Yanayin duniya a kowane lokaci na iya ƙunshe da abubuwa da dama da ke faruwa a lokaci guda, wanda hakan kan rikitar da fahimtar wane ne ke aikata me, da kuma dalilan irin waɗannan ayyuka. Tun da al'ummar Musulunci an dora mata alhakin ɗaukar da'awar Musulunci zuwa ga duniya baki ɗaya, ya zama wajibi ga kowane Musulmi ya bi diddigin yanayin duniya, ya fahimci yanayinsa, kuma ya san dalilan al'ummomin duniya da shirye-shiryensu na siyasa. Domin fahimtar yanayin duniya ko daidaiton ƙarfi na duniya, ya kamata a kiyaye waɗannan abubuwa:

The global situation at any given time can have multiple events taking place which can cloud who is doing what and the motives behind such actions. Since the Ummah is entrusted with carrying the Islamic da’wah to the whole world, it is indispensable for every Muslim to pursue the global situation, comprehend its circumstances, and acquaint oneself with the motives of the world’s nations and their political plans. In order to understand the global situation or the global balance of power the following points should be kept in mind:

1. Domin a tantance ingancin kowane yanayin siyasa ko fa'idar dabarun da wata manufa za ta kawo, ko ma ko wani gaskiya a zahiri tatsuniya ce, wannan ba za a fahimce shi sosai ba sai mutum ya san halin da duniya ke ciki da al'ummomin da ke gogayya da juna. Hakikanin lamuran yanki su kadai ba sa nuna ingancinsu, haɗa manyan abubuwa kamar al'ummomin da ke kunshe da daidaiton ikon duniya tare da manufofin ƙasashe ita ce hanyar fahimtar duk wani gwagwarmayar duniya da kuma banbance tatsuniya da gaskiya.

1. In order to asses the validity of any political situation or the strategic advantage a particular policy may bring, or even whether a certain fact in reality is a myth - this can only really be understood if one is acquainted with the international situation and the nations that compete with each other. Geopolitical realities on their own give no indication of their validity, linking wider factors such as the nations that make up the global balance of power alongside national policies is the way to comprehend any global struggle and distinguish myths from truths.

2. Siyasar duniya wani reshe ne na siyasa. Ba zai yiwu ba, kuma yana da hatsari, a bi yanayin siyasar duniya ba tare da fara fahimtar siyasa ba. Ta hanyar siyasa ne ake fahimtar siyasar duniya sosai. Wannan saboda siyasa ita ce manufofi, tsare-tsare da salon da ake amfani da su wajen kula da harkokin cikin gida na al'umma ta hanyar aiwatar da wata akida, yayin da manufar harkokin wajen al'umma kuwa ita ce alaƙar da al'umma take ginawa da duniya domin cimma burinta. Siyasa ce za ta tsara filin siyasar duniya; shi ya sa ƙarancin ruwan rijiyoyi a sassan duniya, siyasar man fetur, da iko da mashigar Suez ko Tekun Farisa ba matsaloli ne a kansu ba, sai dai bukatu daban-daban da ƙasashe da dama a duniya ke da su ne suka sa suke da muhimmanci a dabarance.

2. Geopolitics is a branch of politics. It is impossible and dangerous to follow the global geopolitical situation without first understanding politics. It is through politics that geopolitics is clearly understood. This is because politics is the polices, plans and styles used to take care of the nations affairs domestically through the implementation of an ideology whist a nations foreign policy is the relations a nation builds with the world in order to achieve its goals. It is the politics that will define the geopolitical arena, hence the dwindling water wells around the world, the politics of oil, control of the Suez canal or the Persian Gulf are not issues in themselves, but the multiple interests a variety of nations around the world have makes them strategically important.

