A farkon karni na 21 a Amurka ita ce babbar ƙasa a duniya. Tare da rushewar Tarayyar Soviet shekara goma kafin nan, Amurka ba ta fuskanci wata babbar barazana daga wata ƙasa ba, kuma an ɗauke ta a matsayin wadda ta samu cikakken iko a kowane fanni. Babu sauran wata gardama mai ma'ana tsakanin Markisanci da kasuwa. Ga alama dimokuradiyyar liberal ta Yamma tana zama "tsarin ƙarshe na gwamnatin ɗan adam." Wannan ya sa masu ra'ayin Neoconservative masu girman kai suka ƙirƙiro manufofi don tabbatar da cewa irin wannan yanayi zai ci gaba a nan gaba. Yanayin nan ne ya sa masu sharhi da yawa suka karɓi iko mara misaltuwa da kuma rashin shan kayi na Amurka. Duk da haka, bayan shekara goma, abin ya sha bamban da haka. Idan aka duba sosai daidaiton ikon duniya da manufofin harkokin wajen Amurka, za a ga cewa Amurka tana raguwa.

On the eve of the 21st century the US was the world’s foremost power. With the collapse of the Soviet Union 10 years earlier the US faced very little challenge from any other nation and was considered to have achieved full spectrum dominance. There was no longer any meaningful dispute between Marxism and the market. It looked as though Western liberal democracy was becoming ‘the final form of human government.’ This led to the arrogant Neoconservatives developing policies to ensure such a scenario continued into the foreseeable future. It was this climate that led many observers to accept unrivalled US supremacy and invincibility. However a decade on, this could not be further from the truth. An astute observation of the global balance of power and US foreign policy suggests a faltering US.

Amurka tana zubar da jini a hankali ta sakamakon raunuka guda biyu a buɗe a Iraki da Afghanistan waɗanda babu alamar sauƙi a cikinsu. Yaƙe-yaƙen biyu sun daɗe yanzu fiye da Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu. Rundunar sojan Amurka, wadda ita ce mafi ci gaban fasaha a tarihi, ta kasa cin nasara a kan ƙungiyoyin mayaƙan turjiya marasa horo waɗanda ke amfani da makaman da aka ƙera a shekarun 1960. Saboda haka, Amurka na dogaro da ƙasashen yankin don kaucewa kunya. Amurka ta nemi taimakon Siriya da Iran ta hanyoyin baya don kiyaye zaman lafiya. Ta hanyar Iran ne zaman lafiya ya dawo kudancin Iraki, kuma an cimma hakan ta hannun Ayatollah biyu daga Iran, Ayatollah Sistani da Abdul Aziz al-Hakim, shugaban Majalisar Koli ta Juyin Juya Halin Musulunci (SCIR). Abdul Aziz al-Hakim yana da sojoji 10,000 a hannunsa, kuma ya matsa lamba sosai don tsarin tarayya ga yankunan kudu, yana kira da a haɗa larduna tara zuwa ɗaya. Sanarwar Hakim ta neman ƙarin cin gashin kai ga Shi'a ta yi daidai da shirin Amurka na rushe Iraki. Wannan shi ne babban dalilin da ya sa rahoton Baker-Hamilton ya yi kira da a shigar da Iran da Siriya, domin Iran musamman ita ce mazaunin biyayyar kudancin Iraki.

America is slowly bleeding to death from two open wounds in Iraq and Afghanistan that show no signs of abating. Both wars have now lasted longer than World War 2. The US army, the most technologically advanced in history has been unable to defeat groups of untrained resistance fighters using weapons developed in the 1960’s. As a result the US has to rely on regional nations to avoid embarrassment. The US has enlisted Syrian and Iranian assistance via back door channels to maintain stability. It is through Iran that stability has come to the South of Iraq and this has been achieved through two Ayatollahs from Iran - Ayatollah Sistani and Abdul Aziz al-Hakim the leader of the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution (SCIR). Abdul al-Aziz Hakim has 10,000 soldiers at his disposal and has aggressively pushed for federalism for the southern regions, calling for nine provinces to merge. Hakim’s declaration for greater Shi’ite autonomy coincides with the US plan of the dissolution of Iraq. This was the primary reason the Baker-Hamilton report called for the engagement of Iran and Syria because Iran specifically is the home for Southern Iraqi loyalty.

