44 Uharibifu wa Dola ya Kiislamu

44 Uharibifu wa Dola ya Kiislamu - Ukhalifa wa Kiislamu | Quran Course

Khalifa wakati huo alikuwa Waheed al-Deen. Alitambua kwamba ni lazima akabiliane na uhalisia na kuiokoa hali kwa njia yenye busara. Alilivunja bunge na kumkabidhi wadhifa wa Waziri Mkuu mmoja wa marafiki zake waaminifu zaidi, Farid Pasha, ambaye alimuunga mkono katika sera yake ya kuwa wapole kwa washirika wasije wakauangamiza nchi, ambayo ilikuwa dhaifu sana hasa sasa vita vilipomalizika. Alitekeleza mpango wake, na hali ikabaki hivyo kwa muda huku washirika wakitawala na Uturuki ikiwa katika hali ya utulivu. Hali hii iliendelea hadi mwaka 1919, ambapo mambo yalianza kubadilika na nafasi ya washirika ikadhoofika. Mfululizo wa migogoro uliikumba Italia, Ufaransa na Uingereza ndani ya nchi zao, mikubwa ya kutosha kuhatarisha utulivu wao wa ndani, na punde tofauti zikaibuka kati yao. Hili lilionekana wazi mjini Istanbul, ambako walipigania nyara, kila mmoja akitaka sehemu kubwa zaidi ya nafasi za kijeshi na faida za kiuchumi. Wakati huo, Uturuki ilikuwa katika nafasi ya kunyakua fursa ya mwisho na kuokoa uwepo wake. Sasa kwa kuwa mpasuko ulikuwa umetokea kati ya washirika na udhaifu wao ukafichuka, ilifikiwa hatua ambapo kila mmoja wao alianza kuwachochea Waturuki dhidi ya mwenzake, na katika mchakato huo wakawapa Waturuki msaada.

The Khalifah at the time was Waheed al-Deen, he realised he had to face the reality and rescue the situation in a wise manner. He dissolved the parliament and assigned the Prime Minister’s post to one of his most faithful friends, Farid Pasha, who backed him in his policy of being lenient with the allies lest they destroy the country, which it was more than especially vulnerable to, now that the war had ended. He executed his plan and the situation remained as such for a while with the allies dominating and Turkey in a state of lull. This continued until 1919, when things began to change and the position of the allies weakened. A series of crises hit Italy, France and Britain at home, serious enough to threaten their internal stability, and soon differences emerged between them. This was evident in Istanbul, where they fought over the booty, each of them wanting the lion’s share of military positions and economic advantages. At this point, Turkey was in a position to seize a last chance and save her existence. Now that a rift had occurred between the allies and their weaknesses were revealed, a point was reached whereby each one of them began inciting the Turks against the other, and in the process they gave the Turks assistance.

Mkutano wa amani, ambao walikuwa wakiupanga, ulikuwa bado haujafanyika na masharti yake yalikuwa bado hayajawekwa. Kwa hiyo, miale ya matumaini ilionekana upeoni na watu wakaanza kuamini kwamba wangeweza kupanga harakati nzito ya upinzani. Zaidi ya jumuiya kumi za siri ziliundwa mjini Istanbul. Lengo lao lilikuwa kupata silaha na maghala yaliyokuwa chini ya udhibiti wa adui, kisha kuzipeleka kwa mashirika ya siri ndani ya nchi. Baadhi ya maafisa pia walishiriki katika kazi hii. Ismat, naibu katika Wizara ya Vita; Fawzi, Mkuu wa Majeshi; Fathi, Waziri wa Mambo ya Ndani; na Ra’uf, Waziri wa Jeshi la Wanamaji, walikuwa miongoni mwa waliosaidia harakati hizi. Hivyo, kazi ya kupinga adui kwa siri ilichukuliwa na jumuiya nyingi zilizoundwa kwa lengo hilo; "Chama cha Umoja na Maendeleo" nacho kilianza tena kuwa hai sana. Harakati hizi ziliungwa mkono na baadhi ya wanajeshi, hadi hatimaye zikaunganishwa chini ya harakati moja iliyoongozwa na Mustafa Kemal. Yeye alianzisha harakati ya kupigana na washirika na kuwafukuza nchini, na aliapa kwamba angepigana na jeshi la Khalifah iwapo lingesimama katika njia yake.

