40 Uvamizi wa Wamishonari

40 Uvamizi wa Wamishonari - Ukhalifa wa Kiislamu | Quran Course

Sababu ya pili ilikuwa kwamba Wazungu walikuwa wakitegemea idadi yao kubwa pamoja na nguvu zao za kutisha, wakijua wakati wote kwamba Waislamu walikuwa wamegawanyika na wanagombana, kwani kuvunjika kwa umoja wao kulikuwa tayari kumeanza. Wazungu walidhani kwamba mara watakapowashinda Waislamu, wangewatiisha milele na kuwaangamiza, na Dini yao ingebaki kuwa mkusanyiko wa ibada tu. Hata hivyo, matumaini yao yalivunjika na utabiri wao ukashindwa. Walishangaa na kustaajabu walipoona Wakristo wa Kiarabu wakipigana pamoja na Waislamu uwanjani, bila kuathiriwa na propaganda iliyoanzishwa na Wazungu. Kile ambacho Wazungu hawakukielewa, na hivyo wakakipuuza, ni kwamba Wakristo wa Kiarabu waliishi pamoja na Waislamu katika nchi ya Kiislamu, wakifurahia haki zilezile kama Waislamu na wakitimiza wajibu uleule kwa Dola. Waislamu walikula chakula chao, waliwaoa wanawake Wakristo, na walishiriki pamoja na Wakristo katika mambo ya kila siku ya maisha, kwa kuwa ni Uislamu ndio ulioilinda haki zao.

The second factor was that the Europeans were relying on their large numbers combined with their formidable strength, knowing all the while that the Muslims were divided and at odds with one another as the disintegration of their unity had already begun. The Europeans thought that once they had defeated the Muslims, they would subjugate them for good and destroy them, and their Deen would merely become a collection of rituals. However, their hopes were dashed and their predictions faltered. They were stunned and amazed when they saw the Arab Christians fighting alongside the Muslims on the battlefield, unaffected by the propaganda launched by the Europeans. What the Europeans had not understood and had consequently overlooked was that the Arab Christians lived alongside the Muslims in the Islamic homeland, enjoying the same rights as the Muslims and fulfilling the same duties towards the State. The Muslims would eat of their food, marry the Christian women and share in the daily matters of life together with the Christians, as it was Islam that safeguarded their rights.

Mmishonari maarufu wa Kimarekani Ely Smith alikuwa hai sana wakati huu. Alikuwa amefanya kazi Malta kama mtu wa kujitolea aliyesimamia chapisho la mishonari, kisha alifika Beirut mwaka 1827. Baada ya mwaka mmoja huko, hofu na kuchoka kulimfukuza, akarudi Malta. Baadaye alirudi Beirut mwaka 1834, na pamoja na mkewe walifungua shule ya wasichana. Kazi yake ilipanuka, akajitolea maisha yake kufanya kazi al-Sham, hasa Beirut. Juhudi hizi zote, pamoja na juhudi za wengine wengi, zilisaidia kuhuisha harakati ya kimishonari. Fursa ilijitokeza kwa wamishonari wakati Ibrahim Pasha alipopitisha mtaala wa elimu ya msingi na kuutekeleza nchini Syria. Mtaala huo ulichochewa na mfumo wa elimu wa Misri, ambao nao ulichukuliwa kutoka mfumo wa Kifaransa. Wamishonari walitumia fursa hii na kuchangia harakati ya elimu kwa mtazamo wa kimishonari, huku wakipanua kazi zao za uchapishaji. Kutokana na haya yote, harakati ya kimishonari ilistawi. Walifanikiwa kuwafanya raia wa Dola ya Kiislamu wachemke kwa hasira dhidi ya wenzao kwa jina la uhuru wa kidini, na wakafanikiwa kuanzisha miongoni mwa Waislamu, Wakristo na Wadruze shughuli mbalimbali za kidini zinazohusiana na ‘Aqeedah.

