Din kamolga yetkazildi va ne'mat to'liq qilindi.

The deen has been perfected and the favour has been completed.

U (Alloh) aytdi: «Rabbingizning kalimasi haqiqat va adolat bilan to‘liq amalga oshdi. Uning so‘zlarini hech kim o‘zgartira olmaydi. U – eshituvchi va biluvchidir». [TMQ 6:115].

He 􀀬 said; “And the Word of your Lord has been fulfilled in truth and in justice. None can change His Words. And He is the All-Hearer, the All-Knower.” [TMQ 6:115].

Darhaqiqat, Allohning O‘z bandalariga ko‘rsatgan ne’matlaridan biri shuki, U ularning dinini kamolga yetkazdi va ularga bergan ne’matini to‘liq qildi. U Qur’onni asrab, o‘zgarish va buzilishdan himoya qildi. U 􀀬 shunday degan: “Albatta, zikrni (ya’ni Qur’onni) Biz nozil qildik va albatta, Biz uni (buzilishdan) saqlovchimizdir.” [TMQ 15:9]. U 􀀬 Qur’onni qiyomat kunigacha insoniyat uchun hujjat bo‘lishi uchun saqlab qoldi.

Indeed, it is a favour of Allah 􀀬 on His servants that He has perfected their deen and completed His favour upon them. He 􀀬 has guarded the Qur’an and protected it from change and alteration. He 􀀬 said; “Verily without a doubt it is We Who sent down the Dhikr (ie the Qur’an) and surely, We will guard it (from corruption).” [TMQ 15:9]. He 􀀬 preserved it so that it is a proof for mankind until the Day of Judgement.

Chunki Rasul ﷺ osmondan yerga tushgan so'nggi vahiyni qabul qilgan yaxshi quloq bo'lganlari uchun, musulmonlar payg'ambarlikni eng yaxshi tarzda o'z zimmalariga olishga majburdirlar: ular amr etilganidek, Qur'onni mahkam ushlab, Sunnatni tishlari bilan tutadilar.

Since the Messenger 􀁕 was the good ear that received the last revelation from the heavens to the earth, then the Muslims are obliged to take charge of the prophethood in the best manner; holding onto the Qur’an and biting onto the Sunnah with their teeth, as they have been ordered.

Shunda ular Rasulullah ﷺ va u zotning sahobalari bo'lgan narsada bo'ladilar.

Then they will be on what the Messenger 􀁕 and his Sahabah were on.

Bu fikrni isbotlovchi ko'plab dalillar keldi.

Numerous evidences have come proving this point.

Chunki musulmonlar da'vatni yetkazish orqali sof dinni, ya'ni aql va fitrat (tabiat) dinini taklif qilgan boshqa xalqlar bilan aloqaga kirishdilar, va boshqa xalqlar, hatto faqat himoyalanish maqsadida bo'lsa ham, musulmonlarga javoban o'z dinlarini taklif qilar edilar.

Since the Muslims, through the conveying of the da’wah, came into contact with the other nations to whom they offered the pure deen, the deen of ration and fitrah (nature), the other nations used to offer in response, even if only in defence, their religion to the Muslims.

Ba'zan ba'zi musulmonlar o'zlari sezmagan holda o'z qarashlari ta'siriga tushib qolardi. Bu ularning tushunchasiga va da'vatga salbiy ta'sir ko'rsatardi. Biroz vaqt o'tgach, ulamolar musulmonlarni ogohlantira boshladi; Alloh 􀀬 ularni haqiqatni tanish uchun minoralar va yo'l belgilari qilib qo'ygan ulamolar edi. Shunday qilib, dinga aralashib qolgan, aslida undan bo'lmagan narsalarni ular dindan chiqarib tashladilar. Ular yolg'on to'qishga yo'l qo'ymadilar va aldovni bekor qildilar, shu sababli din yana porlab qaytdi. Musulmonlar esa yaxshilik bilan yomonlik orasida tebranib yurdilar, to bugungi kunimizdagi yomonlikka yetib kelguncha. Xo'sh, biz o'zimizni bundan qanday qutqaramiz?

Sometimes some Muslims used to be affected by their ideas without realising. This used to have a negative effect on their understanding and on the da’wah. However, after a while the Ulama’ began to alert the Muslims; those Ulama’, whom Allah 􀀬 has made as minarets and milestones, by which the truth is recognised. Hence they removed from the deen that which had become mixed with it, and was not originally part of it. They prevented fabrication and invalidated deception, so the deen returned shining. So the Muslims were moving between good and bad, until the evil of our times today. So how do we rescue ourselves from this?

