mai zurfi da ke ƙara tsanani a Amurka a cikin littafinsa "Our Endangered Values: America's Moral Crisis"12. Jigon maganarsa ya taƙaita a cikin waɗannan kalmomi: "Faɗi kuma zurfi ne sauye-sauyen da ke faruwa yanzu a tushen ƙimar ɗabi'armu, a maganganun jama'a, da kuma falsafar siyasarmu." Masana tattalin arziki, 'yan siyasa da masu sharhi da dama sun danganta rikicin kuɗi da koma-bayan tattalin arziƙin da ake fuskanta yanzu da rashin ƙimar ɗabi'a da ɗabi'u a kasuwa. A cewar Barack Obama, "mun yafe ma har ma mun rungumi ɗabi'ar kwaɗayi . . . mun ƙarfafa yanayin da ake cewa mai ci ya ɗauki komai, ko me ya faru."13 Ɗan takarar shugaban ƙasa na jam'iyyar GOP, John McCain, ya ce rikicin kuɗi ya samo asali ne daga "kwaɗayi, cin hanci da yawan almubazzaranci . . . yayin da Wall Street ya mai da tattalin arzikin Amurka kamar gidan caca."14 George Bush kuma ya danganta rikicin da kwaɗayin kamfanoni da yawan almubazzaranci a kasuwa, lokacin da ya ce "Wall Street ya bugu."15 Ralph Nader ya ce ya yi hasashen rikicin Wall Street na yanzu, wanda ya yi imanin cewa "kwaɗayi kawai" ne ya haifar da shi.25 Wani ɗan jarida na CNN, yayin da yake duba abubuwan da ke faruwa a Wall Street, ya yi wata magana mai ƙarfi fiye da yadda aka saba: "Kasuwanni suna tafiya ne da abubuwa biyu: tsoro da kwaɗayi." Oskari Juurikkala, mai bincike a Cibiyar Dokar Tattalin Arziƙin Ƙasa da Ƙasa ta Finland, ya rubuta "Greed Hurts: Causes of the Global Financial Crisis."16 Oskari ya bayyana cewa rikicin tattalin arziƙin yanzu ya tabbatar da cewa "kwaɗayi mugunta ce," yana nufin cewa kwaɗayi na ɗaya daga cikin manyan dalilan rikicin na yanzu. John Steele Gordon, marubucin da ya ƙware kan tarihin kuɗi da kasuwanci kuma marubucin An Empire of Wealth: The Epic History of American Economic Power, ya ambaci kwaɗayi, wauta da ruɗu a matsayin manyan abubuwan da suka jawo rikicin kuɗi na yanzu.17

Ta yaya Musulunci zai zama madadin jari-hujja? Ta wane yanayi ake bincika Musulunci? Shin Musulunci ba wani addini ne kawai kamar Kiristanci da Yahudanci ba? Wane irin "tashi" ake magana a kai idan Musulunci ya kasance tare da mu tsawon shekaru dubu goma sha huɗu da suka wuce? Waɗannan da sauran tambayoyi masu yawa za a amsa su a cikin wannan littafi a kashi na biyu. Amma kafin mu yi haka, bari mu ga yadda aka danganta Musulunci kai tsaye aka kuma shigar da shi cikin hoton tun lokacin da rikicin kuɗi ya fara yaɗuwa a duniya. A rahotanni, tattaunawa da dandali da yawa, an ambaci hanyoyin kuɗi na Musulunci a matsayin mafi karko kuma mafi kariya daga rikicin yanzu.

How could Islam be an alternative to capitalism? In what capacity is Islam being investigated? Isn’t Islam just another religion like Christianity and Judaism? What type of “rise” are we talking about if Islam has been with us for the past fourteen hundred years? These and many more questions will be addressed in this book in part 2. But before we do so, let’s see how Islam has been directly tagged and brought into the picture since the financial crisis began to sweep the world over. In so many reports, discussions, and forums, the Islamic financial practices have been cited as the most stable and immune in the current crisis.

Watakila aikin Charles Tripp Islam and the Moral Economy: The Challenge of Capitalism shi ne mafi dacewa a wannan fanni, domin ya sanya Musulunci a kan tsari na kai tsaye da jari-hujja. Hujjarsa ita ce jari-hujja ta yi tasiri sosai a kan halayen Musulmi a cikin 'yan shekarun nan. A yau kuwa al'amarin ya koma akasin haka: Musulunci na neman sauya al'amura a duniyar jari-hujja. Za a binciki abubuwan da ke cikin Musulunci a zahiri domin a ga dalilin da yasa kuma yaya Musulunci zai iya adawa da jari-hujja.

Perhaps the work of Charles Tripp Islam and the Moral Economy: The Challenge of Capitalism is the most relevant in this respect, since he places Islam in a direct contrast with capitalism26. His argument is that capitalism has greatly influenced the Muslims’ behavior in the past few decades. Today, the trend is in the opposite direction. Islam is sought to modify practices in the world of capitalism. The intrinsic properties of Islam will be explored to see why and how Islam can contrast capitalism.

A New York Times, Disamba 24, 2008, James Joyner ya ruwaito cewa rikicin kuɗi na duniya ya zama lokacin bunƙasa ga bankunan Musulunci, waɗanda suka guje wa yawancin ɓarnar da rikicin jinginar gidaje na subprime ya haifar, saboda sun bi ƙa'idodi masu tsauri da aka tanadar a cikin Alƙur'ani. Ministar kuɗi ta Faransa, Christine Lagarde, ta yi alkawarin yin gyare-gyare ga tsarin dokoki da ka'idojin doka domin ba Paris damar zama babbar kasuwa ta kuɗin Musulunci; ta ce, "Masu harkar kuɗi na Yamma za su iya koyon wani abu ko biyu daga duniyar Musulunci yayin da shugabannin duniya ke ƙoƙarin kafa sabbin ƙa'idodi ga tsarin kuɗi na ƙasa da ƙasa, bisa gaskiya, da alhaki, da matsakaici"27. Mataimakin sakataren baitul-mali na Amurka, Robert M. Kimmit, yayin ziyararsa a Jiddah da ke ƙasar Saudiyya, an ruwaito shi yana cewa ƙwararru a hukumarsa suna koyon sifofin bankunan Musulunci28. Ana ƙara ɗaukar Musulunci a matsayin mafita fiye da matsala. Majed al-Refaie, shugaban Bankin Zuba Jari na Unicorn da ke Bahrain, ya bayyana dalilin wannan sauyi: "Kyawun bankunan Musulunci da dalilin da ya sa za a iya amfani da su a madadin kasuwar yanzu shi ne cewa kana yin alkawarin abin da kake mallaka ne kawai"28. Duk da cewa wannan bayani ya yi sauƙi sosai ga abin da ke faruwa na tashin Musulunci, yana nuna hanyar sabon yanayi.