The noted American missionary Ely Smith was very active at this time, he had been working in Malta as a volunteer in charge of the mission press and had arrived in Beirut in 1827. After one year there, fear and boredom drove him out and he returned to Malta. He next returned to Beirut in 1834 and together with his wife they opened a school for girls. His area of work broadened and he devoted his life to working in al-Sham, Beirut in particular. All these efforts and the efforts of many others helped revive the missionary movement. An opportunity presented itself to the missionaries when Ibrahim Pasha adopted the syllabus for primary education and implemented it in Syria. The syllabus was inspired by the Egyptian educational system which in turn was taken from the French system. The missionaries took advantage of this opportunity and contributed to the educational movement from the missionary point of view, expanding their printing works in the process. On the back of all this the missionary movement prospered. They succeeded in making the citizens of the Islamic State boil with anger against each other in the name of religious freedom and managed to initiate among the Muslims, Christians and Druze various kinds of religious activities related to the ‘Aqeedah.

Ibrahim Pasha alipoondoka al-Sham, machafuko, hofu na ukosefu wa utawala vilizuka, na watu wakagawanyika wao kwa wao. Wajumbe wa kigeni, hasa wamishonari, walitumia fursa hiyo, na kutokana na udhaifu wa ushawishi wa Dola ya ‘Uthmani huko al-Sham, wakaanza kuchochea fitina za kiraia. Baada ya kipindi cha mwaka mmoja tu, mwaka 1841, ghasia kubwa zilizuka katika milima ya Lebanon kati ya Wakristo na Druze. Hali ilizidi kuwa mbaya, na chini ya shinikizo na ushawishi wa nchi za kigeni, Dola ya ‘Uthmani ilishawishiwa kubuni mfumo tofauti wa utawala kwa Lebanon, ukigawanya mkoa huo sehemu mbili. Sehemu moja ingekaliwa na Wakristo, huku Druze wakikalia sehemu nyingine. Dola ya ‘Uthmani iliteua gavana mmoja juu ya sehemu zote mbili, kwa lengo la kuepusha mapigano yoyote kati ya madhehebu hayo mawili. Hata hivyo, mfumo huu haukufanikiwa, kwa sababu haukuwa wa kawaida. Uingereza na Ufaransa zilijihusisha na mzozo huo na kuchochea fitina za kiraia kila mahali ambapo mamlaka rasmi zilijaribu kuzima fujo hizo.

When Ibrahim Pasha retreated from al-Sham, unrest, fear and anarchy broke out and people became divided among themselves. The foreign delegates, especially the missionaries, seized the opportunity and due to the meager influence of the ‘Uthmani State in al-Sham, began igniting civil strife. After a period of just one year, in 1841, serious disturbances broke out in the mountains of Lebanon between the Christians and the Druze. The situation deteriorated and under the pressure and influence of the foreign states the ‘Uthmani State was talked into designing a separate ruling system for Lebanon, dividing the province into two parts. One part would be occupied by the Christians, while the Druze would occupy the other. The ‘Uthmani State appointed a governor over both parts, aiming to avoid any clashes between the two sects. This system did not succeed, however, because it was not natural. Britain and France became involved in the dispute and incited civil strife wherever the official authorities attempted to quell the trouble.