3. Al'ummomi a duniya suna da nau'i biyu: wasu al'ummomi suna da akida (mafarki/tsarin rayuwa) wadda suka karɓa, wadda ke ba al'ummar alkibla kuma ta zama tushen samo doka da gina manufofi, kamar Amurka, Birtaniya, Faransa da Jamus waɗanda suke bin Jari-hujja. Sai kuma wasu al'ummomi waɗanda ba su rungumi akida ba amma suna da muradun da tarihinsu ko wurin da suke ya ƙayyade su. Ga irin waɗannan, kare muradunsu ne ke tafiyar da bunƙasar manufofinsu, kamar yadda ake gani a Pakistan wadda ke ƙoƙarin kare kanta daga Indiya, da kuma Tibet wadda ke son samun 'yancin kai daga China. Aiwatar da akida da ƙoƙarin kare da cimma muradun al'umma suna haifar da mu'amala a faɗin duniya, kuma wannan ne yanayin harkokin duniya.

3. Nations around the world are either ideological in nature where they have adopted an ideology which gives the nation direction and acts as a basis for deriving legislation and building polices, such as the US, Britain, France and Germany with Capitalism. Then there are other nations which do not embrace an ideology but have interests which are defined by their history or location, for them the protection of the interest is what drives policy development as can be seen with Pakistan attempting to defend itself against India and Tibet wanting independence from China. The application of the ideology and the attempts to protect and achieve national interests leads to interactions across the world and this is the international situation.

4. Yanayin al'amura a kowace ƙasa ta duniya ba ya tsayawa iri ɗaya. Yana shiga sauye-sauye masu yawa, ta fuskar ƙarfi da rauni, ikon tasiri ko rashinsa, da kuma sauyi da bambance-bambance a dangantakar wajen ƙasa da wasu ƙasashe. Saboda haka ba zai yiwu a zana tsayayyen tsari ko jerin ƙa'idoji don kallon halin da duniya ke ciki ba, domin yanayin duniya koyaushe yana cikin sauyi. Duk da haka, yana yiwuwa a yi nazarin halin duniya a kowane lokaci, la'akari da cewa yana iya canjawa. Haka kuma yana yiwuwa a yi nazarin ƙarfin manyan ƙasashen duniya, la'akari da cewa wannan kimantawa ma tana iya canjawa. 5. Yanayin duniya shi ne tsarin dangantakar ƙasa da ƙasa tsakanin ƙasashen duniya. Matsayin babbar ƙasa (superpower) da ƙasashen da ke fafatawa da ita ke nan.

4. The state of affairs in any nation of the world does not remain the same. It goes through many changes, in terms of strength and weakness, power of influence or its absence, and in terms of difference and change in its foreign relations with other nations. This is why it is impossible to draw a constant framework or a set of guidelines to view the international situation as the international situation is always in a state of flux. However, an analysis of the international situation at any given time is possible bearing in mind it is liable for change. It is also possible to analyze the strength of the powers in the world bearing in mind such an assessment is liable for change. 5. The international situation is the structure of the international relations between the world’s nations. It is the status of the superpower and the nations that compete with it.

Fahimtar daidaiton ikon duniya baya ga sanin al'ummomin da suke manyan kasashen duniya, manufofinsu da burinsu, yana bukatar ilimin dangantakar kasa da kasa, wadda ita ce gasar da ba ta karewa tsakanin manyan kasashen duniya kan matsayin babbar kasa mai karfi. Shi ya sa yanayin kasa da kasa ba ya tsayawa, yana fuskantar sauye-sauye da yawa. Saboda haka duk wani bincike kan daidaiton ikon duniya bayanin wani lokaci ne na musamman. Idan yanayin kasa da kasa ya canza, irin wannan bincike ya zama wani bangare na tarihi.

Understanding the global balance of power apart from knowing the nations who are the world’s powers, their policies and aims requires the knowledge of international relations, which is the constant competition between the world’s powers over the position of the superpower. This is why the international situation is not stable and goes through many changes. Hence any analysis of the global balance of power is a description of a particular point in time. When the international situation changes such an analysis becomes part of history.