The peace conference, which they had been planning, had not yet taken place and its conditions not laid down. Therefore, a glimmer of hope appeared on the horizon and people began to believe that they could organize a serious resistance movement. More than ten secret associations were established in Istanbul. Their aim was to acquire weapons and depots under the control of the enemy and send them to secret organizations within the country. Some officials were also involved in this work. Ismat, a deputy in the War Ministry; Fawzi, the Chief of Staff; Fathi, the Interior Minister; and Ra’uf, Minister of the Navy were amongst those who helped these movements. Thus, the task of secretly resisting the enemy was taken up by the many associations formed with that purpose in mind; the “Union and Progress Party” also became very active again. These movements were joined by some of the military until eventually they came to be unified under one movement headed by Mustafa Kemal. He established a movement to fight the allies and expel them from the country and he vowed to fight the Khalifah’s army if it stood in his way.

Baada ya mafanikio yao, walihamia Ankara na kuanzisha makao yao makuu hapo, ambapo walifanya mkutano na kupendekeza kwamba bunge likutane Istanbul na Baraza lao la Wawakilishi livunjwe kwa kuwa wajumbe wake sasa walikuwa wamekuwa manaibu rasmi. Hata hivyo, Mustafa Kemal alipinga vikali mapendekezo haya mawili, akisema, “Baraza la Wawakilishi lipaswe kuendelea hadi ahadi na uadilifu wa bunge utakapodhihirika na hadi sera yake ijulikane. Kuhusu hoja ya kuhamia mji mkuu, hili lingekuwa wazimu mtupu, kwani mkifanya hivyo mtakuwa chini ya huruma ya adui. Waingereza bado wanaudhibiti nchi na mamlaka bila shaka zitaingilia mambo yenu na huenda zikawakamata. Kwa hiyo bunge linapaswa kukutana hapa Ankara ili libaki huru.” Mustafa Kemal aliendelea kusisitiza na kutetea maoni yake kwa nguvu, lakini alishindwa kuwashawishi manaibu kufanya vikao vya bunge Ankara. Manaibu walienda mji mkuu kama ilivyopangwa, wakaonyesha utii wao kwa Khalifa, na kuendelea na kazi yao. Hii ilikuwa mwezi Januari 1920.

After their success they moved on to Ankara and established their headquarters there where they held a meeting and proposed that the parliament should meet in Istanbul and their Council of Representatives should be dissolved since its members had now become official deputies. However, Mustafa Kemal strongly opposed these two proposals saying, “The Council of Representatives should continue until the parliament’s commitment and integrity is made clear and until its policy becomes known. As for the move to the capital, this would be sheer madness, for if you did this you would be under the mercy of the enemy. The British still control the country and the authorities will undoubtedly meddle in your affairs and perhaps arrest you. The parliament should therefore convene here in Ankara so that it remains independent.” Mustafa Kemal persisted and defended his opinion strongly, but failed to persuade the deputies to hold the parliament’s sessions in Ankara. The deputies duly went to the capital and expressed their loyalty to the Khalifah, and continued on with their work. This was in January 1920.

Kwa hiyo, washirika walichukulia mkataba huo kuwa ushindi wao wa mwisho. Waturuki walipewa hivyo uhuru wa kupinga, mara tu ulipokuwa umetangazwa, nao washirika wakaanza kuondoa vikosi vyao kutoka kila kona ya nchi. Majeshi ya Uingereza na Ufaransa yaliondolewa nchini. Wakati huo huo, Waturuki walianza kujikusanyia nguvu. Vuguvugu la upinzani liliundwa, ambalo hatimaye liligeuka kuwa mapinduzi dhidi ya Khalifah, hivyo likamlazimu kutuma jeshi kuliponda vuguvugu hilo. Hilo likafanikiwa hadi watu wote wakasimama upande wa Sultani isipokuwa wale wa Ankara, ambako ndiko ngome ya mapinduzi ilipokuwa. Hatimaye, Ankara yenyewe ilikuwa karibu kushindwa. Mbele ya jeshi la Khalifah, vijiji vilivyoizunguka vilianguka kimoja baada ya kingine na kisha kujiunga nalo. Mustafa Kemal na wale waliokuwa pamoja naye walijikuta katika hali ngumu sana, lakini Mustafa Kemal alidhamiria kuendelea kupigana, hivyo akawachochea wazalendo. Nao wakaitikia na kujikusanyia nguvu. Uvumi ukaenezwa katika majimbo na vijiji vya Kituruki kwamba jeshi la Uingereza lilikuwa karibu kuuteka mji mkuu, kuwakamata wazalendo na kulazimisha kufungwa kwa nyumba ya bunge.