Iran ne ya kiyaye zaman lafiya a Arewaci da Yammacin Afganistan, yankunan da ke iyaka da Iran, kuma ya hana juriyar Pashtun yaduwa zuwa irin wadannan yankuna, lamarin da ya taimaka wa Amurka.

It is Iran who has maintained stability in Northern and Western Afghanistan which borders Iran and has prevented the Pushtun resistance from expanding into such areas which has helped the US.

Tehran ya cimma wannan ta hanyar aiwatar da ayyukan sake gina ƙasa da dama, wanda hakan ya ba NATO damar yin aiki a kan wani yanki mai ƙanƙanta na juriya. Iran ta taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen kawar da gwamnatin Taliban, kuma ta gina hanyoyi, layukan watsa wutar lantarki, da tashoshin iyaka, da sauran ayyukan more rayuwa. Kanar Christopher Langton, wanda ke jagorantar Sashen Nazarin Tsaro a Cibiyar Nazarin Dabarun Tsaro ta Duniya da ke Landan, ya ce Iran ƙasa ce mai muhimmanci a sake gina Afghanistan da bunƙasa ta nan gaba, ‘Dangantakarsu ta ƙara ƙarfi saboda yaƙin da suka yi tare da juna a kan Taliban a baya, amma kuma saboda tasirin da Iran za ta iya kawowa a can ta hanyar al'ummar Hazara [waɗanda, kamar Iraniyawa, Musulmai ne Shi'a]. A fannin ci gaba kuma, akwai ayyuka da Iran ke ciki tuni -- misali, hanyar daga Bandar Abbas a Tekun Fasha zuwa Afghanistan har zuwa Asiya ta Tsakiya aiki ne mai matuƙar muhimmanci ga makomar Afghanistan… Akwai jerin batutuwan siyasa, tattalin arziki, da tsaro da ke haɗa Afghanistan da Iran.

Tehran has achieved this by carrying out a number of reconstruction projects which has allowed NATO to work on a much smaller area of resistance. Iran was a key factor in the overthrow of the Taliban and has built roads, power transmission lines, and border stations, among other infrastructure projects. Colonel Christopher Langton, who heads the Defense Analysis Department at the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London, said Iran is an important country in the future reconstruction and development of Afghanistan, ‘They are being closely linked by efforts against the Taliban in the past, but also because of the influence that Iran can bring there with the Hazara population [who, like Iranians, are Shi'a Muslims]. And in the development sector, there are already projects which Iran is involved in -- for instance, the road from Bandar Abbas on the Persian Gulf up through Afghanistan to Central Asia is a very, very important project for the future of Afghanistan…There is a whole list of political, economic, and security issues which connect Afghanistan and Iran.

Wannan ya sa shugaban babbar cibiyar tunani ta Amurka, Richard Hass, ya yi sharhi cewa: ‘zamanin mulkin Amurka a Gabas ta Tsakiya ya ƙare, kuma sabon zamani a tarihin zamani na yankin ya fara. Sabbin ’yan wasa da sabbin ƙarfi masu fafatawa don neman tasiri ne za su tsara shi, kuma domin ya rike shi, Washington za ta dogara fiye da kima ga diflomasiyya fiye da karfin soja. Amurka na fuskantar kalubale da dama a yankunan duniya da shekaru goma kacal da suka wuce ta mallake su gaba daya. A Gabas ta Tsakiya, baya ga bukatar taimakon wakilai na yankin, yankin yana sannu a hankali yana canzawa daga kasancewa yanki mai iko daya, inda Amurka ke da mulki ba tare da kalubale ba, zuwa yanki mai iko iri-iri. Amurka na fuskantar gasa mai tsanani daga China da Rasha kan samun man fetur na Gabas ta Tsakiya. Amurka tana kara fafatawa da Indiya da Japan da kuma Tarayyar Turai don samun babban rabon bakin zinare na yankin. Haka kuma Birtaniya ta yi nasarar kawo cikas ga ayyukan Amurka a karkashin sunan hadin gwiwa da haɗin kai. Graham Fuller, tsohon mataimakin shugaban Majalisar Leken Asirin Kasa, ya bayyana halin da Amurka ke ciki lokacin da ya rubuta a cikin mujallar National Interest cewa: ‘kasashe daban-daban sun yi amfani da dabaru da hanyoyi iri-iri da aka tsara domin raunana, karkatar da, sauya, rikitar da, takaitawa, jinkirtawa ko toshe ajandar Bush ta hanyar mutuwa a sanadiyyar yanke dubu daya.’