Waingereza na Wafaransa walitumia mapigano haya kama kisingizio cha kuingilia mambo ya Lebanon. Wafaransa waliwaunga mkono Wamaroni, na Waingereza waliwaunga mkono Wadruze, jambo lililosababisha kuzuka tena kwa machafuko mwaka 1845. Matukio yalikuwa ya kutisha, na mashambulizi yalipanuka hadi kufikia makanisa na nyumba za watawa. Wizi, mauaji na uporaji vikawa jambo la kawaida, hali iliyosababisha serikali ya ‘Uthmani kumtuma waziri wake wa mambo ya nje kwenda Lebanon ili atumie mamlaka aliyopewa kumaliza fujo hizo mara moja kwa wote. Hata hivyo, hakuweza kufanikiwa kwa kiasi kikubwa, ingawa aliweza kupunguza mvutano kidogo. Wakati huo huo, wamishonari waliongeza shughuli zao, na mwaka 1857 Wamaroni walianza kutoa wito wa mapinduzi na mapambano ya silaha. Viongozi wa dini wa Kimaroni waliwachochea wakulima dhidi ya wamiliki wa ardhi wa kimwinyi, nao wakawashambulia kwa ukali huko Kaskazini mwa nchi, na hivyo mapinduzi yakawaka na kuenea hadi Kusini. Wakulima Wakristo sasa waliinuka dhidi ya wamiliki wa ardhi Wadruze, na Waingereza pamoja na Wafaransa waliwaunga mkono washirika wao husika. Kutokana na hali hiyo, vita vya ndani vilienea kwa kasi kote Lebanon. Wadruze walianza kuwaua Wakristo bila ubaguzi, wawe ni viongozi wa dini au watu wa kawaida, hadi maelfu ya Wakristo wakawa wamekufa au wamehamishwa na kukosa makazi, kiasi cha ukali wa mapigano haya.

The British and the French used these clashes as a pretext to interfere in Lebanon’s affairs. The French sided with the Maronites and the British sided with the Druze, this led to the renewal of disturbances in 1845. The scenes were horrifying and the attacks were extended to include Churches and monasteries. Theft, killing and pillage became common practice, prompting the ‘Uthmani government to send her foreign affairs in charge to Lebanon in order to use his mandatory powers to quell the trouble once and for all. He, however, could not achieve anything significant, although he managed to appease the tension a little. Meanwhile, the missionaries intensified their activities and in 1857 the Maronites began calling for a revolution and armed struggle. The Maronite clergy incited the farmers against the feudal lords and they attacked them fiercely in the North of the country, thus the revolution was ignited and it spread to the South. The Christian farmers now rose against the Druze feudal lords and the British and the French backed their respective allies. Civil strife spread rapidly all over Lebanon as a result of this. The Druze began to indiscriminately kill all Christians, whether they were clergy or ordinary people until thousands of Christians were either dead or displaced and homeless, such was the ferocity of these clashes.

Baadaye, vyama kadhaa vilianzishwa, lakini vyote vilihukumiwa kushindwa na vikasambaratika kama hapo awali. Chama kipya kilianzishwa mwaka 1857 kilichotumia mbinu tofauti kidogo: hakuna mgeni yeyote aliyeruhusiwa kujiunga nacho, na waanzilishi wake wote walikuwa Waarabu. Kwa namna fulani kilifanikiwa, na baadhi ya Waislamu na Waduruzi walijiunga nacho. Chama kiliwakubali kwa sababu walikuwa Waarabu. Jina lake lilikuwa "Chama cha Kisayansi cha Syria." Kilipata mafanikio kutokana na shughuli zake, uhusiano wake na Uarabu, na kutokuwepo kwa wageni miongoni mwa wanachama wake. Wanachama wake waliweza kuwashawishi watu wengine kujiunga, na wakapata uungwaji mkono wa chama hadi wanachama 150 walipojiandikisha. Miongoni mwa viongozi wake walikuwa baadhi ya watu mashuhuri wa Kiarabu, kama vile Mohammed Arsalan kutoka miongoni mwa Waduruzi na Hussein Bayham kutoka miongoni mwa Waislamu. Watu kutoka madhehebu yote ya Kikristo ya Kiarabu walijiunga, na maarufu zaidi kati yao walikuwa mwana wa Ibrahim al-Yaziji na mwana wa Butrus al-Bustani. Chama hiki kwa kweli kilidumu kuliko vyama vyote vingine. Mpango wake ulibuniwa ili kuwakaribisha madhehebu yote na kutumika kama cheche ya utaifa wa Kiarabu. Hata hivyo, lengo lake lililojificha lilikuwa la kikoloni na la kimisionari, lililofunikwa kwa jina la sayansi. Lilikuwa shirika lenye siri, likijidhihirisha katika kueneza utamaduni na elimu ya Kimagharibi.