Therefore, the allies considered the covenant to be their final victory. The Turks were thus allowed the freedom of resistance, once it had been published, and the allies then began to pull their troops out from every corner of the land. The British and the French troops were removed from the country. Concomitantly, the Turks began gathering strength. A resistance movement was formed which eventually turned into a revolution against the Khalifah, thus forcing him to send in an army to crush the movement. This it managed to do until all the people stood by the Sultan except those in Ankara where the stronghold of the revolution was. Eventually, Ankara itself was on the brink of defeat. In the face of the Khalifah’s army, the surrounding villages fell one after the other and then joined it. Mustafa Kemal and those with him were placed in a very critical situation, but Mustafa Kemal was determined to fight on and so he incited the nationalists. They responded and gathered strength. Rumors were spread in the Turkish provinces and villages that the British army was about to occupy the capital, arrest the nationalists and shut down the house of parliament by force.

Pia zilienea uvumi kwamba Khalifah na serikali yake wanaunga mkono uvamizi huo. Hali ilibadilika haraka. Watu walianza kumwacha Khalifah, na maoni ya umma yakahamia upande wa wazalendo wa Ankara. Wanaume na wanawake walielekea Ankara kujitolea kulinda Uturuki. Askari wengi waliasi jeshi la Khalifah na kujiunga na jeshi la Mustafa Kemal, ambaye wakati huo alikuwa ameshakuwa shujaa wa Waturuki na ishara ya matumaini yao. Msimamo wake ulipata nguvu, na karibu nchi nzima ikaingia chini ya udhibiti wake. Alitoa kijitabu kikiwataka watu wachague Baraza la Wawakilishi la kitaifa litakalokuwa na makao makuu yake Ankara. Uchaguzi ulifanyika, na wajumbe waliochaguliwa wakakutana wakijiita Bunge la Kitaifa. Walijiona kuwa serikali halali. Walimchagua Mustafa Kemal kuwa rais wa Baraza la Wawakilishi. Ankara ikawa kitovu cha serikali ya kitaifa, na Waturuki wote wakaukubali uamuzi huo. Kisha Mustafa Kemal akaenda kuiangamiza mabaki ya jeshi la Khalifah, na hivyo vita vya ndani vikamalizika. Baadaye alielekeza nguvu zake katika kupigana na Wagiriki, na mapigano kadhaa ya umwagaji damu yakafuata. Mwanzoni Wagiriki walikuwa na mkono wa juu, lakini hivi karibuni mizani ikageuka kwa manufaa ya Mustafa Kemal.

Rumors about the Khalifah and his government supporting the occupation were also spread. The situation soon changed. People began deserting the Khalifah and public opinion shifted towards the nationalists in Ankara. Men and women drifted towards Ankara volunteering to defend Turkey. Many soldiers deserted the Khalifah’s army and joined the army of Mustafa Kemal, who by then had become a hero for the Turks and a symbol of their hopes. His position gathered strength and almost the entire country came under his control. He issued a leaflet calling for the election of a national Council of Representatives that would position Ankara as its headquarters. The election took place and the newly elected members convened, calling themselves the National Assembly. They considered themselves the legitimate government. They voted Mustafa Kemal as president of the Council of Representatives. Ankara became the center of the national government and all the Turks approved of it. Mustafa Kemal then moved and destroyed what remained of the Khalifah’s army, putting an end to the civil war. He then concentrated on fighting the Greeks, and several bloody battles ensued. The Greeks had the upper hand at first but soon the balance shifted in Mustafa Kemal’s favor.

Mwezi Agosti 1921, alianzisha shambulio la haraka na lenye mafanikio dhidi ya Wagiriki ambao wakati huo walikuwa wamekalia Izmir na sehemu nyingine za pwani za Uturuki. Mwanzoni mwa Septemba, aliwaita Ismat ili akutane na Harrington na kupanga maelezo. Katika mkutano huo, washirika walikubaliana kuwafukuza Wagiriki kutoka Tarees na kujiondoa wenyewe kutoka Istanbul na Uturuki yote. Iwapo tutafuatilia kwa makini hatua za Mustafa Kemal, tunaweza kuhitimisha kwamba washirika walikubali madai yake pale tu walipopata ahadi kwamba angeharibu utawala wa Kiislamu kama malipo. Hili lilidhihirika zaidi wakati Bunge la Taifa lilipojadiliana naye kuhusu mustakabali wa Uturuki baada ya ushindi aliopata. Alijibu, "Siamini katika muungano wa nchi za Kiislamu, wala katika muungano wa watu wa 'Uthmani, na kila mmoja wetu yuko huru kukumbatia maoni yoyote anayotaka. Hata hivyo, serikali inapaswa kufuata sera iliyowekwa na iliyopangwa kwa mujibu wa hali halisi. Sera inayobeba lengo moja tu, nalo ni kulinda nchi na uhuru wake ndani ya mipaka yake ya asili. Hisia na udanganyifu havipaswi kuathiri sera yetu, na laana iwe juu ya ndoto na hadithi za kubuni, kwani zimetugharimu sana huko nyuma."