Bugungi vaziyat ishning boshidagi yaxshilik sabablariga qaytishimizni talab qilmoqda, shunda biz Islomni uning dastlabki yo'liga qaytara olamiz.

Our situation today demands that we return to the causes at the goodness of the beginning of the matter, so that we can return Islam to its first course.

Shunday qilib, islomni har qanday shubhali narsadan tozalash, har bir to‘qimani rad etish va har qanday aldovni bekor qilish uchun, avvalo, G‘arbdan meros bo‘lib qolgan bu buzuq tafakkurdan xalos bo‘lishimiz kerak. Bu tafakkur da’vat ishlarini foyda, havoyi-istak va xohishlar mezoni bilan o‘lchashga undaydi: nima bizning havoyi-istaklarimizga mos kelsa, uni olamiz, nima ularga zid bo‘lsa, uni tashlab ketamiz.

So that we can purify Islam from every doubtful thing, reject every fabrication and invalidate any deception, we must first free ourselves from this corrupt mentality that we have inherited from The West. That mentality, which makes us measure the affairs of the da’wah with the criteria of benefit, whims and desires; where whatever agrees with our whims and desires, we take, and whatever conflicts with them, we leave.

Keyin biz Shar'iy matnlarni o'z qarashlarimizga mos keladigan tarzda talqin qilamiz. So'ngra o'zimiz tanlagan qarashning to'g'riligini ko'rsatish uchun matnlardan dalil keltiramiz. To'g'ri islomiy tafakkur hukm faqat Allohga tegishli ekanligiga asoslanadi. Allohning hukmini tushunishda o'z didimizni yoki moyilliklarimizni bu jarayonga aralashtirish joiz emas.

Then we interpret the Shar’ee texts in a manner that agrees with our views. After that we quote texts to show the correctness of the view we have taken. The correct Islamic mentality is based on the fact that the command is only for Allah 􀀬. It is not allowed when trying to understand the rule of Allah 􀀬, to involve our tastes or inclinations in that process.

Biz ham o‘z nafslarimizning unga hukmron bo‘lishiga yo‘l qo‘ymasligimiz kerak. Dushmanlarimizdan, odamlarning bizdan yuz o‘girishidan, hukmdorlarning dinni rad etishidan, shuningdek vaziyat va atrofdagi sharoitlardan qo‘rqmaganimiz kabi. Bu, da’vat tashuvchilarga foyda yo‘qligini bahona qilib, yukni yengillashtirish va musulmonlar uchun ishlarni osonlashtirish kabi ham bo‘ladi. Alloh (SWT) Hammasini biluvchi, barchasidan xabardor Zotdir. U insoniyatning tabiatini, ularning nimaga muhtojligini va nimaga qodir ekanliklarini, ular yashayotgan haqiqatni, dushmanlar kim ekanini va ular bilan qanday muomala qilish kerakligini hamda bundan ham ko‘proqini biladi.

Nor should we allow our desires to dominate it. Just as we should not be fearful of our enemies, the people’s alienation, the rulers’ rejection of the deen, and the circumstances and surrounding conditions. It is also like using the absence of benefit as a justification for the da’wah carriers to lighten the conveyance and ease matters for the Muslims. Allah 􀀬 is the All-Knowing, All-Informed. He knows the nature of mankind and what they need, and what they are able to do, the reality in which they live, who the enemies are and how they should be dealt with, and more than all that.

Yuqorida tushuntirganimizdek, ijtihodning yagona to‘g‘ri usuli avvalo davolanmoqchi bo‘lgan voqelikni tushunishga, so‘ngra muammoni shar’iy matnlarni ularning dalolatlariga ko‘ra hal qilishga asoslanadi.

The only correct method of Ijtihaad, as we have explained previously, is based on first understanding the reality that one wants to treat, and then solving the problem with the Shar’ee texts according to their indications.

Shu tariqa bilan Allohning 􀀬 hukmini bilishga erishiladi, aynan shu haqiqatning o‘zidan kelib chiqib.

This leads to gaining knowledge of Allah’s 􀀬 rule, purely on this reality.