This has prompted Richard Hass the head of the most powerful US think tank to comment: ‘the age of US dominance in the Middle East has ended and a new era in the modern history of the region has begun. It will be shaped by new actors and new forces competing for influence, and to master it, Washington will have to rely more on diplomacy than on military might. The US is facing numerous challenges in regions of the world which only a decade ago it completely dominated. In the Middle East apart from needing the help of regional surrogates, the Middle East is gradually shifting from being a uni-polar region in which the US enjoys uncontested hegemony to a multi-polar region. The US is facing more competition from China and Russia over access to Middle East oil. The US is now increasingly competing with India and Japan as well as the European Union for the lion's share of the regions black gold. Britain has also managed to foil American projects under the guise of partnership and co-operation. Graham Fuller former vice chairman of the National Intelligence Council described America’s predicament when he wrote in the issue of the National Interest, ‘diverse countries have deployed a multiplicity of strategies and tactics designed to weaken, divert, alter, complicate, limit delay or block the Bush agenda through death by a thousand cuts.

Biritaniya a karkashin mulkin Tony Blair ta hana Amurka cimma burinta na kawar da Shugaba Kabbah na Saliyo, kuma ta yi iya kokarinta wajen kubutar da gwamnatin Gaddafi daga hannun masu ra'ayin sabon-kishin-ra'ayin mazan jiya na Amurka, wadanda bayan harin 11 ga Satumba suke son canza gwamnati a Libya. A Sudan, Amurka ta kasa raba Kudancin Sudan saboda rikicin Darfur, wanda Faransa da Biritaniya suka yi amfani da shi wajen tsoma baki a harkokin Sudan. A Afirka ta Kudu kuwa, Blair ya yi gogayya ba dare ba rana da Amurka don kare tasirin Biritaniya, kuma ya mayar da kasar babbar cibiyar ayyukan adawa da gwamnati a kasashen Afirka makwabta.

Britain under Tony Blair’s tenure thwarted America’s bid to oust President Kabbah of Sierra Leone and worked diligently to rescue Gaddafi’s government from the clutches of American neoconservatives who after 9/11 wanted regime change in Libya. In Sudan the US has been unable to separate Southern Sudan due to the Darfur crisis which has been used by France and Britain to interfere in Sudan. In South Africa Blair competed tirelessly with the US to protect British influence and made the country the mainstay of anti-government activities in neighbouring African countries.

Amurka ma tana fuskantar barazanar a bar ta a baya, yayin da China ta jagoranci ci gaban Afirka ta hanyar kammala yarjejeniyoyi sama da 100, wadanda darajarsu ta haura dala biliyan 20, domin tabbatar da samun wadataccen man fetur cikin kwanciyar hankali.

The US is also facing the prospect of being left out to dry as China has taken leadership on African development by completing over 100 deals, worth over $20 billion, to secure a stable supply of oil.

A cikin yankin Indiya ta Kudu da Asiya, ikon Amurka ya tsaya cik yayin da Birtaniya ta sake dawo da tasirinta a kan Indiya ta hanyar hawan Jam'iyyar Congress a shekarar 2004. Faduwar Jam'iyyar Bharatiya Janata (BJP) mai goyon bayan Amurka babban koma-baya ne ga muradun Amurka. A Pakistan kuma, Amurka ta tilastu wa kanta raba mulki da Birtaniya domin ceto farin jinin General Musharraf da ke raguwa.