By August 1921, he launched a swift and successful attack on the Greeks who at the time occupied Izmir and other parts of the Turkish coasts. In the beginning of September, he sent for Ismat to meet Harrington and work out the details. At that meeting, the allies agreed to expel the Greeks from Tarees and to withdraw themselves from Istanbul and the whole of Turkey. If we closely followed Mustafa Kemal’s moves, we deduce that the allies agreed to his demands only when they secured a promise that he would destroy Islamic rule in return. This was made clearer when the National Assembly discussed with him the future of Turkey in the wake of the victories he had achieved. He replied, “I do not believe in a league of Islamic countries, nor in a league of the ‘Uthmani people, and each one of us is free to embrace any opinion he wishes. However, the government should adhere to a fixed and devised policy based on realities. A policy that carries one single objective, that is to protect the country and its independence within its natural borders. Sentiments and illusions should not affect our policy, and damn to the dreams and the myths, they have in the past cost us dearly.”.

Kwa tamko hili, alitaka kuunda uhuru wa Uturuki kwa msingi wa kuwa nchi ya watu wa Kituruki na si Ummah wa Kiislamu. Baadhi ya wabunge na wanasiasa walimuuliza jinsi serikali ya Uturuki mpya inavyopaswa kuundwa, kwani haingewezekana kwake kuwa na serikali mbili kama ilivyokuwa wakati huo: serikali ya mpito yenye mamlaka na Ankara kama makao yake makuu, na serikali rasmi lakini ya jina tu katika mji mkuu, iliyoongozwa na Khalifah na mawaziri wake. Wanasiasa walimsisitiza Kemal kwamba atoe wazi maoni yake kuhusu suala hili. Yeye hakuwajibu na akaficha nia zake. Badala yake, alianza kuchochea maoni ya umma dhidi ya Khalifah Waheed al-Deen, akimtuhumu kushirikiana na Waingereza na Wagiriki. Watu walikasirishwa dhidi ya Khalifah, na katikati ya msisimko wa umma nyuma yake, Mustafa Kemal aliitisha kikao cha Bunge la Taifa ili kueleza mpango wake kuhusu Sultani na serikali. Alikuwa amejua tangu mwanzo kwamba angeweza kuwashawishi wabunge kumwondoa Waheed al-Deen na kumvua Khalifah mamlaka, lakini hakuweza kuwa jasiri kiasi cha kuhatarisha shambulio la moja kwa moja dhidi ya Khilafah, kwani hilo lingeibua hisia za Kiislamu. Kwa hiyo hakuivunja Khilafah na aliepuka kulishughulikia suala hilo moja kwa moja. Badala yake, kwa hila alipendekeza kumvua Khalifah mamlaka yote.

By this declaration, he wanted to forge the independence of Turkey on the basis of being a country for the Turkish people and not the Islamic Ummah. Some of the deputies and politicians asked him about how the government of the new Turkey should be shaped, for it would be inconceivable for her to have two governments as was the case at that time: a transitional government with power and Ankara as its headquarters and an official yet nominal government in the capital headed by the Khalifah and his ministers. The politicians insisted upon Kemal that he should clearly state his opinion about this issue. He did not answer them and concealed his intentions. Instead he began to incite public opinion against Khalifah Waheed al-Deen, accusing him of collaborating with the British and the Greeks. People were enraged against the Khalifah and amidst the public euphoria behind him, Mustafa Kemal called for a meeting of the National Assembly to outline his plan regarding the Sultan and the government. He had known all along that he was capable of convincing the deputies to remove Waheed al-Deen and strip the Khalifah of authority, but he could not be so daring as to risk a direct attack on the Khilafah, since this would have triggered Islamic sentiment. He did not therefore dissolve the Khilafah and avoided tackling the issue head on. Instead, he slyly suggested stripping the Khalifah of all power.

