Ga mutane da yawa, rarrabuwar tsakanin Sunna da Shi'a ta isa hujja cewa ra'ayin Ummah guda ba shi da amfani a duniyar zamani. Ko da yake tarihin Musulunci ya kasance cikin hadin kai, tare da wasu lokuta na rabuwa tsakanin Musulmai, a yau iyakokin kasa sun zama sabon hadin kai, kuma ra'ayin Ummah na Musulunci an mayar da shi zuwa wani tsari da ya wanzu shekaru aru-aru da suka wuce. Irin wannan rabuwa ya sa Musulmai da wadanda ba Musulmai ba suke ganin sekularism a matsayin kadai hanyar magance banbance-banbance, yayin da kiran hadin kan Musulunci da Khilafah wasu suke ganin tamkar mafarki ne.

For many the Sunni and Shi’ah fracture is sufficient evidence that the concept of one Ummah is no longer practical in the modern world. Whilst Islamic history has been characterised by unity with the odd schism amongst Muslims, today many national boundaries have become the new unity, with the Islamic concept of Ummah predated to a model that existed centuries ago. Such a schism has led to both Muslims and non-Muslims to view secularism as the only way to deal with differences, whilst calls for Islamic unity and the Khilafah are perceived by some to be idealistic.

A cikin ainihin abin, muhawarar ta shafi yadda Musulunci ke mu'amala da bambance-bambance, da kuma ko kasancewar ƙungiyoyi, ƙungiyoyin ɗariƙa da al'ummomi masu yawa na nufin cewa ba zai yiwu a samu wata ƙasa ta duniya baki ɗaya mai haɗin kan Musulmi ba?

In essence the debate is about how Islam deals with differences and does the existence of many groups, sects and nations mean a pan-global state with Muslim unity is impossible?

Ya kamata a fahimci wannan a sarari cewa duniyar Musulunci ba ita ce ta farko da ta fuskanci irin waɗannan bambance-bambance ba. Ƙasar Amurka ta fuskanci Yakin Basasa a shekarar 1861, wanda rikici ne mai zafi tsakanin sassan ƙasar, wato Tarayyar Amurka da Ƙungiyar Ƙasashen Confederate, wadda ta ƙunshi jihohi goma sha ɗaya na kudu waɗanda suka yi shirin ballewa daga Ƙungiyar bayan zaɓen Abraham Lincoln a matsayin Shugaban Amurka a shekarar 1860. Haka kuma Birtaniya a yau tana fuskantar yiwuwar Scotland ta ballewa ta zama ƙasa mai zaman kanta nan da shekarar 2013. A duka rikicin biyu ba a taɓa tattaunawa kan ikon ɓoyayyen addini (secularism) na haɗa kan mutane ba. Yakin Basasa na Amurka ana ɗaukarsa a matsayin wani ɓangare na tarihinta, kuma ana koyar da shi a makarantunta.

In understanding this it must be clearly understood that the Islamic world is not the first nation to have such differences. The US suffered from a Civil War in 1861 which was a bitter, sectional conflict between the United States of America and the Confederate States of America, formed of eleven southern states which moved to secede from the Union after the 1860 election of Abraham Lincoln as President of the United States. Britain today is facing the prospect of Scotland separating and becoming an independent country by 2013. Both conflicts never saw any discussion on secularism’s ability to unify people. The civil war in the US is considered a part of its history and taught in its schools.

Musulunci ba baƙo ba ne ga al'ummai, al'adu, harsuna da makarantun tunani daban-daban. Yayin da ƙasashen Musulunci suka faɗaɗa, mutane na addinai daban-daban duk sun zama talakawan Musulunci. Mulkin Musulunci a ƙarƙashin daular Abbasiyawa ya kai ga yankunan da mazauna addinai daban-daban suka yi karo da masana da malaman ilimi a yankunan da aka ci. Wannan karo ne ya haifar da ci gaban ilimomin hankali, watau nazarin akidar Musulunci. Ci gaban ya kuma samo asali ne daga buƙatar gabatar da akidar Musulunci da hujjojin hankali. Sakamakon haka, ilimomi suka rabu zuwa reshe-reshe, kuma ilimomin Musulunci suka bambanta gwargwadon haka.