In the Indian Subcontinent US dominance has been stifled as Britain reasserted its influence over India through the ascendancy of the Congress Party in 2004. The defeat of the pro-American Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was a severe blow to American interests. In Pakistan the US was forced to share power with Britain to salvage the declining popularity of General Musharraf.

Rasha da Sin suna ci gaba cikin sauri ba tare da bin misalin dimokuraɗiyyar yammacin duniya mai 'yanci ba. Duk da haka, Rasha ce, wadda a cikin shekara ta ƙarshe ta zaɓi ta kalubalanci yammacin duniya da Amurka a kusan kowane lokaci a fili, ko ta wajen dasa tuta a gadon teku ƙarƙashin kankarar Arctic, ko ta gwada babban bam mai fashewa a iska, ko ta yi jayayya game da wurin da tsarin tsaron gargaɗi na Amurka yake a gabashin Turai. Rasha ta fara sake gina kanta a matsayin ƙasar yanki, bayan ta kwato Kazakhstan da Uzbekistan daga hannun Amurka da kuma samun nasarar dakatar da tasirin juyin juya halin nan uku a tsakiyar Asiya. Amurka, bayan kusan shekaru 20 ba tare da abokiyar hamayya ba, yanzu tana fuskantar barazanar kalubale daga ƙasa mai mafi girman tanadin iskar gas a duniya da kuma tanadin man fetur mai yawa.

Russia and China are rapidly developing without following the example of Western liberal democracy. However, it is Russia, which over the last year has opted to openly challenge the West as well as the US at practically every turn, whether by planting a flag on the seabed beneath the Arctic icecap, testing the massive ordnance air blast bomb or disputing the sitting of US earlywarning defence systems in eastern Europe. Russia has begun re-inventing itself as a regional power, after winning back Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan from America’s grip and managing to stop the influence of the three revolutions in central Asia. The US after nearly 20 years of having no rival is now facing the grim prospect of a challenge from a nation with the world’s largest gas reserves and substantial oil reserves.

Amurka ma tana rasa ikon da take da shi a kan Latin Amurka, wadda ta mayar da ita bayan gidanta tun lokacin sanarwar Monroe a shekarar 1823. Amurka ta hana dukkan ƙasashen Turai shiga cikin nahiyar Amurka, da barazana ga muradun Amurka. Saboda mamayar Amurka, Latin Amurka ta kasance a waje da ikon mulkin mallakar Turai.

The US is also losing its grip on Latin America which it essentially turned into its back yard since the time of the Monroe declaration in 1823. America prevented all the European states from interfering in the American continent, and from threatening the interests of the US. Due to US hegemony, Latin America remained outside the grip of the European imperialism.

Sai dai tare da zaben gwamnatocin masu akidar hagu a Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Chile da Nicaragua, Amurka a karon farko tana fuskantar barazanar gwamnatoci masu zaman kansu wadanda ke bin tsarin aiki mai zaman kansa, wanda ya bambanta da na Washington. Kasashe irin su Venezuela, Brazil da Bolivia sun mayar da muhimman ayyukan jama'a a hannun gwamnati, kuma sun samar da madadin cibiyoyin da Amurka ke mamaye da su, kamar Asusun Ba da Lamuni na Duniya (IMF) da Bankin Duniya, wato nasu tsarin da suka kira Bankin Kudu (Bank of the South). Bayan kusan shekaru 200, Amurka na ganin an fito fili ana kalubalantar ikonta a nahiyar Amurka daga shugabanni masu zaman kansu da jama'a ke goyon baya.

However, with the elections of left wing governments in Venezuela, Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Bolivia, Chile and Nicaragua, the US for the first time is facing the threat of independent governments who are following an independent agenda separate to Washington. Nations such as Venezuela, Brazil and Bolivia have nationalised key utilities and have developed an alternative to US dominated institutions such as the IMF and World Bank to their own version – Bank of the South. After nearly 200 years the US is finding its hegemony being openly challenged by popular independent leaders in the American continent.