Hata hivyo, Bunge la Kitaifa lilikataa kumpa matakwa yake na badala yake likapeleka pendekezo hilo kwa kamati ya kisheria ili ilichunguze. Kamati hiyo ilipokutana siku iliyofuata, Mustafa Kemal alihudhuria na kufuatilia kwa makini mwenendo wa mambo. Kamati, iliyojumuisha wanazuoni na wanasheria, ilijadili suala hilo kwa saa kadhaa na haraka ikagundua kwamba pendekezo hilo linakiuka maandiko ya Shari'ah, kwa kuwa katika Uislamu hakuna kitu kinachoitwa mamlaka ya kidini na mamlaka ya kidunia; "Sultana na Khilafah" ni kitu kimoja. Dhana ya kutenganisha Dini na Dola haipo katika Uislamu na haijawahi kuwepo katika historia yake yote. Kulikuwa na Mfumo wa Kiislamu na Dola ilitekeleza mfumo huo. Kwa hiyo, kamati ya kisheria haikuweza kupata uhalali wowote wa kutenganisha huko, wala haikuweza kupata sababu ya kufanya mjadala kuhusu suala hilo, kwa kuwa maandiko ya Kiislamu ni wazi kabisa na ya uamuzi wa mwisho (hayana nafasi ya tafsiri nyingine) kuhusu jambo hili. Haishangazi kwamba kamati ilikataa pendekezo hilo.

However, the National Assembly refused to grant him his wish and alternatively referred the proposal to the legal committee to look into. When the committee convened the next day, Mustafa Kemal attended and watched the course of events closely. The committee, comprising of scholars and lawyers, debated the issue for a few hours and soon realized that the proposal violated the Shari’ah texts, since in Islam there is nothing called religious authority and temporal authority, “Sultana and Khilafah”, are one and the same. The concept of separating the Deen from the State does not exist in Islam and had never existed throughout its history. There was an Islamic System and the State implemented the System. Inevitably, the legal committee could not find any justification for such a separation nor could it find a reason for conducting a debate on the issue because the Islamic texts are clear-cut and decisive (not open to interpretation) about this issue. Not surprisingly, the committee rejected the proposal.

Hata hivyo, Mustafa Kemal alikuwa ameazimia kutenganisha Dini na Dola kwa kutenganisha Usultani na Ukhalifa, jambo ambalo lilikuwa utekelezaji wa malengo ya washirika; yaani, uharibifu wa mabaki ya Dola ya Kiislamu kwa mikono ya watu wake wenyewe. Utamaduni wake wa kikoloni, unaomfanya aige Wamagharibi katika kutenganisha mamlaka ya kidunia na ya kiroho, ulimsukuma kutenganisha Usultani na Ukhalifa, kama vile Kanisa lilivyotenganishwa na dola huko Magharibi. Mustafa Kemal alipogundua kwamba mjadala wa kamati ulikuwa ukichukua mwelekeo tofauti na wake, alipoteza hasira, akaruka kutoka kwenye kiti chake, akasimama juu ya kiti akiwa amejaa ghadhabu, na akakatiza mjadala wa kamati kwa kupiga kelele, "Enyi waheshimiwa! Sultani wa ‘Uthmani amenyakua mamlaka ya watu kwa nguvu, na ni kwa nguvu ambapo watu wameamua kuyarejesha. Usultani lazima utenganishwe na Ukhalifa na kufutwa, hili litatekelezwa iwe mnakubali au hamkubali; kilichobaki ni kwamba baadhi ya vichwa vyenu vitaanguka katika mchakato huo." Alizungumza kama dikteta, kisha kikao cha kamati kikavunjika. Bunge la Kitaifa likaitishwa mara moja likutane na kujadili pendekezo hilo.

However, Mustafa Kemal was determined to separate the Deen from the State by separating the Sultanate from the Khilafah, which was the fulfillment of the aims of the allies; the destruction of the remains of the Islamic State by the hands of its own people. His colonialist culture, which makes him imitate the Westerners in their separation of the temporal power from the spiritual one drove him to separate the Sultanate from the Khilafah, just as the Church had come to be separated from the state in the West. When Mustafa Kemal realized that the debate of the committee was taking a course different to his, he lost his temper and leaped off his seat, he stood on a chair fuming with rage and interrupted the debate of the committee by shouting, “Your excellencies! The ‘Uthmani Sultan has seized the authority of the people by force, and it is by force that the people have decided to regain it. The Sultanate must be separated from the Khilafah and dissolved, this shall take place whether you agree or not, all there is to it is that some of your heads will fall in the process.” He spoke like a dictator, then the meeting of the committee broke up. The National Assembly was immediately called for to meet and discuss the proposal.