Islam is no stranger to different peoples, customs, cultures, languages and different schools of thought. As the Islamic lands expanded people of different denominations all became Islamic subjects. Islamic rule under the Abbasids reached lands where the inhabitants of other religions clashed with the thinkers and scholars in the conquered territories. It was this clash that resulted in the development of the rational sciences, i.e. the studying of the creed of Islam. The development was also due to the need for presenting the Islamic belief with rational evidences. As a result, disciplines became divided into branches and Islamic disciplines became diversified accordingly.

Waɗannan ilimomi sun magance matsaloli masu yawa, kuma suna ƙara wadata duk lokacin da cin nasara ya ƙara faɗaɗa. Sakamakon haka, Musulmi da yawa a cikin ƙasar suka fara sadaukar da kansu ga ilimomi, kimiyya, karatu da bincike. An kafa al'adar Musulunci mai fuskoki da yawa a cikin ƙasashen Musulunci, don haka mutane suka sadaukar da kansu wajen koyonta don ɗaukaka Khilafah. Kowane malami, ko wane irin fanni na al'ada ya ƙware a kai, da kowane marubuci, ko wace hanyar adabi yake bi, da kowane masanin lissafi, masanin kimiyya ko mai sana'a, suna muhawara da bayyana Musulunci saboda wannan karo.

These disciplines dealt with many issues and were enriched every time the conquests expanded further. As a result many Muslims in the state began to devote themselves to the disciplines, sciences, study and research. A multi-faceted Islamic culture took shape within the Islamic lands, so the people dedicated themselves to learning it to elevate the Khilafah. Every scholar, whatever type of culture he or she specialised in, and every writer, whatever their literary approach, and every mathematician, scientist or artisan, would debate and articulate Islam due to this clash.

Wannan ya haifar da bayyanar ƙungiyoyi, ɗariƙu da sabani iri-iri, waɗanda kaɗan ne kawai aka ɗauka cewa sun fita daga cikin addinin Musulunci. Duk da haka, irin waɗannan ɗariƙu, waɗanda suka kai ɗaruruwa, ba a ɗauke su a matsayin rarrabuwa a tsakanin mutane ba. A zahiri, a zamanin Abbasiyawa, Bagadaza ta zama cibiyar tunani da ra'ayoyin juyin-juya-hali. Masana daga fannoni da ilimi daban-daban an karɓe su tare da ba su dandali su yi muhawara. Wannan ya haifar da fahimtar Musulunci mai tsafta a cikin al'umma, domin Musulunci yana jure gwaje-gwaje iri-iri da ake jefa masa. Saboda haka, kasancewar ƙungiyoyi da ɗariƙu daban-daban a zahiri ya ƙarfafa fahimtar Musulunci maimakon zama tushen matsaloli. Hakan ya faru ne domin sabanin yana kan fahimtar madogaran Musulunci, waɗanda suke cikin lokacin da ake tattarawa da tsara su. Kasancewar ƙungiyoyi da ɗariƙu da yawa ya taimaka wajen wannan aiki.

This led to the emergence of a variety of groups, sects and differences of opinion, only a handful of which were considered to have gone outside the fold of Islam. However, such sects which went into the hundreds were not considered a division amongst the people. In fact under the Abbasids, Baghdad became a centre for intellectual and revolutionary ideas. Thinkers from various backgrounds and learning were welcomed and given a platform to debate. This resulted in a pristine understanding of Islam by society as Islam was withstanding the various tests thrown at it. Hence the existence of diverse groups and sects actually strengthened the understanding of Islam rather than being a source of problems. This was because the differences were on understanding the Islamic sources, which were going through the period of being catalogued and codified. The existence of multiple groups and sects actually aided this.

