Baada ya Mjumbe wa Allah ﷺ kufariki dunia, Maswahaba walikubaliana kwa pamoja kumpa Bay'ah Khalifa ili kumrithi yeye ﷺ kama kiongozi wa Dola. Waislamu waliendelea kuwateua Makhalifa hadi mwaka 1342 Hijria, yaani 1924 Miladia. Pia walimwita mtu huyu Amir al-Mu'mineen au kwa urahisi tu Imam.

Once the Messenger of Allah (pbuh) died, the Sahabah unanimously agreed on giving the Bay’ah to the Khaleefah to replace him (pbuh) as the head of State. The Muslims continued appointing the Khulafah until the year 1342 Hijri, i.e. 1924 CE. They also called this man Amir al-Mu’mineen or just simply the Imam.

Hakuna Muislamu anayekuwa Khalifa bila Ba'yah, na Dola ya Kiislamu ilifuata kanuni hiyo hadi siku za mwisho za utawala wake. Utekelezaji wa Ba'yah ulitofautiana. Katika baadhi ya matukio, Khalifa alipewa Ba'yah moja kwa moja. Baadhi ya Makhalifa walipendekeza mtu mwingine asiye jamaa zao. Wengine waliikabidhi kwa watoto wao au wanafamilia wengine. Na wengine walipendekeza zaidi ya mtu mmoja kutoka familia yao. Hata hivyo, pendekezo hili halikutosha kuwafanya kuwa Khalifa; walipaswa kupokea Ba'yah kabla ya kushika wadhifa. Hakuna Khalifa aliyewahi kuteuliwa bila Ba'yah. Utoaji wa Ba'yah nao ulitofautiana. Ilichukuliwa kutoka kwa Ahl al-Hall wal 'Aqd (watu mashuhuri na wenye heshima; kwa lugha, ni wale wanaolegeza na kufunga); ilichukuliwa pia kutoka kwa watu wa kawaida; na katika baadhi ya matukio ilichukuliwa kutoka kwa Sheikh al-Islam (mwanachuoni mkuu). Kulikuwa na matukio fulani ambapo kuchukuliwa kwa Ba'yah kulitumiwa vibaya. Hata hivyo, bado ilikuwa Ba'yah halali na si kwa urahisi urithi wa wadhifa wa Khalifa, mkuu wa Khilafah.

No Muslim becomes a Khaleefah without the Ba’yah and the Islamic State followed that rule until the last days of its reign. The application of the Ba’yah varied. In some cases, the Khaleefah was given the Ba’yah directly. Some Khulafah recommended another person other than their relatives. Some passed it on to their sons or other members of their family. And others recommended more than one person from his family. However, this recommendation was not enough to make them the Khaleefah, they had to receive the Ba’yah before taking office. No Khaleefah has ever been appointed without a Ba’yah. The giving of the Ba’yah also varied. It was taken from Ahl al-Hall wal ‘Aqd (prominent and distinguished figures - linguistically the people who loosen and bind); it was also taken from the people; and in some cases it was taken from Sheikh al-Islam (the leading scholar). There were certain instances where the taking of the Ba’yah was abused. However, it was still a valid Ba’yah and not simply a succession to the post of Khaleefah, head of the Khilafah.

Kila Khalifa alikuwa akiwateua wasaidizi wake, ambao katika baadhi ya vipindi vya historia waliitwa Wazir (wasaidizi). Khalifa ndiye aliyekuwa akiwateua magavana, Jaji Mkuu, makamanda wa jeshi na wakuu wa idara za Dola. Hivyo ndivyo muundo wa Dola ulivyokuwa ukiundwa wakati wote. Muundo huo haukubadilika kamwe hadi pale mamlaka za kikafiri za kikoloni zilipoiangamiza Dola ya 'Uthmani na kuigawanya dunia ya Kiislamu katika nchi ndogo nyingi.

Each Khaleefah would appoint his assistants who were in some periods of history called Wazirs, (assistants). The Khaleefah would appoint the governors, the Chief Justice, the Army Commanders and the Heads of the State Department. This was how the structure of the State was constituted at all times. The structure never changed until the colonial disbelieving powers destroyed the ‘Uthmani State and divided the Islamic world into many statelets.