6. Yanayin ƙasa-da-ƙasa koyaushe zai kasance cikin canji, domin ana ƙayyade shi ta hanyar halin siyasa da tattalin arziƙi na wasu ƙasashe daga wannan yanayi zuwa wancan. Irin wannan canjin yanayi da hali ko dai saboda wata al'umma ta ƙara ƙarfi ko ta raunana, ko kuma saboda dangantakarta da wasu ƙasashe ta ƙara ƙarfi ko ta raunana. A irin wannan hali, canji a daidaiton ƙarfi na duniya zai faru sakamakon canji a daidaiton ƙarfin da ke tsakanin ƙasashen duniya. Shi ya sa fahimtar matsayin kowace ƙasa da take da tasiri a kan yanayin ƙasa-da-ƙasa shi ne tushen fahimtar daidaiton ƙarfi na duniya.

6. The international situation will always be in a state of flux because it is determined by the political-economic situation of some states from one circumstance to another. Such change of situations and circumstances is either because a nation became stronger or weaker, or because its relations with other states became stronger or weaker. In such a case, a change in the global balance of power would result due to a change in the balance of powers existent in the world. This is why understanding the status of each state that has influence on the international situation is the basis for understanding the global balance of power.

7. Fahimtar halin duniya a kowane lokaci ba yana nufin dole ne mutum ya san siyasar dukkan duniya ba. Ƙasashen da ba sa cikin daidaiton ikon duniya ba sai an bi su ba, domin manyan al'amuran duniya suna faruwa ne sakamakon gasar da manyan ƙasashen duniya ke yi da juna a fagage daban-daban a sassan duniya.

7. Understanding the global situation at any given time does not mean one must be acquainted with all of the world’s politics. The nations who do not make up the global balance of power need not be pursued as the major actions in the world are a result of the world’s powers competing with each other and in different arenas across the world.

- Takaddamar makaman nukiliya ta Koriya ta Arewa da Amurka wani sakamako ne kai tsaye na yunkurin Amurka na takaita China. China ta kasance tana neman tattaunawa ta bangarori da dama domin sake haɗa Koriya ta Arewa da ta Kudu, tana kokarin tabbatar da cewa bayan gidanta ba zai kama da wuta ba. Sanarwar da ake fitarwa daga irin wadannan tarurruka ta kasance mai karo da juna: China ta nuna rashin kyakkyawan fata game da tattaunawar, tana nesa da yawancin batutuwa, yayin da Amurka ke ci gaba da bayyana cewa tattaunawar tana samun nasara.

- The North Korea Nuclear weapons stand-off with the US is a direct result of US attempts to contain China. China has been pursuing multilateral talks for the reunification of North and South Korea trying to ensure its back door is not set on fire. The statements from such meetings have been contradictory where China has been pessimistic about the talks with distance on most issues whilst the US has continually remarked successful negotiations.

Amurka ba ta yi tattaunawa kai tsaye da Koriya ta Arewa ba, lamarin da ke kara dagula al'amura. Ci gaba da jinkirin ci gaba da tsawaitawa ya dace da kasancewar kusan sojojin Amurka dubu 100 a yankin, kuma tun da Koriya ta Arewa ta gwada makaman nukiliyarta a watan Oktoba na 2006, wannan zai kara wa kokarin kasar Sin wahala, kuma yana ba da dalili mai kyau na ci gaba da kasancewar Amurka mai yawa a Koriya ta Kudu. J Rielly ya bayyana haka a cikin takardar manufa: 'Wadannan sojojin Amurka suna yankin ba kawai don yakar "kungiyoyin ta'addanci" da ke haifar da rashin zaman lafiya a yankin ba, sai dai don karfafa ikon sojojin Amurka a kan yankin Tekun Kudancin China. Wannan yanki mai dabarun dabaru yana da yawan man fetur da ake iya hakowa, kuma yana kusa da hanyoyin jigilar kaya zuwa Gabas ta Tsakiya, yana kuma ba da damar shiga yawancin Kudu maso Gabashin Asiya. Karin sojojin Amurka da aka yi...