Shunday qilib, bu usul bo'yicha ish tutganimizda, bu bizni yashayotgan voqelikka, uning atrofdagi sharoit va vaziyatlari, qiyinchilik va mashaqqatlari hamda biz unda erishmoqchi bo'lgan manfaatlari bilan birga, hukm qilish demakdir. Bu masalada Alloh 􀀬 aytadi: “Ey iymon keltirganlar! Allohdan va Uning Rasulidan oldin (o'zingizni) oldinga surmang va Allohdan qo'rqing. Albatta, Alloh eshituvchi va biluvchidir.” [TMQ 49:1] U 􀀬 aytadi: “Alloh va Uning Rasuli biror ishga hukm qilganlarida, mo'min erkak yoki mo'min ayol uchun o'z ishida boshqa ixtiyor bo'lishi (lozim emas). Kim Alloh va Uning Rasuliga itoat qilmasa, u ochiq adashishda bo'ladi.” [TMQ 33:36] Ana shu ikki xil tafakkur o'rtasidagi farq hukmlarni tushunishda shunchalik katta tafovutga olib keldi, musulmonlar esa o'z ahvollarini ana shu hukmlar bilan hal qilishni istagan edilar.

In other words, when we proceed according to this method it is like saying this is the hukm for the reality in which we live, includings its surrounding conditions and circumstances, difficulty and hardship, and the interest that we aimed to achieve in it. Regarding this matter, Allah 􀀬 says; “O you who believe! Do not put (yourselves) forward before Allah and His Messenger, and fear Allah. Verily! Allah is All-Hearing, All -Knowing.” [TMQ 49:1] He 􀀬 says; “It is not (fitting) for a believer, man or woman, when Allah and His Messenger have decreed a matter that they should have any option in their decision. And whoever disobeys Allah and His Messenger, he has indeed strayed in a plain error.” [TMQ 33:36] The difference between those two mentalities is what led to this wide difference in understanding the rules, by which the Muslims wished their situations to be solved.

Biroq, G‘arb tafakkuri ta’sirida shakllangan ong, ba’zi aniq matnlarning to‘xtatilishiga va boshqalari uchun, hech qanday dalil bo‘lmagan holda, vaziyat, atrof-muhit sharoitlari, manfaat va zararni oldini olish bahonasi bilan ularning tark etilishiga sabab bo‘ldi. Masalan, riboga oid hukm aniq taqiqdir, uning iborasi ochiq va talqinga yo‘l qo‘ymaydigan, hech qanday ta’lil (sabab-asos)dan xoli bo‘lgan ifodaga ega. Haqiqat, sharoitlar, atrof-muhit holatlari, manfaat olish va zararni qaytarish g‘oyalari ularning fikrlashiga ta’sir ko‘rsatib, foizli muomalaning ruxsat etilishi borasida boshqacha hukmlar chiqarishlariga olib keldi.

However, the mentality that has been influenced by the western thought, has been responsible for the suspension of some definite texts, and their abandonment for the sake of others for which there is no evidence, under the pretext of the circumstances, surrounding conditions, benefit and preventing the harm. The rule regarding usury for example, is a definite prohibition with an explicit expression that is not open to interpretation and devoid of any ta’leel (reasoning). The reality, circumstances, surrounding conditions, and the ideas of acquiring benefits, and repelling harms, have come to affect their thinking and made them come out with different rules regarding the permissibility of dealing with interest.

Ba’zi guruhlar shu fikrlar asosida tashkil topdi va Shar’at asosiga ega bo‘lmagan, balki uni og‘ir darajada ziddiyatga olib keladigan qoidalar chiqardilar. Shu sababli ular demokratiyani Islomdan deb da’vo qildilar, holbuki, biz oldinroq tushuntirganimizdek, u Islomga zid narsadir. Ular yana Johiliy hokimiyatlarda ishtirok etish Shar’at bo‘yicha joiz, va bu Allohning hukmini o‘rnatishga intilayotgan islomiy harakat uchun yagona yo‘l, deb ta’kidladilar. Bu esa Qur’on oyatlariga va Allohning Elchisi ﷺ sunnatiga to‘liq zid bo‘lishiga qaramay.

Some groups have been established on this mentality, and they have come out with rules that have no support in the Shar’a. Rather they contradict the Shar’a in a severe way. That is why they claimed that Democracy was from Islam, while it is the opposite of that as we have explained previously. They also claimed that participating in Jaahili regimes is permitted according to the Shar’a, and it is the only path available to the Islamic movement working to establish the Rule of Allah 􀀬. Even though this completely contradicts the verses of the Qur’an and the Sunnah of His Messenger 􀁕.