Matukio mengi ya ndani yalitokea ndani ya Dola ya Kiislamu katika historia yake yote. Hayo kwa ujumla hayakusababishwa na mambo ya kigeni, bali yalisababishwa na kutoelewa Uislamu kulingana na hali iliyokuwepo wakati huo. Wale waliokuja kufasiri hali hiyo baadaye walijaribu kubadilisha hali iliyopo kulingana na ufahamu wao wenyewe. Kila mmoja wao alijaribu kutoa maoni yake ili kurekebisha hali ya mambo iliyokuwepo wakati huo. Hata hivyo, maoni hayo tofauti bado yalichukuliwa kuwa ya Kiislamu.1

Many internal events took place within the Islamic State throughout its history. This was generally not caused by alien factors, but instead due to a misunderstanding of Islam for the prevailing circumstances at the time. Those who later interpreted the situation attempted to change the status quo according to their own understanding. Each one of them attempted to exert an opinion to redress the existing state of affairs at the time. However, these different opinions were still considered Islamic1.

Kwa hiyo, tofauti kama hizo zilihusiana na Khalifa mwenyewe kama mtu, na si na wadhifa wa Ukhalifa. Kwa mfano, tofauti zilihusu nani awe Khalifa, na si kuhusu muundo wa utawala. Tofauti zilikuwa zimefungwa kwenye baadhi ya maelezo, na kwa sababu hiyo hazikuhusiana na misingi wala na mambo ya msingi. Waislamu hawakuwahi kutofautiana kuhusu Kitabu (Qur'ani) na Sunnah. Tofauti zilizuka kutokana na uelewa wao wa Qur'ani na Sunnah. Vivyo hivyo, Waislamu hawakuwahi kutofautiana kuhusu kuteuliwa kwa Khalifa, bali kuhusu nani aijaze nafasi hiyo. Hawakuwahi kutofautiana kuhusu wajibu wa kutekeleza Uislamu kwa ukamilifu, wala kuhusu kuufikisha ulimwengu mzima. Makhalifa wote walitawala juu ya msingi huo, wakitekeleza sheria za Allah na kuwalingania watu kwenye Dini ya Allah. Baadhi yao walitumia vibaya sheria za Uislamu kwa sababu ya kuzielewa vibaya, na baadhi yao walizitumia vibaya kwa makusudi. Hata hivyo, wote walitekeleza Uislamu na hakuna kingine. Wote walizishikilia mahusiano yao na nchi nyingine, watu na mataifa mengine juu ya msingi wa Uislamu na kwa lengo la kufikisha Ujumbe kwa ulimwengu mzima.

Therefore, such differences were connected with the Khaleefah himself as a person, and not with the post of Khaleefah. For example, differences were about who should be Khaleefah and not about the ruling structure. Differences were restricted to some details and consequently, had nothing to do with the basics nor with the outlines. The Muslims never differed about the Book (Qur’an) and Sunnah. The differences arose out of their understanding of the Qur’an and Sunnah. Similarly, the Muslims never differed about the appointment of the Khaleefah, but on who should fill the position. They never differed about the obligation of implementing Islam comprehensively, nor about carrying it to the whole world. All of the Khulafah ruled on that basis, implementing Allah’s rules and inviting people to the Deen of Allah. Some of them actually misapplied the rules of Islam due to misunderstanding them, and some of them misapplied the rules deliberately. However, they all implemented Islam and nothing else. They all held their relations with other countries, peoples and nations on the basis of Islam and for the sake of carrying the Message to the whole world.

Kwa hiyo, tofauti za ndani hazikuwahi kuathiri upanuzi wa ushindi wa Kiislamu wala kueneza Uislamu. Dola ya Kiislamu iliendelea kuvishinda nchi nyingine kwa lengo la kueneza Uislamu, tangu mwanzo wake hadi karne ya 11 Hijria (karne ya 17 Miladia). Ilishinda Uajemi, India, Caucasia (nchini Urusi) hadi ikafika mipaka ya China, Urusi, na bahari ya Caspian upande wa Mashariki. Dola ya Kiislamu iliteka al-Sham upande wa Kaskazini; Misri, Afrika ya Kaskazini na Andalus (Hispania) upande wa Magharibi; pamoja na kuteka Anadhoul (Uturuki), Balkan, na Ulaya ya Kusini na Mashariki, hadi walipo... 1 Mfasiri - Kuna tofauti kati ya maoni ya Kiislamu na Maoni ya Kiislamu. Maoni ya Kiislamu, yenye herufi kubwa ya "M" kwa "Maoni", maana yake ni kwamba maoni hayo ndiyo maoni pekee kwa suala husika. Mfano wa Maoni ya Kiislamu ni kwamba muundo wa Ummah lazima uwe wenye umoja bila mgawanyiko wowote kama mipaka. Hata hivyo, maoni ya Kiislamu, yenye herufi ndogo "m", maana yake ni maoni miongoni mwa mengine mengi yanayotokana na vyanzo vya Kiislamu. Mfano wa maoni ya Kiislamu ni sharti za nafasi ya Khalifah.