The US has not directly negotiated with North Korea which is exasperating the issue. The continued sluggish progress and prolonging fits perfectly for the presence of nearly 100,000 US troops in the region and with North Korea testing its nuclear arsenal in October 2006 this will expend Chinese efforts and gives a suitable justification for sustained and substantial US presence in South Korea. J Rielly outlined this in a policy paper: ‘These U.S. troops are in the region not simply to fight the "terrorist groups" causing local instability, but to enhance U.S. military control over territory in the South China Sea. This strategic area with vast potential oil reserves sits aside the shipping lanes to the Middle East and offers access to much of Southeast Asia. The expanded U.S.

Kasancewar sojojin Amurka da kawancen soja da ke fara samuwa tare da kasashen Kudu maso Gabashin Asiya na kara tsoro a China, kuma yana hana yarjejeniyoyin Asiya masu cin gashin kansu ta hanyar irin wadannan tsare-tsare kamar Dandalin Yanki na ASEAN.41

presence and nascent military alliances with Southeast Asian nations exacerbates Chinese anxieties and impedes independent accords among Asian states though such mechanisms as the ASEAN Regional Forum.’41

Kiran da South Ossetia ke yi na neman 'yancin kai daga Georgia sakamako ne kai tsaye na gasa tsakanin Amurka da Rasha don iko a kan Gabashin Turai. Yaƙe-yaƙen Balkan a asali Amurka ce ta ƙirƙira su don tsare Rasha a duniyar bayan Soviet da kuma kawo tsoffin ƙasashen gurguzu a ƙarƙashin yankin tasirin Amurka. Rasha ta iya kawo Serbia a ƙarƙashin yankin tasirinta saboda tarihinta, kuma ta yi amfani da ita a matsayin katanga don hana mamayar Amurka.

- The call for independence by South Ossetia from Georgia is a direct result of competition between the US and Russia for control over Eastern Europe. The Balkan wars were essentially created by the US to contain Russia in a post Soviet world and bring the former communist states under the US area of influence. Russia was able to bring Serbia under its area of influence due to its history and has used it as a bulwark to frustrate US dominance.

Serbia ta kasance shinge ga shirin Amurka, saboda haka Amurka ta so ta raunana ta tun farko, ta hanyar shirya rabuwar Montenegro daga Serbia, sannan ta raba Kosovo daga gare ta, sannan harin NATO kan rundunar sojin Serbia a Kosovo da kuma a cikin Serbia kanta. Arewacin Ossetia yanki ne mai cin gashin kai a Rasha, yayin da Kudancin Ossetia ya koma karkashin Georgia a kwanakin karshe na USSR. Rasha ta yi amfani da dangantakarta da Arewacin Ossetia wajen kara matsa wa Ossetiyawan Kudu lamba su yi kira da 'yancin kai, lamarin da ya kawo cikas ga manufofin Amurka a yankin. Rasha tana kiyaye kusanci sosai da shugabannin Tskhinvali, inda 'yan awaren ke maraba da matsayin goyon bayan Moscow. Abin takaici ga Georgia, yawancin Ossetiyawan Kudu suna da fasfo na Rasha, kuma ana amfani da rouble na Rasha sosai wajen ciniki.

Serbia has been a barrier for the American agenda and as a result the US was keen to weaken it initially by engineering the separation of Montenegro from Serbia, then separating Kosovo from it and then the NATO attack on Serbian armed forces in Kosovo as well as in Serbia itself. North Ossetia is a semi autonomous region in Russia, whilst South Ossetia fell into Georgia in the dying days of the USSR. Russia has used its relations with North Ossetia to push South Ossetians to call for independence thus thwarting US aims in the region. Russia maintains close contacts with the leadership in Tskhinvali where separatists welcome Moscow’s supportive stance. To Georgia’s deep annoyance, most South Ossetians have Russian passports and the Russian rouble is commonly used in trade.

Kiran Tibet don neman rabuwa da China shi ma wani fada ne tsakanin China da Amurka.

- The call by Tibet for separation from China is also a struggle between China and the US.