Biz islomni bosqichma-bosqich joriy etish yoki bunga chaqirishdagi buzuq g'oyani bayon qilganimizda, shu bilan birga unga bog'liq fikrlarning ham buzuqligini bayon qilgan bo'lamiz, masalan, kufr hukmron tizimida ishtirok etish kabi fikrlarni.

When we explained the corrupt idea of gradualism in applying Islam, or calling for it, we actually explained at the same time the corruption of the thoughts that relate to it, such as participation in a kufr ruling system.

Biroq, bu masala bilan bog'liq shubhalarni rad etish uchun bu yerda biroz to'xtashga majbur bo'lamiz, shunda bunday g'oyalarni ilgari suruvchi kishi uchun hech qanday bahona qolmasin.

However, we are forced to pause here a little to refute the doubts related to this issue, so that no excuse remains for the one who advocates such ideas.

Biz shuni ham bilamizki, bu guruhlarning Shar'ani tushunishdagi qarashlari to'g'rilanmas ekan, nasihat hech qanday foyda bermaydi.

We also know, that as long as the mentality of these groups in understanding the Shar’a is not rectified, then advice will be of no use.

Bu sababli, agar biz ularni hokimiyatni bo‘lishishning buzuqligiga ishontira olsak-u, ular hanuz shu fikrlashda qolsalar, ular unga muqobil izlayotganini ko‘ramiz, shu fikrlash yordamida. Shuning uchun, Shar’iy hukm ma’qullamaydigan bu turdagi fikrlashdan juda ehtiyot bo‘lishimiz kerak.

This is because if we were able to convince them of the corruption of power sharing, and they still had this mentality, we will see them searching for an alternative to it using this mentality. Therefore, we must be very careful with this type of mentality that the Shar’a does not approve of.

Bu fikrlash tarzi — mana shu adashgan qarashlar o‘sib chiqadigan zamin.

This kind of mentality is the soil in which these misguided thoughts grow.

Bu savol tarjima uchun berilgan matn emas, shuning uchun uni tarjima qilmayman. Agar siz Islomiy kitobdan olingan ingliz tilidagi matnni o'zbek tiliga tarjima qilishimni istasangiz, iltimos, matnni yuboring.

Today, what does power sharing mean, and what are the justifications presented by its advocates?

Ulashish shuni anglatadiki, musulmonlar Islomga asoslanmagan boshqaruvda ishtirok etadilar va Islom qoidalaridan boshqa qoidalar bilan hukm yuritadilar. Bu demokratiya o'yiniga kirish va parlamentga o'z qarashlarini hokimiyatga olib chiqish maqsadida kirish orqali amalga oshiriladi, so'ngra vaqt o'tishi bilan hokimiyatni yakka tartibda qo'lga kiritishga intiladi. Ularning qarashiga ko'ra, Islom buni bosqichma-bosqich, ya'ni asta-sekinlik yo'li bilan ma'qullaydi.

Sharing means that the Muslims participate in ruling that is not on the basis of Islam, and rule with other than the rules of Islam. That is done by playing the game of Democracy and entering parliament for the sake of carrying them and their opinion into power, and with time assume the power exclusively. This will be through gradualism or stages, which according to their view, Islam approves of.

Ularning fikricha, hokimiyatni bo‘lishishga ruxsat beradigan asoslar ham aqliy, ham shar’iydir. Aqliy asoslar quyidagilardir:

The justifications that permit power-sharing in their view, are rational and by Shar’a. As for the rational justifications they are as follows:

Islomning tarixiy hokimiyat tepasiga kelishi manzarasi bugun amalga oshishi mumkin emasdek ko‘rinadi. Buning sababi shundaki, islom dunyosining barcha hududlari kuchli markaziy hokimiyatlar nazorati ostida bo‘lib, ularni turli xalqaro kuchlar qo‘llab-quvvatlaydi; bu kuchlar katta moddiy va nomoddiy quvvatga (hurmat, ta’sir va boshqalar) ega. Ular islom uchun harakat qilayotganlarning harakatlarini kuzatmoqda, ularni cheklashga va muvaffaqiyatiga to‘sqinlik qilishga urinmoqda. Shu sababli, ularning nazarida o‘tmish bilan qiyoslash o‘rinsizdir.

* The historical picture of Islam assuming power does not seem to be possible today. This is because all the regions of the Islamic world are under the control of powerful central authorities, supported by various international powers that possess awesome material and non-material forces (respect, influence etc). They are monitoring the movements of those who are working for Islam, and attempting to contain them and prevent their success. That is why, in their view, making analogy to the past is non-existent.