Therefore, internal differences never affected the expansion of the Islamic conquests and the spreading of Islam. The Islamic State went on conquering other countries with the aim of spreading Islam, from its inception until the 11th century Hijri (17th century CE). It conquered Persia, India, Caucasia (in Russia) until it reached the frontiers of China, Russia and the Caspian sea to the East. The Islamic State conquered al-Sham to the North; Egypt, North Africa and Andalus (Spain) to the West; as well as conquering the Anadhoul (Turkey), the Balkans, Southern and Eastern Europe until they 1 Translator - There is a difference between an Islamic opinion and the Islamic opinion. The Islamic opinion means that the opinion is the only opinion for the issue. An example of the Islamic opinion is that the structure of the Ummah has to be united without any separation such as borders. However, an Islamic opinion means an opinion amongst many others derived from Islamic sources. An example of an Islamic opinion are the requirements for the post of Khalifah.

ilifikia Bahari Nyeusi, pamoja na al-Qaram (Peninsula ya Crimea) na Kusini mwa Ukraine. Majeshi ya Dola ya Kiislamu yalifika hadi malango ya Vienna. Dola hiyo haikukoma kuzishinda nchi nyingine, wala haikuacha kueneza Ujumbe wa Uislamu, hadi udhaifu ulipoingia ndani yake na tafsiri potofu ya Uislamu ikadhihirika. Kisha ikaanza kudhoofika kwa kasi, hadi kufikia hatua ya kuanza kuchukua kanuni na sheria kutoka mifumo mingine isiyo ya Kiislamu, ikidhani kwamba hazipingani na Shari'ah, na mwishowe ikaangamizwa.

reached the Black Sea, together with al-Qaram (Crimean Peninsula) and the South of the Ukraine. The armies of the Islamic State reached the very gates of Vienna. It never stopped conquering other countries nor did it relent from conveying the Message of Islam until weakness crept in and the misinterpretation of Islam became apparent. It then rapidly deteriorated to the point where it began adopting rules and legislation from other systems alien to Islam, thinking that they did not contravene the Shari’ah, and finally it was destroyed.

Maendeleo na ustawi wa Dola ya Kiislamu vilikuwa sawa na nguvu zake za kiakili, uwezo wake wa kubuni, na Ijtihad yake pamoja na Qiyas (hoja ya kulinganisha kwa kutoa hukumu kutoka kwenye maandiko ya Kiislamu). Katika karne ya kwanza, ushindi wake ulipanua Dola kwa kiwango kikubwa, na Ijtihad ikafikia upeo mpya kwa kuwa Dola ilikabiliana na matatizo mapya katika nchi zilizotekwa. Utumiaji wa sheria za Shari’ah kuhusu masuala mapya yaliyojitokeza huko Persia, Iraq, al-Sham, Misri, Uhispania, India na nchi nyingine uliwahimiza wakazi kuukubali Uislamu. Hali hii ilithibitisha uhalali wa Ijtihad iliyofanywa na ubunifu wa Waislamu. Hali hii iliendelea hadi karne ya 5 Hijria, kisha ubunifu na Ijtihad vikapungua, na hivyo muundo wa Dola ukadhoofika.

The progress and prosperity of the Islamic State was commensurate to its intellectual strength, its creative ability and its Ijtihad and Qiyas (analogical reasoning for extracting a rule from the Islamic texts). In the first century, its conquests expanded the State vastly and Ijtihad reached new dimensions as the State faced new problems in the conquered lands. The application of the Shari’ah laws concerning new issues which arose in Persia, Iraq, al-Sham, Egypt, Spain, India and other countries encouraged the inhabitants to embrace Islam. This state of affairs confirmed the validity of Ijtihad which was performed and the creativity of the Muslims. This continued until the 5th century Hijri, and then the creativity and Ijtihad waned resulting in the deterioration of the State’s structure.