Amurka ma tana rasa karfin ikonta na tattalin arziki wanda ta gina tun daga ranar da ta shiga Yakin Duniya na Biyu. Tattalin arzikin Amurka ya kasance babban karfin duniya, amma a yau ana barin ta a baya ta hanyar tattalin arzikin kasashe masu tasowa. Yanzu tana matsayi na uku bayan China da Indiya wajen bunkasar tattalin arziki. Wannan matsala tana kara tsananta saboda ci gaba da bukatar Amurka ta man fetur mai yawa.

The US is also losing its grip on its economic hegemony which it developed from the day it entered World War 2. The American economy used to be the world’s powerhouse, but today it is being left behind by emerging economies. It stands in third place now behind China and India in economic growth. This problem is further compounded by America’s continued demand for greater oil.

Babbar barazanar tattalin arziki ga Amurka tana fitowa ne daga China, kuma tuni dangantakar kasashen biyu ta zama mai sarkakiya. Kamfanonin Amurka suna matukar sha'awar shiga kasuwar mutane biliyan 1.5 na China, a lokaci guda kuma kashi 70 cikin 100 na kayayyakin China suna karewa a gabar tekun Amurka. China ta amfana fiye da Amurka a wannan dangantaka, ta hanyar tara sama da dala tiriliyan 1.2 a matsayin ajiyar dala. Kamfanonin cikin gida na Amurka kuwa ba su iya daidaita farashin China masu rahusa ba duk da ingancin aikinsu, lamarin da ya sa gibin cinikayyar Amurka ya karu zuwa kusan dala tiriliyan 1. Amurka tana samun kudin wannan gibi ta hanyar fitar da takardun lamuni na gwamnati (treasury bonds), inda China ita ce mafi girman mai saye a duniya bayan Japan, da dala biliyan 502, wato kashi 20 cikin 100 na jimillar basussukan kasashen waje na Amurka. Haka kuma, wannan bunkasar tattalin arziki da Amurka ke amfana da ita tana kara bukatar man fetur daga China. Dangantakar tsakanin kasashen biyu ta dogara ne da juna, abin da Amurka ba ta da cikakken iko a kansa, kuma ba za ta iya gindaya sharuda cikin sauki ba.

America’s biggest threat economically comes from China and already both nations have a complex relationship. US companies are eager to tap into the 1.5 billion Chinese population, whilst at the same time 70% of Chinese goods end up on US shores. China has benefited more from this relationship than the US by accumulating over $1.2 trillion in dollar reserves. Domestic US companies on the other hand are unable to match Chinese low prices for quality workmanship and this has led the US trade deficit to balloon to nearly $1 trillion. The US funds this by issuing treasury bonds, of which China is the world’s largest purchaser after Japan at $502 billion, 20% of total US foreign debt. Added to this is that the very economic boom America is benefiting from is increasing demand for oil by China. The relationship between the two is interdependent which the US does not have full control over and cannot easily dictate terms.

Mummunan koma-baya ga yaƙe-yaƙen Iraƙi da Afganistan ya rage ƙarfin Amurka sosai a duniya.

The debacle of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars has severely dented US prowess around the world.

Ba Amurka da ta kasance wacce ba a iya cinta ba, an fallasa ta a matsayin wacce ke ƙara dogara ga wasu, kuma tana nutsewa cikin tekun wahala a cikin gida. Ƙididdigar FBI da aka nuna a shekarar 2005 ta nuna cewa ana aikata laifi a Amurka duk bayan sakan 22, ana aikata kisan kai duk bayan minti 31, fyaɗe duk bayan minti 5, da fashi duk bayan minti 1.

The US rather than being invincible has been exposed as being ever more reliant upon others and is drowning in a sea of misery domestically. FBI statistics highlighted in 2005 show that a crime was committed every 22 seconds in the US, with a murder committed every 31 minutes, a rape every 5 minutes and a robbery every minute.

Amurka ba ta da ƙarfi har haka; tana ganin kwanakin mulkinta na daular duniya suna ƙarewa cikin sauri.

The US is far from invincible; it is finding its days of empire are fast eroding.