Tsoma shigar Amurka cikin yankin ya fara ne a shekarun 1950 ta hanyar hukumar CIA, domin dakile yaduwar gurguzu a China. Tawayen Tibet na 1959, wanda ƙungiyar Free Tibet Movement ta jagoranta, mummunan bala'i ne da ya zubar da jini, kuma CIA ce ta shirya shi a matsayin babban yaƙin ɓoye da aka kai wa Sinawa 'yan gurguzu a Tibet. Dubban Tibetawa sun mutu, yayin da Dalai Lama da kusan mutane 100,000 suka tsere ta tsaunukan Himalaya masu hatsari zuwa Indiya da Nepal. CIA ta kafa wani sansanin horon soja na asiri ga mayaƙan Dalai Lama a Camp Hale, kusa da Leadville, a jihar Colorado ta Amurka. CIA ce ta horar da kuma ba da kayan aiki ga 'yan gwagwarmayar Tibet don yaƙin sari-ka-noke da ayyukan lalata wa Sinawa 'yan gurguzu. China na fuskantar manyan matsaloli, ciki har da Musulmin Uighur a lardin Xinjiang, da ayyukan ƙungiyar Falun Gong da sauran ƙungiyoyin adawa da yawa da ke neman 'yanci. Al'ummar Tibet sun tsinci kansu tsakanin gwamnatin Beijing mai zalunci da Washington mai yaudara wadda ke neman raunana China.

US interference in the region begun in the 1950’s through the CIA in order to counter China’s adoption of communism. The disastrous bloody uprising in 1959 by the Free Tibet Movement was a CIA conducted large scale covert action campaign against the communist Chinese in Tibet. Tens of thousands of Tibetans were left dead, while the Dalai Lama and about 100,000 followers were forced to flee across the treacherous Himalayan passes to India and Nepal. The CIA established a secret military training camp for the Dalai Lama’s resistance fighters at Camp Hale near Leadville, Colorado, in the US. The Tibetan guerrillas were trained and equipped by the CIA for guerrilla warfare and sabotage operations against the communist Chinese. China is faced with significant problems, with the Uighur Muslims in Xinjiang province, and the activities of the Falun Gong among many other dissident groups aiming for independence. Tibetan people find themselves trapped between an oppressive Beijing and a manipulative Washington attempting to weaken China.

8. Gasar neman iko tsakanin manyan ƙasashen duniya ta kasance tun farkon zamani kuma za ta ci gaba har zuwa Ranar Alƙiyama. A zamanin da, Masar ƙarƙashin Fir'auna ita ce babbar ƙasa mai ƙarfi, kuma Mesopotamiya ta yi gasa da ita. Daular Roman ta zama babbar ƙasa mai ƙarfi, kuma Daular Farisa ta yi gasa da ita. Daga baya Khilafah ta ci ragowar daular Farisa da ta Byzantine, kuma ta zama babbar ƙasa mai ƙarfi a duniya har zuwa ƙarni na 18, tana fuskantar ƙalubale daga Mongols da Crusaders a wannan lokaci. Faransa da Ingila sun yi gasa da Khilafah ta Usmaniyya kusan shekaru uku ɗari har zuwa tsakiyar ƙarni na 18. A daidai lokacin da yakin duniya na ɗaya ke gabatowa, Jamus ta canza daidaiton ikon duniya, yayin da Faransa da Birtaniya suka yi gasa da ita. Bayan Yakin Duniya na Ɗaya, Birtaniya ta fito a matsayin ƙasa mai ƙarfi a duniya, kuma Faransa ta yi gasa da ita. Jamus ta sake ƙalubalantar Birtaniya a matsayin babbar ƙasa mai ƙarfi a duniya, kuma Yakin Duniya na Biyu ne kawai ya dakatar da mulkin Jamus. Amurka ta fito a matsayin babbar ƙasa mai ƙarfi a duniya bayan Yakin Duniya na Biyu, Tarayyar Soviet kuma ta ƙalubalance ta tsawon shekaru hamsin har zuwa rushewarta a shekarar 1990.