Wakati huu, Vita vya Msalaba vilitokea, na viliwashughulisha Waislamu kwa muda hadi walipoibuka washindi. Baada ya hapo, Mamluk walikuja na kutawala Dola ya Kiislamu, nao hawakutilia maanani sana mambo ya kielimu, hivyo pengo la kielimu likapanuka na fikra za kisiasa zikadumaa. Uvamizi uliofuata wa Watatari ulisababisha kupotea kwa vitabu vingi vilivyotupwa katika Mto Tigris, na uharibifu wa urithi huu mkubwa wa kielimu uliongeza tu chumvi kwenye vidonda. Ugonjwa wa kielimu uliosababishwa na mambo haya ulichangia kusimama kwa Ijtihad. Utafutaji wa hukumu mpya kuhusu masuala mapya yaliyojitokeza ulibaki kuwa mdogo katika kutoa Fatawa na kupotosha na kufasiri vibaya maandiko.

During this time, the crusades occurred and they preoccupied the Muslims for a time until they emerged victorious. Following this, the Mamluks came and ruled over the Islamic State, and they paid little attention to the intellectual aspects, so the intellectual abyss expanded and the political thinking stultified. The subsequent invasion of the Tartars resulted in the loss of a great number of books thrown into the Tigris river and the destruction of this considerable intellectual heritage only served to rub salt into the wounds. The intellectual ailment which these factors engendered, contributed to the stagnation of Ijtihad. The search for new verdicts concerning new issues that arose was restricted to the issuing of Fatawa and the twisting and misinterpretation of the texts.

Kwa sababu hiyo, kiwango cha kiakili na kisiasa cha Dola kilishuka kwa kasi. Kisha wakaja 'Uthmaniyyun wakachukua madaraka. Walijikita katika nguvu za kijeshi, wakaiteka Istanbul (Constantinople) na Balkan, na wakaivamia Ulaya kwa namna ya kustaajabisha, wakaifanya dola inayoongoza. Hata hivyo, hili halikuinua kiwango cha kiakili. Nguvu za kijeshi hazikuungwa mkono na mwamko wa kiakili, na matokeo yake nguvu za kijeshi za Dola zilipotea kila siku hadi zikatoweka kabisa. Hata hivyo, Dola hiyo ilibeba ujumbe wa Uislamu na ikafanikiwa kueneza Uislamu, kwani watu wa nchi zilizoshindwa walisilimu, na miongoni mwao wamo mamilioni ya Waislamu hadi leo.

As a result, the intellectual and political level of the State spiraled downward. Then came the ‘Uthmanis and they assumed power. They concentrated on military might and conquered Istanbul (Constantinople) and the Balkans and they stormed Europe in a spectacular manner, making them the leading state. However, this did not lift the intellectual level. The military might was not backed up by an intellectual revival and this resulted in the military power of the State evaporating by the day until it completely vanished. In any case though, it did carry the Message of Islam and it managed to spread Islam successfully, for the people of the conquered lands embraced Islam and they accounted for millions who are Muslim to this day.

Mambo mawili yalichangia kuwapa baadhi ya Makhalifa na magavana uwezo wa kuendesha mambo kwa namna iliyodhoofisha umoja na nguvu ya Dola. Mambo hayo ni haya:

Two factors contributed to give some Khulafah and governors the ability to run the affairs in a manner which impaired the unity and might of the State. Those factors are:

1) Kuwepo kwa maoni mengi tofauti (katika kuelewa Hukm Sharii katika baadhi ya masuala), na.

1) The existence of many different opinions (in understanding the Hukm Sharii in some issues), and.

2) Kusita kwa Khalifa kupitisha baadhi ya kanuni maalum zinazohusiana na mfumo wa kisiasa, ingawa kupitishwa kulifanyika katika maeneo mengine, kama vile uchumi.

2) The reluctance of the Khaleefah to adopt some specific rules related to the political system though adoption occurred in other areas such as economics.