Afterwards, several associations were established, but all were doomed to failure and they collapsed as before. A new association was founded in 1857 which adopted a slightly different method, no foreigners whatsoever were allowed to join and its founders were all Arabs. Somehow, it managed to succeed and some Muslims and Druze actually joined. The association accepted them because they were Arabs. Its name was the “Syrian Scientific Association.” It became successful owing to its activities, Arabic affiliation, and because of the absence of foreigners among its membership. Its members managed to recruit other people to join and they gathered support for the association until 150 members had enrolled in it. Among its administrative staff were some noted Arab personalities such as Mohammed Arsalan from the Druze and Hussein Bayham from the Muslims. Personalities from all Arab Christian sects joined, the most noted of them being the son of Ibrahim al-Yaziji and the son of Butrus al-Bustani. This association had in fact outlasted all the others. Its program was designed to accommodate all sects and to serve as the spark for Arab nationalism. However, its covert objective was colonial and missionary draped in the name of science. It was a shadowy organization manifesting itself in the spreading of Western culture and education.

Lakini kazi yake halisi na mpango wake wa kweli ulihusika na lengo jingine kabisa. Lengo lake lilikuwa kupandikiza tamaa za ajabu na matumaini ya uongo mioyoni mwa watu. Ilitoa wito wa utaifa wa Kiarabu na kuhimiza chuki dhidi ya Dola ya ‘Uthmaniyyah, ikiiita dola ya Kituruki. Ilifanya kazi ya kutenganisha dini na Dola na kufanya utaifa wa Kiarabu kuwa msingi wa maisha. Jumuiya hiyo ilikuwa ikiutetea daima Uarabu. Viongozi wake walishutumu mara kwa mara katika maandishi yao kwamba Uturuki iliuchukua Khilafah ya Kiislamu kutoka kwa Waarabu, kwamba inavunja Shari’ah ya Kiislamu, na kwamba inatumia vibaya Dini. Hili linaonyesha waziwazi asili halisi ya jumuiya hiyo na lengo la kweli ambalo ilianzishwa kwa ajili yake, yaani, kuchochea fitina dhidi ya Dola ya Kiislamu. Ilipewa jukumu la kuzua shaka na mashaka kuhusu Dini na kuanzisha harakati za kisiasa zilizojengwa juu ya kanuni zisizo za Kiislamu. Ukweli ni kwamba harakati hizi zilianzishwa na mamlaka za Magharibi. Ni wao waliozianzisha, wakazifuatilia maendeleo yake na kuziendesha. Pia waliandika ripoti kuhusu shughuli zake. Kwa mfano, balozi wa Uingereza mjini Beirut alituma telegramu kwa serikali yake tarehe 28 Julai 1880 akisema, “Vijikaratasi vya mapinduzi vimeanza kusambazwa, Midhat anashukiwa kuwa chanzo chake; licha ya hayo, hali bado ni shwari. Maelezo kwenye barua.”

However, its actual work and its real program was concerned with an entirely different objective. Its aim was to cast strange desires and false hopes into the hearts of the people. It called for Arab nationalism and encouraged animosity towards the ‘Uthmani State, dubbing it the Turkish state. It worked towards separating religion from the State and making Arab nationalism as the basis of life. The association always championed Arabism. Those in charge repeatedly accused Turkey in their literature of snatching the Islamic Khilafah from the Arabs, of violating the Islamic Shari’ah, and of abusing the Deen. This neatly demonstrates the true nature of the association and the real objective for which it had been founded, i.e. to cause agitation against the Islamic State. It was chartered with creating suspicion and skepticism about the Deen and to establish political movements based on non-Islamic principles. The fact is that these movements had been initiated by Western powers. It was they who established them, monitored their progress and managed them. They also wrote reports about their activities. For instance, the British consul in Beirut sent a telegram to his government on 28th July 1880 saying, “Revolutionary leaflets came into circulation, Midhat is suspected to be the source, despite this, the situation remains calm. Details in the post.”.