8. Competition between the world powers is something that has existed from the beginning of time and will continue until the day of judgement. In ancient times Egypt under the pharaohs was the superpower and Mesopotamia competed with it. The Roman Empire became the superpower and the Persian Empire competed with it. The Khilafah then defeated the remnants of the Persian and Byzantine empires and was the world’s superpower until the 18th century facing challenges from the Mongols and the crusaders during this time. France and England then competed with the Uthmani Khilafah for nearly three centuries until the mid-18th century. On the eve of World War 1 Germany shifted the global balance of power, whilst France and Britain competed with it. After World War 1 Britain emerged as the world’s power and France competed with it. Germany once again challenged Britain as the world’s superpower and only World War 2 stopped German hegemony. The US emerged the world’s superpower after World War 2 and was challenged by the Soviet Union for five decades until its collapse in 1990.

9. A shekarar 2008 Amurka ita ce babbar ƙasar duniya. Duk da cewa tana raguwa, har yanzu tana da tasiri mafi girma a duniya kan siyasar ƙasashen duniya. Amurka ita ce ƙasa mafi girman tattalin arziki a duniya da fin yawa, kuma ita ce ƙasa mafi ci gaba a fannin fasaha, tana kuma da sansanonin soja a sassan duniya domin kare muradunta. Ƙasashen da za su iya yin gogayya da Amurka su ne Rasha, Birtaniya, Faransa da Jamus.

9. In 2008 the US is the world’s superpower. Although faltering it still has the greatest influence around the world on international politics. The US is the world’s largest economy by far and the most advanced nation technologically, and maintains military bases across the world in order to protect its interests. The nations that are able to compete with the US are Russia, Britain, France and Germany.

Dukkan kasashen hudu suna da burin kasa da kasa a fadin duniya. Rasha, a cikin shekaru goma da suka wuce, ta yi nasarar samun iko a kan albarkatun ma'adinanta da kayayyakin amfanin jama'a, tare da korar yawancin attajirai (oligarchs) da suka amfana daga rushewar Tarayyar Soviet. Tana da daya daga cikin manyan rumbun makamashi a duniya, kuma yanzu tana bunkasa rundunar soja ta zamani, tana kuma gogayya kai tsaye da Amurka a yankunan da Amurka ta kusan shekaru goma tana da iko ba tare da hamayya ba.

All four nations have international ambitions across the world. Russia in the last decade has managed to gain control over its mineral resources and utilities and banished many oligarchs who benefited from the break-up of the Soviet Union. With some of the worlds largest energy reserves it is now developing a state of the art military and competing directly with the US in regions where the US for nearly a decade had uncontested hegemony.

Biritaniya ta kasance babbar ƙasa a duniya a tarihi, kuma har yanzu tana da tasiri a cikin tsoffin ƙasashen mulkin mallakarta.

Britain historically has been a world power and still has influence in its former colonies.

Birtaniya muhimmin ƙasa ce a Turai kuma ta kawo cikas ga shirye-shiryen Amurka da yawa. Birtaniya na ci gaba da da buri na duniya, kuma tana aiki don kare muradunta ta hanyar haɗin kai da Amurka, a lokuta da dama kuma tana gogayya da ita.

Britain is a key player in Europe and has frustrated many US plans. Britain continues to have global ambitions and works to maintain its interests by cooperating with the US and on many occasions competing with it.

Faransa, kamar Birtaniya, ta kasance babbar ƙasa a tarihi da siyasar Turai, kuma manufofinta tsawon shekaru da dama sun ta'allaka ne da samun tasiri a duniya ta hanyar mulkin mallakarta, al'adun Faransawa da kuma ƙarfin tattalin arzikinta.

France like Britain has been a key player in European history and politics, its policies for decades have been centred on creating influence across the world through its colonies, French culture and through its economic strength.

Jamus ita ce ta uku a girma a tattalin arziki a duniya da dala tiriliyan $2.7, kuma babbar ƙarfi ce ta tattalin arziki a Turai. Ita ce kuma babbar mai fitar da kayayyaki a duniya, da darajar dala biliyan $1.1. A yau Jamus tana ci gaba da bunƙasa a fannin tattalin arziki ta hanyar wasu tsare-tsaren tattalin arziki na musamman, tare da wata irin ikon mallaka da ba a bayyana ba a yankunan Gabashin Turai. Jamus ta kuma taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen shiga tsakani cikin nasara a batun musayar fursunoni tsakanin Isra'ila da Hizbullah.