Wakati wote wa mdahalo, Mustafa Kemal alitambua kwamba wabunge wengi walipinga pendekezo hilo, hivyo akawakusanya wafuasi wake karibu naye na kuomba kura juu ya pendekezo hilo kwa kuinua mikono mara moja. Wabunge walipinga jambo hilo na kusema, “Ikiwa ni lazima kabisa kupiga kura, basi hilo lifanyike kwa kuita jina la kila mbunge.” Mustafa Kemal alikataa hilo na kupaza sauti kwa vitisho, “Nina imani kwamba Bunge la Taifa litaidhinisha pendekezo hilo kwa makubaliano ya jumla, na itatosha kupiga kura kwa kuinua mikono tu.” Pendekezo hilo liliwekwa kwenye kura na mikono michache tu ikainuliwa. Hata hivyo, matokeo yalitangazwa kana kwamba Bunge la Taifa lilikuwa limekubali pendekezo hilo kwa wingi wazi. Wabunge walishtushwa na jambo hilo, na baadhi yao waliruka kutoka viti vyao wakipinga na kupiga kelele, “Hii si kweli, hatukukubaliana!” Wafuasi wa Mustafa Kemal walipiga kelele kuwajibu na kuwazuia, matusi yakabadilishana, kisha Rais wa Bunge la Taifa alitangaza tena matokeo ya kura kwa kusema kwamba Bunge la Taifa limeidhinisha kwa wingi wazi kufutwa kwa Usultani. Kikao kiliahirishwa. Mustafa Kemal aliondoka katika kituo cha mkutano akiwa amezungukwa na wafuasi wake. Waheed al-Deen, Khalifa, alipopokea habari hizi alikimbia nchi, na muda mfupi baadaye mpwa wake, ‘Abdul Majid, aliteuliwa kuwa Khalifa wa Waislamu, ingawa alinyang'anywa mamlaka yoyote. Nchi, hata hivyo, ilibaki bila mtawala halali.

Throughout the debate, Mustafa Kemal realized that the majority of the deputies were against the proposal, so he gathered his supporters around him and called for a vote on the proposal by raising hands once. The deputies objected to this and said, “If it is absolutely necessary to vote, let this take place by calling out the name of each deputy.” Mustafa Kemal rejected this and shouted out menacingly, “I am confident that the National Assembly will endorse the proposal by general consensus and it will be sufficient to take votes by raising hands only.” The proposal was put to the vote and only a few hands were raised. However, the result was declared as though the National Assembly had accepted the proposal by a clear majority. The deputies were stunned by this and some of them leaped from their seats protesting and shouting, “This is not true, we did not agree!” The supporters of Mustafa Kemal shouted back at them and restrained them, insults were exchanged then the President of the National Assembly declared the result of the vote once more stating that the National Assembly had approved by a clear majority the dissolution of the Sultanate. The meeting was adjourned. Mustafa Kemal left the conference center surrounded by his supporters. When Waheed al-Deen, the Khaleefah, received news of this he fled the country and soon after his nephew, ‘Abdul Majid, was nominated as the Khalifah of the Muslims, albeit stripped of any authority. The country, however, remained without a legitimate ruler.

Mustafa Kemal alikataa kuunda serikali na hakufichua nia zake. Akiungwa mkono na madaraka na mamlaka yake, ambayo kwayo alikuwa na udhibiti juu ya watu, aliendelea kuunda chama alichokiita "Chama cha Watu". Lengo lake lilikuwa kupata maoni ya umma kwa upande wake, kwa sababu licha ya madaraka yake, wengi mno katika Baraza la Wawakilishi bado walikuwa wakimpinga hata baada ya kutangazwa kwa kutenganishwa kwa Usultani na Ukhalifa. Hili lilimfanya afikirie kufichua muundo wa serikali mpya aliyokuwa ameamua kuunda, akitangaza Uturuki kuwa jamhuri na yeye mwenyewe kuwa Rais wake. Alianza kwa kuanzisha kampeni ya kuchafua Bunge la Taifa, na hili likazalisha mgogoro wa kisiasa wa aibu, hivyo kusababisha kujiuzulu kwa serikali iliyokuwepo madarakani. Serikali iliwasilisha kujiuzulu kwake kwa Bunge la Taifa, na hivyo kuzua ombwe la madaraka. Katikati ya mgogoro uliozidi kuongezeka, baadhi ya wabunge walipendekeza kwa Baraza la Wawakilishi kwamba limteue Mustafa Kemal kuwa kiongozi wa serikali ili kutatua mgogoro huo. Mwanzoni alijifanya kwamba hakuwa na tamaa yoyote ya kazi hiyo, kisha akakubali na akapanda jukwaani kuhutubia Bunge la Taifa.