Rarrabuwar da ake gani a duniyar Musulunci a yau tana komawa ne ga abubuwa biyu. Na farko shi ne raunin da ya shiga Musulmi wajen fahimtar Musulunci, na biyu kuma Farfesa David Fromkin, gwani kan Tarihin Tattalin Arziki a Jami'ar Chicago, ya bayyana shi sarai a littafinsa, inda ya nuna cewa yawancin halin da ake ciki a duniyar Musulunci ya samo asali ne daga zamanin mulkin mallaka. Ya ce:

The division in the Muslim world today is down to two issues. The first is the weakness that overtook Muslims in understanding Islam and the second was encapsulated by Professor David Fromkin, expert on Economic History at the University of Chicago. He highlights very clearly in his book that much of the situation in the Muslim world stems from the colonial era. He says:

Yawancin dukiyar tsohuwar Daular Usmaniyya yanzu masu nasara sun kwace. Amma dole mutum ya tuna cewa daular Musulunci ta yi ƙoƙarin mamaye Turai ta Kirista tsawon ƙarnuka, don haka masu riƙe da ragamar mulki da suka yanke hukuncin makomar mutanen da aka ci nasara a kansu, sun ƙudiri aniyar cewa waɗannan ƙasashe ba za su taɓa iya haɗa kai su kuma su yi barazana ga muradun Yamma ba. Da ƙwarewar ƙarnuka a tsarin cinikayya na mercantilism, Birtaniya da Faransa sun ƙirƙiri ƙananan jihohi marasa ƙarfi, waɗanda sarakunansu ke buƙatar goyon bayansu domin su ci gaba da mulki. Ci gaba da cinikayyar waɗannan jihohi an sarrafa su, kuma an nufe su da cewa ba za su sake zama barazana ga Yamma ba. Waɗannan iko na waje sai suka yi yarjejeniya da kangararrun su domin sayen albarkatun Larabawa a farashi mai rahusa, lamarin da ya sa masu mulkin gargajiya suka zama masu arziki ƙwarai, yayin da yawancin al'umma suka kasance cikin talauci.34

‘Massive amounts of the wealth of the old Ottoman Empire were now claimed by the victors. But one must remember that the Islamic empire had tried for centuries to conquer Christian Europe and the power brokers deciding the fate of those defeated people were naturally determined that these countries should never be able to organize and threaten Western interests again. With centuries of mercantilist experience, Britain and France created small, unstable states whose rulers needed their support to stay in power. The development and trade of these states were controlled and they were meant never again to be a threat to the West. These external powers then made contracts with their puppets to buy Arab resources cheaply, making the feudal elite enormously wealthy while leaving most citizens in poverty.’34

Ƙirƙirar rarrabuwa a cikin duniyar Musulunci ta hanyar kafa "ƙananan ƙasashe marasa ƙarfi" manufa ce da 'yan mulkin mallaka na Turai suka ɗauka da gangan, domin tabbatar da cewa duniyar Musulunci ba za ta taɓa haɗuwa ba. Faransa da Birtaniya, kafin Yaƙin Duniya na Ɗaya, sun riga sun raba Gabas ta Tsakiya a tsakaninsu. Sun zana layuka a kan taswirori na takarda, suka ƙirƙiri Transjordan, Siriya, Saudiyya, Kuwait, Iraƙi da Iran. Daga baya aka ƙirƙiri Pakistan, Indiya da Afganistan, waɗanda suka raba mutanen da suka zauna tare shekaru ɗari-ɗari. Irin waɗannan manufofin mulkin mallaka ne suka haifar da matsaloli masu yawa da suke fuskanta yanzu. Kowace ƙasa an naɗa mata shugabanni waɗanda suke biyayya ga Birtaniya da Faransa. Gidan Sa'ud kuma ya haɗa kai da Birtaniya wajen ruguza Khilafah, a madadin shugabancin Hijaz.

Creating divisions in the Muslim world by establishing ‘small, unstable states’ was a deliberate policy by the European colonialists to ensure the Muslim world never can unite. France and Britain prior to World War 1 had already carved up the Middle East amongst themselves. They drew lines on paper maps and created Transjordan, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Iraq and Iran. Pakistan, India and Afghanistan were later created which separated people who had lived for hundreds of years together. It is such colonial polices which have now ballooned into multiple problems. Each nation was appointed with rulers who were subservient to both Britain and France. The Saud family actually collaborated with the British to destroy the Khilafah in return for leadership of the Hijaz.