Hata hivyo, jambo hili halikuathiri wala kuhatarisha kuwepo kwake. Kwa mfano, utawala wa magavana ulikuwa wa jumla, nao walipewa mamlaka mapana ya lazima yanayowawezesha kumwakilisha Khaliyfah katika masuala mengi. Hali hii ilizaa kwa baadhi ya magavana hisia ya ubwana, hadi wakawa karibu kujitegemea na kujiamulia mambo yao wenyewe. Walijiridhisha tu kwa kutoa bay'ah kwa Khaliyfah na kumwombea dua katika Ijumaa, pamoja na kutoa sarafu zenye jina lake, na mambo mengine madogo madogo. Mamlaka yalibaki imara mikononi mwao, na hali hii iligeuza Wilaya hizo (mikoa) kuwa dola ndogo nusu-huru; kwa mfano, Wahamdaniyyin, Saljuqi na wengine. Hata hivyo, mamlaka hii mapana ya lazima aliyopewa Wali haikuwa yenyewe sababu ya dola kuvunjika na kugawanyika katika dola ndogo.

However, this factor did not affect or endanger its existence. As an example, the rule of the governors was general and they were given wide mandatory powers enabling them to deputize on behalf of the Khaleefah over many issues. This developed in some governors a sense of supremacy, becoming almost independent and autonomous. They simply contented themselves with giving the bay’ah to the Khaleefah and praying for him at Jum’uah, as well as issuing currency bearing his name, and other trivial issues. The authority remained firmly within their grasp and this turned those Wilayat (regions) into semi-independent statelets; for example, Hamdaniyeen and the Saljuqs and others. However, this wide mandatory power given to the Wali was not by itself the cause of the State disintegrating into statelets.

Kwa mfano, utawala wa ‘Amr ibn al-‘As juu ya Misri ulikuwa na mamlaka makubwa ya lazima, kama ulivyokuwa ule wa Mu’awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan juu ya al-Sham, na watawala hawa hawakujitenga kamwe na Khilafah. Hata hivyo, Makhalifa walipodhoofika na kukubali hali iliyokuwepo kutoka kwa Wulaa’, mwelekeo huu ulikita mizizi na kila Wilayah ikaanza kutenda kama dola yake yenyewe, ingawa zote ziliendelea kuwa sehemu ya dola moja na chini ya mfumo mmoja wa utawala. Licha ya haya yote, Dola bado ilibaki imara, umoja mmoja, ambapo Khaleefah daima alikuwa akiwateua na kuwaondoa Wulaa’. Bila kujali Wali alivyokuwa na nguvu, hakuwahi kuthubutu kujitenga rasmi na utawala wa Khaleefah. Dola ya Kiislamu haikuwahi wakati wowote kuwa shirikisho la Wilayat, hata wakati wa kilele cha uhuru uliofurahiwa na Wulaa’. Daima ilibaki kuwa dola moja yenye Khaleefah mmoja, ambaye ndiye chombo pekee chenye mamlaka ya lazima yanayoenea dola nzima, ikiwemo vijiji vidogo.

As an example, the governership of ‘Amr ibn al-‘As over Egypt had wide mandatory power, as was that of Mu’awiyah ibn Abi Sufyan’s over al-Sham and these governors never separated themselves from the Khilafah. However, when the Khulafah weakened and accepted the status quo from the Wulaa’, this trend took root and each Wilayah acted like a state of its own even though they remained part of a single State and under one system of government. Despite all of this the State still remained intact, a single unity, where the Khaleefah always appointed and removed Wulaa’. No matter how powerful a Wali became, he never dared to disassociate officially from the rule of the Khaleefah. The Islamic State was never at any time a confederation of Wilayat, even at the height of the independence enjoyed by the Wulaa’. It always remained one State with one Khaleefah who was the only body with mandatory powers engulfing the whole State, including the small villages.

Kuhusu suala la Khilafah nchini Hispania na kuzaliwa kwa Dola ya Fatimiyyah huko Misri, haya ni tofauti na masuala ya magavana. Katika kesi ya Hispania, magavana kwa kweli walichukua Wilayah na kutangaza uhuru, lakini Wali wa huko hakuwahi kupewa Ba’yah kama Khaleefah wa Waislamu wote. Hata hivyo, baadaye alichukua cheo cha Khaleefah wa watu wa Wilayah hiyo, lakini si juu ya Waislamu wote. Khaleefah wa Waislamu alibaki mmoja, na utawala ulikuwa wake. Wilayah ya Hispania katika hali hiyo ilichukuliwa kuwa Wilayah isiyo chini ya mamlaka ya Khaleefah. Hali hii pia ilikuwa kwa Iran wakati wa utawala wa ‘Uthmaniyyah, kwani hakukuwa na Khaleefah huko, lakini Iran ilikuwa Wilayah iliyo nje ya utawala wa Khaleefah. Kuhusu Mafatimi huko Misri, dola hiyo ilianzishwa na Waismailia, ambalo ni kundi lisilo la Kiislamu.