Germany is the third largest in economy in the world at $2.7 trillion and an economic powerhouse in Europe. It is the world’s largest exporter of goods at $1.1 trillion. Germany today is expanding economically through a distinct set of economic policies with a virtual hegemony in the regions of Eastern Europe. Germany also played an active role in the successful mediation in the issue of exchanging prisoners between Israel and Hezbollah.

Jamus ma ta tura rundunar ruwa a mamayar Isra'ila ta Lebanon a shekara ta 2006. Rundunar ta ƙunshi jiragen yaƙi guda biyu - Mecklenburg-Vorpommern da Karlsruhe - waɗanda jiragen sama masu saukar ungulu, jiragen dakon kaya da jiragen sintiri ke taimakawa, tare da kimanin sojoji 1,500 a cikin jiragen.

Germany also deployed a naval force in the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 2006. Its deployment consisted of two frigates - the Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Karlsruhe - supported by helicopters, supply ships and patrol boats, with about 1,500 men on board.

Wannan shi ne mafi girman turawan soji da Jamus ta yi tun bayan Yakin Duniya na Biyu.

This is Germany’s largest military deployment since World War 2.

Bayan ƙasashen da ke yin gogayya kai tsaye da Amurka a faɗin duniya, China ce ke da tasiri mafi girma, amma har yanzu ita ce babbar ƙasa a yankinta. Da ba don China ta takaita burinta na ƙasa da ƙasa ba, tana mai da hankali kan yankinta kawai, da ta yi gogayya da manyan ƙasashen duniya. Sai dai ana sa ran wannan hali zai canja nan gaba.

After the nations that directly compete with the US across the world, China has the most influence however it remains currently a regional power. Had China not been narrow in its international ambitions, focusing only on its region it would have competed with the world’s powers. However, this situation is very likely to change in the future.

Japan babban ƙarfi ne a fannin tattalin arziki, mai tattalin arziki mafi girma a duniya bayan Amurka. Duk da haka, a wajen fannin tattalin arziki, ba shi da tasiri. Manufar sa ta yanzu ta shiga cikin ƙawancen da ake yi a Afghanistan da kuma cire mataki na 9 na kundin tsarin mulkinsa na zaman lafiya, wanda ke ba shi damar tura sojoji da kuma kera makaman nukiliya, shi ne Amurka tana ƙoƙarin daidaita tasirin China a yankin. Tasirin Japan a zahiri yana tabbatar da mamayar Amurka, maimakon ci gaban Japan.

Japan is an economic power with the largest economy in the world after the US. However, outside the economic sphere it has no influence. Its current policy of taking part in the coalition in Afghanistan and the removal of article 9 in its pacifist constitution allowing it to deploy troops and develop nuclear weapons, is the US attempting to counterbalance Chinese influence in the region. Japanese influence actually proves US dominance, rather than Japanese development.

Bayan manyan ƙasashe, akwai wasu al'ummai da ke da tasiri a wasu yanayi kan takamaimai al'amura saboda tarihinsu ko wurin da suke, amma wannan tasirin ya kasance na ɗan lokaci. Indiya tana da yawan jama'a masu yawa, kuma tana mallakar makaman nukiliya, tana kuma da yuwuwar yin tasiri a yankinta nan gaba, yayin da Italiya ta taɓa zama ƙasa mai ƙarfi kafin Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu, amma hakan ma ya kasance na ɗan lokaci. Wannan shi ne daidaiton iko a duniya a yanzu, wanda kuma yana iya canzawa a kowane lokaci.

After the great powers there are some nations that have influence in some circumstances on specific issues due to their history or location, but this has been temporary. India has a large population and possesses nuclear weapons and has the potential in the future to influence its region, whilst Italy was once a power prior to World War 2 but this was temporary. Currently this is the global balance of power, which is liable to change at any time.