Irin waɗannan iyakoki na ƙirƙira sun zama yau tabarau da mutane da yawa daga cikin Musulmai ke kallon duniya ta cikinsu. Saboda haka, matsalar da ke cikin duniyar Musulunci ta kasance, a mafi yawan ɓangarenta, aiki ne da turawan mulkin mallaka suka tsara. Da farko sun raba Musulmai a zahiri, sannan suka tabbatar cewa babu wani tunani na haɗin kan Musulmai da zai taso, ta hanyar ƙirƙirar tutocin ƙasa, ranakun samun ‘yancin kai na ƙasa, da taken ƙasa.

Such artificial boundaries have today become the lens through which many Muslims view the world. Hence the problem in the Muslim world to a large extent was an organised affair by the colonialists where initially they segregated Muslims physically, and then they ensured any ideas of Muslim unity would never arise by creating national flags, national independence days and national anthems.

Haɗin kai a baya an gina shi ne bisa Musulunci, kuma hakan ya mayar da ƙasashen Musulunci al'ummomi masu wadata waɗanda suka karɓi kowa suka kuma yi fice a fannoni daban-daban. Saboda haka, rashin Musulunci, wanda shi ne abin da turawan mulkin mallaka suka yi aiki a kansa, shi ne dalilin da ya sa ƙasashe sama da 50 suke wanzuwa inda al'umma ɗaya take a da.

Unity in the past was built upon Islam and it turned the Islamic lands into prosperous societies which welcomed all and excelled in various fields. Hence the absence of Islam, which is what the colonialists worked for, is the reason why over 50 nations exist where one nation once stood.

Ba Musulunci ba ne ke haifar da rarrabuwa ba, sai rashin Musulunci ne ke haifar da matsaloli. Misali da ya dace da wannan shi ne yunkurin ƙasashen Yamma na ɗora boko-mai-raba-addini (secularism) a matsayin hanyar magance rikicin Sunni da Shi'a. Irin wannan tsari baƙo ne ga mutanen da ke cikin rikicin, kuma maimakon warware rikicin, a zahiri yana mai da shi a cikin harkokin kai, yana tabbatar da cewa ba shi da tasiri a manufofin da ake aiwatarwa a fagen jama'a. Takaddamar asali game da wanda zai gaji Manzon Allah ﷺ, a zahiri, ana iya warware ta ne kawai ta hanyar duba dalilan Musulunci a kan wannan batu; daga wannan mahanga ne kawai Musulunci zai iya zama mafita. Ayyukan wasu Musulmi a baya a kan iyalan Manzon Allah ﷺ, ayyukan Mu'awiyya da tarihi gaba ɗaya ba majiyoyin fiqhun Musulunci ba ne, saboda haka ba za su zama abin dogaro ba. Abin dogaro a wannan yanayi shi ne Alkur'ani da Hadisi, kuma a nan ana iya samun bambancin fassarori, kamar yadda yake a dukkan fiqhu. Sai dai fassara ba tsari ne marar iyaka ba, kuma akwai ƙa'idoji da ake bi wajen fassara.

It is not Islam that is the cause of divisions but the absence of Islam that causes problems. A pertinent example of this is the attempts by the Western world in imposing secularism as the model to deal with the Sunni and Shi’ah problem. Such an approach is alien to the people involved in the conflict and rather than solving the conflict it is in fact placing it in the private sphere ensuring it has no influence in polices in the public sphere. The original dispute over the successor to the Prophet Muhammad وسلم وآله عليه الله صلى can in reality only be solved by assessing the Islamic evidence in this regard, from this perspective only Islam can ever be the solution. The actions of some Muslims in the past against the Prophet’s وسلم وآله عليه الله صلى family, the actions of Mu’awiyah and history generally are not sources of Islamic jurisprudence and hence cannot be the reference point. The reference point in this case would be the Qur’an and the hadith and naturally different interpretations can occur here, which is the case with all jurisprudence. However, interpretation is not a limitless process and there are rules for interpretation.