Mustafa Kemal refused to form a government and did not reveal his intentions. Backed up by his power and authority, through which he had control over the people, he went on to form a party which he called the “People’s Party”. His intention was to gain public opinion in his favor because despite his power, the sweeping majority in the Council of Representatives were still against him even after the declaration of the separation of the Sultanate from the Khilafah. This led him to consider disclosing the shape of the new government which he had decided to form, declaring Turkey to be a republic with himself as its President. He started by initiating a smear campaign against the National Assembly and this produced an embarrassing political crisis, thus leading to the resignation of the government in office. The government tendered its resignation to the National Assembly creating a power vacuum. Amidst the deepening crisis, some of the deputies suggested to the Council of Representatives that it should appoint Mustafa Kemal as the head of the government in order to solve the crisis. At first he pretended that he held no ambitions for the job, then he agreed and went up to the stand to address the National Assembly.

Katika hotuba yake, aliwaambia manaibu, "Mmeniita nije ili nije kuwaokoa katika saa hii ya hatari. Hata hivyo, hali hii ya hatari ni matokeo ya matendo yenu wenyewe. Kwa hiyo, hali hii si tukio la muda mfupi, bali ni kosa la msingi la kufikiri katika mfumo wa serikali yetu. Bunge la Kitaifa kwa sasa lina kazi mbili, ya kutunga sheria na ya utendaji. Kila mbunge anataka kushiriki katika kila uamuzi wa wizara na kujiingiza katika kila idara ya serikali na kila uamuzi unaofanywa na waziri. Heshima zenu, hakuna waziri anayeweza kuzifahamu kazi na wajibu wake, na kukubali wadhifa katika hali kama hizi. Ni lazima mtambue kwamba serikali iliyojengwa juu ya msingi huu haiwezekani kuundwa, na ikiundwa, hamtaiita serikali, bali fujo tupu, na ni lazima tuithamini hali hii. Kwa hiyo, nimeamua kuigeuza Uturuki kuwa jamhuri, yenye Rais aliyechaguliwa." Baada ya kumaliza hotuba yake, ilidhihirika mara moja kwamba alikwishaandaa amri ya kuigeuza Uturuki kuwa jamhuri na kujichagua yeye mwenyewe kuwa Rais wa kwanza wa Jamhuri ya Uturuki. Hivyo alijifanya mtawala halali wa nchi.

In his speech he said to the deputies, “You have sent for me to come to the rescue at this critical hour. However, the critical situation is of your own doing. Therefore, this state of affairs is not a passing incident, but a fundamental error of judgment in the system of our government. The National Assembly has at the moment two functions, legislative and executive. Each deputy wants to take part in every ministerial decision and stick his nose into every government department and every decision made by a minister. Your excellencies, no minister can become familiar with his job and responsibility, and accept a post in such circumstances. You have to realize that a government founded on this basis is impossible to establish, and if it were established, you would not call it a government, but shambles, and we have to appreciate this state of affairs. Therefore, I have decided to turn Turkey into a republic, with an elected President.” Once he had finished his speech, it was soon realized that he had already prepared a decree, making Turkey a republic and electing himself as the first President of the Turkish republic. He turned himself into the lawful ruler of the country.

Hata hivyo, mambo hayakwenda vizuri kwa Mustafa Kemal kama alivyotaka. Kwanza, watu wa Uturuki ni Waislamu, na yale ambayo Mustafa Kemal alifanya yanapingana na Uislamu. Hisia kwamba Mustafa Kemal alikusudia kuiharibu Uislamu zilienea, zikichochewa na vitendo vya Kemal mwenyewe. Katika maisha yake binafsi, alikidharau Uislamu, akikiuka kanuni zote za Shari'ah ya Mwenyezi Mungu, akidhihaki kila kitu ambacho Waislamu wanakiheshimu sana na kukiona kitakatifu. Watu hivi karibuni walitambua kwamba watawala wapya wa Ankara walikuwa Kafiri walaaniwa, nao wakaanza kujikusanya kumzunguka Khalifah 'Abdul Majid. Walijaribu kumrudishia mamlaka na kumfanya awe mtawala halisi ili aweze kuwaondoa hao waasi wa dini. Mustafa Kemal alihisi hatari inayoongezeka na akatambua kwamba watu wengi walimchukia, wakimtuhumu kuwa Zindiq na Kafiri. Alifikiri kwa muda mrefu kuhusu jambo hilo, na matokeo yake aliongeza kampeni yake ya kumchafua Khalifah na Khilafah, akiichochea hamasa ya Bunge la Taifa, hadi likapitisha na kutunga sheria inayosema kwamba upinzani wowote dhidi ya jamhuri na kuungana na Sultani kutachukuliwa kuwa kitendo cha uhaini, chenye adhabu ya kifo. Kisha Mustafa Kemal akaanza kuzungumzia hasara za Khilafah katika kila mkutano, hasa katika Bunge la Taifa. Alianza kuandaa mazingira ya kuifuta Khilafah. Baadhi ya wabunge walijibu tishio hili kwa kuzungumzia faida za kidiplomasia za Khilafah, nao wakakabiliwa na shambulio kali kutoka kwa Mustafa Kemal. Aliliambia Bunge la Taifa, "Je, si kwa sababu ya Khilafah, Uislamu na ulimbwende ndipo wakulima wa Kituruki walipigana na kufa kwa karne tano? Ni wakati muafaka kwa Uturuki kujali maslahi yake yenyewe na kuwapuuza Wahindi na Waarabu. Uturuki inapaswa kujiondoa katika kuwaongoza Waislamu."