Fahimtar tarihin waɗannan ƙasashe, yadda suka bunƙasa, imaninsu da dabi'unsu, da kuma akidun da suka rungumi, zai ba mutum fahimta game da manufofin kowace ƙasa daga cikinsu. Waɗannan ƙasashe duka suna gasa da juna a duniya, haka kuma da babbar ƙasa - Amurka. Ana iya fahimtar wannan yanayin na ƙasa da ƙasa a sarari, domin yanayin duniya gasa ce tsakanin manyan ƙasashen duniya don cimma muradunsu.

Understanding the histories of these states, how they developed, their beliefs and values as well as the ideologies they have embraced would give one an understanding of the motives of these individual states. These nations all compete with each other globally as well as with the superpower - the US. This international situation can be understood very clearly as the global situation is the competition between the world’s powers to achieve their interests.

10. Musulmi su tuna cewa duk yadda al'amarin Ummah a duniya zai yi kama da muni, yawancin wannan hoto madubin sarari ne kawai, kuma ana iya canza shi da maye gurbinsa cikin sauki. Al'ummar Musulmi a tarihi ta kasance babbar kasa mai karfi, kuma ta ci gaba da tasiri a siyasar duniya har zuwa karni na sha tara. Tun bayan rushewar Khilafah a shekarar 1924, tasirinta a duniya ya ragu, domin ba ta da kasa, kuma tun daga lokacin ta kasance cikin halin bakin ciki da rudani. Duk da haka, a cikin shekaru goma da suka wuce, sauyi ya kai matsayin tafasa, har yanzu alamun zuwan Khilafah sun zama ra'ayi da ake yadawa a cikin jama'a, har ma ga wadanda ba Musulmi ba. Bayan da Ummah ta dandana tunanin lalacewar Yamma, Ummah a duk duniya ta ki Jari-hujja, kamar yadda sha'awarta ga Musulunci ta nuna, kuma da izinin Allah wayewar Khilafah na shirin fitowa kamar yadda Annabi Muhammad ﷺ ya yi hasashe a cikin wannan hadisi:

10. Muslims should bear in mind that however dire the situation may look globally for the Ummah, much of this picture is a mirage and can very easily be changed and replaced. The Muslim Ummah has historically been a superpower and continued to influence international politics until the nineteenth century. With the destruction of the Khilafah in 1924 its international influence declined as it was without a state and ever since it has remained in a situation of gloom and anarchy. However, in the last decade change has reached boiling point where now the signs of the coming of the Khilafah is a mainstream idea amongst even non-Muslims. After tasting the corrupt thoughts of the West, the Ummah globally rejected Capitalism as shown by her desire for Islam and by Allah’s leave the dawn of the Khilafah is about to rise as prophesised by the Prophet Muhammad وسلم وآله عليه الله صلى in the following hadith:

"Annabta za ta ci gaba da kasancewa a cikinku muddin Allah ya so, sannan Allah zai ɗauke ta. Sa'an nan za a samu Khilafah Rashida (shugabanci mai shiryarwa) bisa tafarkin Annabta. Za ta ci gaba da kasancewa muddin Allah ya so, sannan Allah zai ɗauke ta. Bayan haka za a samu shugabanci na gado, wanda zai ci gaba da kasancewa muddin Allah ya so, sannan zai ɗaga shi idan Ya so. Bayan haka, za a samu zalunci mai cizo, kuma zai ci gaba da kasancewa muddin Allah ya so, sannan zai ɗaga shi idan Ya so."

“The Prophethood will last among you for as long as Allah wills, then Allah would take it away. Then it will be (followed by) a Khilafah Rashida (rightly guided) according to the ways of the Prophethood. It will remain for as long as Allah wills, then Allah would take it away. Afterwards there will be a hereditary leadership which will remain for as long as Allah wills, then He will lift it if He wishes. Afterwards, there will be biting oppression, and it will last for as long as Allah wishes, then He will lift it if He wishes.

Sannan za a samu Khilafah Rashida bisa tafarkin Annabta.” Sai ya yi shiru. [Musnad Imam Ahmad (273)]

Then there will be a Khilafah Rashida according to the ways of the Prophethood.” Then he kept silent. [Musnad Imam Ahmad (273)]