A kowane mazhaba akwai sabani a kan hanyoyin warware matsaloli da aka gina a kan ginshiƙan akida. A kasashen dimokuraɗiyya kuwa, makarantun tunani da yawa sun taso saboda bambance-bambance wajen fassara.

In every ideology there exists difference of opinion on solutions built upon the creedal tenets. In democratic countries, numerous schools of thought have arisen due to differences in interpretation.

In Amurka a yau muna da 'yan Democrat da 'yan Republican. A Birtaniya kuwa muna da Labour, Liberal Democrats da Conservatives. A duk fadin duniyar Yamma akwai kuma neoconservatives da libertarians, Fabians, masu kare muhalli da Christian Democrats. Dukkansu suna sabawa juna a hanyar da ya kamata a bayyana ra'ayoyin 'yanci, amma dukkansu suna da sakularanci – akidar Jari-hujja – a matsayin tushensu. Tattalin arziki ma yana fuskantar irin wannan sabani, inda makarantar Keynesian ke goyon bayan shigar gwamnati, yayin da Monetarists ke adawa da hakan. Gurguzanci ma yana da makarantu da dama da suka gina akidunsu a kansa. Masu goyon bayan Gurguzanci sun ga rashin adalcin da ya samo asali daga ra'ayin 'Freedom of Ownership' (’Yancin Mallakar Dukiya), suka kammala cewa bambancin mallakar dukiya tsakanin mutane ita ce matsalar da ke bukatar mafita. Wata makarantar tunani (makarantar Kwaminisanci)

In the US today we have Democrats and Republicans. In the UK we have Labour, Liberal Democrats and Conservatives. Across the Western world we have neoconservatives as well as libertarians, Fabians, environmentalists and Christian Democrats. All differ in the manner that liberal ideas should manifest themselves but they all have secularism – the Capitalist creed - as their basis. Economics is also prone to such difference with the Keynesian school, advocating government intervention, against the Monetarists. Socialism also had a number of schools of thought built upon their creed. Advocates of Socialism saw the injustice that resulted from the concept of ‘Freedom of Ownership’ and concluded that the difference in private ownership between people was the problem that required a solution. One school of thought (the communist school)

Wata makarantar tunani ta bayar da shawarar daidaito mai amfani a komai da kuma kawar da mallakar dukiya ta mutum gaba ɗaya. Wata makarantar tunani kuma, wato masu gurguzu na noma (agrarian socialists), ta gabatar da shawarar kawar da mallakar dukiya ta mutum a kan filayen noma kawai. Sannan ta zo ta uku daga cikin makarantun gurguzu (wadda aka sani da gurguzun gwamnati, state Socialism), inda aka mayar da mallakar dukiya ta mutum zuwa mallakar jama'a saboda muradin al'umma, wato mayar da dukiya ta zama ta gwamnati (nationalization) a duk lokacin da muradin al'umma ya bukaci hakan.

advocated practical equality in everything and absolute abolition of private property. Another school of thought (the agrarian socialists) proposed abolishing private property in agricultural land only. Then came a third socialist school of thought (known as state Socialism) where private property was transferred to public ownership in the name of public interest i.e. nationalization in every situation where public interest called for it.

Masana ilimi da masu bincike da yawa a Yamma sun gabatar da takardu kan rarrabuwar kawunan Sunna da Shi'a, kuma sun yi amfani da ita a matsayin tushe don raunana ra'ayin Ummah guda ɗaya. Duk da haka, irin waɗannan ayyuka sun ba da gudummawa ga wani tsari na canji wanda ya kasance yana samun ƙarfi tsawon shekaru da dama, kuma yanzu yana kai kololuwarsa a duniyar Musulunci.

Many academics and researchers in the West have presented papers on the Sunni-Shi’ah schism and have used it as a basis to undermine the concept of one Ummah. However, such actions have contributed to a process of change that has been gaining momentum for decades and is just coming to the boil now in the Muslim world.