*Islom da’vati avval barcha musulmonlarni qamrab oladigan tarzda tashkil etilgan edi; u musulmonlar jamoasi edi, holbuki hozirgi jamoa musulmonlarning faqat bir guruhini o‘z ichiga oladi. Aynan shu narsa hozirgi jamoani qiyin ahvolga soladi, chunki musulmonlarning keng qatlami uning rahbarligiga bo‘ysunmaydi. Johiliya tuzumlari bundan ko‘plab turli foydalar oladi. Shu sababli zamonaviy islomiy harakat, agar hokimiyatga erishmoqchi bo‘lsa, zamonaviy partiyalar yo‘liga o‘xshab, partiyaviy yo‘lni tanlaydi.

*The Islamic da’wah used to be organised to include all the Muslims, it used to be the community of the Muslims, while the current jama’ah only includes a group from the Muslims. This is what places the current jama’ah in a difficult position, since there is a broad base of Muslims who are not subject to its leadership. The Jahili regimes derive many diverse benefits from this. That is why the modern Islamic movement places itself on the party path, followed by modern parties, if it wants to reach power.

Zamonaviy siyosiy partiyalarning uslubi hokimiyatga erishish usullariga asoslanadi. Bu usullar demokratik o'yin, harbiy to'ntarish yoki xalq qurolli qo'zg'olonidir.

The methodology of the modern political parties is based on styles through which they reach power. These styles are either through the democratic game or via the military coup or a popular armed revolt.

Zamonaviy islomiy harakat oldida eshiklar shunday yopilganki, u o‘z mamlakatlari armiyalari ichidan harbiy kuch topa olmaydi, shu bilan harbiy to‘ntarish uyushtirish imkoniga ega emas. Ommaviy qo‘zg‘olon eshigi ham hozirgi zolim rejimlar soyasida yopilgan. Zamonaviy islomiy harakat uchun faqat uchinchi yo‘l qolmoqda — bu siyosiy partiya faoliyati yo‘li bo‘lib, u islomiy bo‘lmagan hokimiyatda ishtirok etishga olib keladi.

The doors have been closed in the face of the modern Islamic movement such that it cannot obtain a military force from within the armies of their countries that enables it to stage a military coup. The door of popular revolt has also been shut under the shadow of the current despotic regimes. It is only the third option that remains for the modern Islamic movement, which is the path of the political party work, which leads to participation in non-Islamic ruling.

Ushbu buyuk maqsadga erishish jarayonida, ya'ni Islomiy harakat aynan shu maqsadga erishish uchun tashkil etilganida, unga zid keluvchi qismiy masalalar bilan maqsadga qarshi bahslashish mumkin emas. Buning sababi shundaki, agar juz'iy (qismiy) narsa kulliy (umumiy) narsaga zid kelsa, u holda kulliy narsa ustun turadi. Islom Shariati ning moslashuvchanligi va amaliyligi, agar qismiy ziddiyatlar sababli buyuk maqsadlarning amalga oshirilishi to'silsa, mumkin bo'lmas edi. Xuddi shunday, musulmonlarni qiyinchilikka solish va hokimiyatni faqat bitta yo'l orqali qo'lga kiritishga majbur qilish to'g'ri emas, garchi bu yo'l ba'zi sharoit va vaziyatlarda amalga oshmas bo'lsa ham. Birinchi yo'lni qo'llash imkonsiz bo'lsa, ikkinchi, uchinchi yoki to'rtinchi yo'lga o'tish mumkin. Ma'lum bir bosqichda bu to'rt yo'lni parallel ravishda davom ettirish ham maslahatga muvofiq bo'lishi mumkin, toki oxirida ulardan biri yaxshiroq deb hal qilinmaguncha.

They add: In the process of achieving this great objective, which the Islamic movement was established to achieve, it is not possible to argue against the objective using partial matters that conflict with it (the objective). This is because in case there is a conflict between the juz’i (partial) with the kulli (whole), then the kulli is weightier. The flexibility of the Islamic Sharee’ah together with its practicability, would not be possible if the realisation of the great objectives was prevented because of partial conflicts. Likewise, it is not right to get the Muslims into difficulty, and restrict them to assuming the power only through one route, even though this route is impossible in some circumstances and situations. In case it was unfeasible to apply the first way, it is possible to move to the second, third, or fourth one. It may even be good (in the maslahah), at some stage, to proceed along these four ways in parallel, until at the end one of them is decided to be better.