However, things did not run as smoothly for Mustafa Kemal as he had wished. For one thing, the Turkish people are Muslim and what Mustafa Kemal did contradicts Islam. A feeling that Mustafa Kemal intended to destroy Islam spread, fueled by Kamal’s own personal actions. In his private life, he held Islam in contempt, violating all the Divine Shari’ah rules, mocking everything that Muslims hold in high esteem and sanctity. People soon realized that the new rulers of Ankara were damned Kafireen and they began to gather around the Khalifah ‘Abdul Majid. They attempted to hand him back the authority and make him the effective ruler so that he could get rid of these apostates. Mustafa Kemal sensed the growing danger and realized that the majority of the people despised him, accusing him of being a Zindiq and Kafir. He thought long and hard about the matter and as a result intensified his smear campaign against the Khalifah and the Khilafah, inciting the fervor of the National Assembly, until it adopted and enacted a law stating that any opposition to the republic and any siding with the Sultan would be considered an act of treachery, carrying the death penalty. Mustafa Kemal then began to talk about the disadvantages of the Khilafah at every meeting, especially the National Assembly. He started to prepare the ground to abolish the Khilafah. Some of the deputies countered this threat by speaking out about the diplomatic advantages of the Khilafah, they were met in turn by a fierce attack from Mustafa Kemal. He said to the National Assembly, “Was it not because of the Khilafah, Islam and the clergy, that the Turkish peasants fought and died for five centuries? It is high time Turkey looked after her own interests and ignored the Indians and the Arabs. Turkey should rid itself of leading the Muslims.”.

Baadhi ya maneno aliyosema alipowasilisha hoja hiyo mbele ya manaibu yalikuwa kama yafuatayo: "Jamhuri iliyo hatarini inapaswa kulindwa kwa gharama gani, na kuanzishwa juu ya msingi imara wa kisayansi? Khalifah pamoja na urithi wa "Ahl ul Uthman" lazima viondolewe, mahakama za kidini za zamani pamoja na sheria zake lazima zibadilishwe na mahakama za kisasa na sheria za kisasa, shule za makasisi lazima zitoe nafasi kwa shule za serikali zisizo za kidini." Kisha akaendelea kushambulia Dini na kile alichokiita watu wa kidini. Akionyesha mamlaka halisi ya kidikteta, alipitisha hoja hiyo mwenyewe na kupata idhini ya Bunge la Taifa bila mjadala wowote. Kisha alimtumia Gavana wa Istanbul agizo likisema kwamba Khalifah, 'Abdul Majid, aondoke Uturuki kabla ya alfajiri ya siku iliyofuata. Gavana mwenyewe alienda, pamoja na kundi la polisi na wanajeshi, hadi Ikulu ya Khalifah usiku wa manane. Walimlazimisha kupanda kwenye gari la kukokotwa na farasi na kumsindikiza hadi mpakani, wakimruhusu kubeba mzigo mmoja tu wa nguo chache na fedha kidogo.

Some of the words which he said when he presented the motion to the deputies were as follows, “At what cost should the threatened republic be safeguarded and be established on a strong scientific basis? The Khalifah and the legacies of “Ahl ul Uthman” must go, the ancient religious courts and their laws must be replaced by modern courts and modern laws, the schools of the clergy must give way to secular government schools.” He then went on to attack the Deen and what he called religious men. Displaying real dictatorial authority, he adopted the motion himself and secured the National Assembly’s approval without any debate. He then sent an order to the Governor of Istanbul stating that the Khalifah, ‘Abdul Majid, should leave Turkey before dawn the following day. The Governor himself, went with a group of policemen and soldiers to the Khalifah’s Palace at midnight. They forced him to get into a cart and escorted him to the border not allowing him to take more than one suitcase containing some clothing and a little money.