As for the issue concerning the Khilafah in Spain and the birth of the Fatimid State in Egypt, these are different from the issues of the governors. In the case of Spain, the governors actually took over the Wilayah and declared independence, but the Wali there was never given Ba’yah as a Khaleefah for all Muslims. However, later he carried the title of Khaleefah of the people of that Wilayah, but not over all the Muslims. The Khaleefah of the Muslims remained one and the ruling belonged to him. The Wilayah of Spain in that situation was regarded as a Wilayah which was not under the authority of the Khaleefah. This was also the case for Iran during the ‘Uthmani rule, as there was no Khaleefah there, but Iran was a Wilayah outside the rule of the Khaleefah. As for the Fatimids in Egypt, it was established by the Ismailis, which is a non-Islamic sect.

Kwa hiyo, kitendo chao hakiwezi kuchukuliwa kuwa halali, na dola yao haiwezi kuchukuliwa kuwa dola ya Kiislamu. Kuwepo kwao pamoja na kuwepo kwa Khilafah ya Abbasi hakuwezi kuchukuliwa kuwa kuwepo kwa Khilafah nyingi, kwa sababu Mafatimiyah hawakuwa Khilafah halali. Ilikuwa jaribio la mapinduzi lililopangwa na madhehebu hii ili kuibadilisha Dola ya Kiislamu kuwa dola inayodhibitiwa na uelewa wao potofu. Kwa hiyo, Dola ya Kiislamu ilibaki kuwa umoja mmoja usiogawanyika, haikuwahi kugawanywa katika dola, ingawa palikuwepo na majaribio fulani ya kuchukua utawala kwa msingi wa uelewa maalum. Majaribio hayo yalishindwa, na dola ikabaki kuwa moja.

Therefore, their action cannot be considered a legitimate one and their state cannot be considered Islamic one. Their presence along with the presence of the Abbasid Khilafah cannot be considered a presence of multiple Khilafah since the Fatimids was not a legitimate Khilafah. It was a coup attempt orchestrated by this sect to change the Islamic State to one that is controlled by their false understanding. Therefore, the Islamic State remained one unit without division, it was never divided into states, although there were some attempts to capture the rule based on specific understanding. These attempts failed and the State remained One.

Dola ya Kiislamu ilibaki kuwa moja na isiyogawanyika; haikuwa kundi la nchi. Kilichotokea ni majaribio mengi ya kutwaa madaraka kwa nia ya kutekeleza fahamu fulani ya Kiislamu kuhusu utawala. Majaribio haya hatimaye yalimalizika, na Khilafah ikarejea kuwa chombo kimoja. Ushahidi wa umoja wa Dola ya Kiislamu licha ya kuwepo hali nyingi za utawala unaweza kuonekana kwa urahisi kwa kuzingatia kwamba Mwislamu wakati huo angeweza kusafiri kutoka Wilaya moja hadi nyingine, kuanzia Mashariki hadi Magharibi, popote Uislamu ulipotawala, bila kuulizwa asili yake na bila kuzuiwa, kwa kuwa eneo la Kiislamu lilikuwa ardhi moja.

The Islamic State remained one and undivided, it was not a group of states, what took place was a host of attempts to seize power with a desire to implement a certain Islamic understanding of ruling. These attempts eventually came to an end and the Khilafah reverted to a single entity. The proof of the unity of the Islamic State despite the existence of numerous ruling situations can easily be demonstrated by considering that the Muslim could travel at that time from one Wilayah to another. From East to West, wherever Islam reigned, without being asked about his origins and without being restricted, for the Islamic domain was one single land.

Hivi ndivyo Dola ya Kiislamu daima ilivyowaunganisha Waislamu chini ya mamlaka moja na kubaki hivyo. Ilibaki imara na yenye ustawi hadi vikosi vya kikoloni visivyoamini vilipoiharibu kama dola mwaka 1924, pale vilipoifuta Khilafah mikononi mwa Mustafa Kamal.

This is how the Islamic State has always united Muslims under one jurisdiction and remained as such. It remained strong and prosperous until the colonial disbelieving forces destroyed it as a State in 1924 when they abolished the Khilafah at the hands of Mustafa Kamal.