Muna shaida yanzu al'ummar Musulunci tana bayyana ƙin jinin Jari-hujja da son kai a duniya baki ɗaya, kamar jiki guda. Ko Musulmai a Falasɗinu, waɗanda kansu suna ƙarƙashin mamaye, sun gudanar da maci da tarurruka don nuna goyon baya ga Musulmai a Afganistan da Iraƙi. Al'ummar Musulunci tana jin ƙyama idan aka yi amfani da ra'ayin 'yancin faɗar albarkacin baki wajen kai hari ga Musulunci, kamar yadda ake gani a batun zane-zanen ban dariya da aka buga a Turai ƙasa da Annabi ﷺ.

We are currently witnessing the Muslim Ummah openly rejecting Capitalism and individualism all over the world as one body. Even the Muslims in Palestine, themselves under occupation, held marches and rallies in solidarity with the Muslims of Afghanistan and Iraq. The Ummah feels revulsion when the concept of ‘freedom of expression’ is used to attack Islam, as can be seen in the case of the cartoons printed against the Prophet وسلم وآله عليه الله صلى in Europe.

Al'ummar Musulunci a duniya baki ɗaya ta bayyana a fili cewa sarakunan cin amana ba wakilanta ba ne. Haka kuma, ƙaruwar rata tsakanin sarakuna da al'umma yanzu ta bayyana. Idan aka yi la'akari da dogon lokacin koma-baya da al'ummar ta shiga, ba ta taɓa kasancewa cikin haɗin kai irin wannan ba. Abin da ya rage a cikin ƙarshen ɓangaren wannan wasan haɗin kai da ke kare haɗin kai shi ne daula.

The Ummah globally has clearly seen that the traitor rulers are not representatives of her. In fact a widening gulf now exists between the rulers and the Ummah. Considering the lengthy period of decline the Ummah underwent she has never been so united. All that remains in the final part of the jigsaw which protects unity is a state.

Gwamnatin da aka gina bisa akidun da al'umma ta yi imani da su tana tabbatar da haɗin kai kuma tana kare shi. Sahabbai sun yi tsanani sosai ga Khawarijawa waɗanda suka shigar da ra'ayoyin baƙi cikin Musulunci, waɗanda da sun haifar da rarrabuwar kai. Yanzu ana ganin dawowar Khilafah a matsayin abu mai kusa, inda cibiyoyin bincike daban-daban da masana, har da hukumar leƙen asiri ta ƙasar Amurka ta CIA, suka yi hasashen bayyanar Khilafah. Ba tare da jiha ba, yana da wuya a samu haɗin kai. Ba tare da gwamnati ta tsakiya ba, yaƙin basasa na Amurka da zai sa a samu ƙasashe biyu a Arewacin Amurka. Ba tare da gwamnati ba, da ba a samu haɗin kai tsakanin Ingila da Scotland ba. Jiha ce ke kawo haɗin kai tsakanin mutane. Ba tare da ita ba, haɗin kai yana da wuya ƙwarai. Tarihin Musulunci ya nuna cewa Musulunci yana da cikakkun dokoki don haɗin kai da hadewa, kuma yana da kyakkyawan tarihi na haɗa mutane daga asali daban-daban. Rarrabuwar kan da muke gani a yau yammacin duniya ne suka haifar da ita, kuma suna ci gaba da ciyar da ita.

A government built upon the ideals society believes in, ensures unity is created and protected. The Sahabah dealt very harshly with the Khawarij who introduced foreign ideas into Islam which would have created disunity. The return of the Khilafah is today considered well on the horizon, with various think tanks and experts including the CIA national intelligence have predicted the emergence of the Khilafah. Without a state it is virtually impossible to have unity. Without central government the US civil war would have resulted in two countries in North America. Without a government there would have been no union between England and Scotland. It is a state that brings unity amongst people. Without it unity is virtually impossible. As Islamic history has shown Islam has detailed rules for unity and integration and actually has a successful track record of uniting people from different backgrounds. The disunity we see today was created by the West and continues to be fed by them.