“Agar biror din yuz yil ichida Angliya, balki butun Yevropani boshqarish imkoniyatiga ega bo‘lsa, bu Islom bo‘lishi mumkin”, — Jorj Bernard Shou Yevropa siyosatchilari so‘nggi paytda Turkiyaning Yevropa Ittifoqiga kirishi haqida jamoatchilik oldida shubha bildira boshladilar. Avstriya moliya vaziri Karl-Heynts Grasser Turkiyaning a’zoligi “Yevropadan haddan tashqari talablar qilar edi”, deb aytdi. Ispaniya tashqi ishlar vaziri Migel Anxel Moratinos ikki hafta oldin, Fransiya va Niderlandiyadagi referendumlardan so‘ng, ikki rad etilishi kengayish rejalariga “shubhasiz” ta’sir qiladi, deb tan oldi. Fransiya va Niderlandiyada o‘tkazilgan so‘rovlar shuni ko‘rsatdiki, Turkiyaning a’zoligiga qarshilik saylovchilarning Yevropa Ittifoqi konstitutsiyasiga qarshi chiqishining asosiy sabablaridan biri bo‘lgan.

“If any religion had the chance of ruling over England, nay Europe within the next hundred years, it could be Islam” --George Bernard Shaw uropean politicians have started to raise doubts in public about Turkey’ s entry with the EU. Austrian Finance Minister Karl-Heinz Grasser said that Turkish membership “would make excessive demands of Europe.” Spanish Foreign Minister Miguel Angel Moratinos acknowledged two weeks ago, after the French and Dutch referendums, that “without a doubt” the two rejections were “going to affect” further expansion plans. Polls in France and the Netherlands showed that opposition to Turkey’ s membership was one of the key reasons voters gave for opposing the EU constitution.

So-nggi voqealar Abdulla Gulning o'tgan dekabrda qilgan da'vosiga sovuq suv sepadi: Yevropa Ittifoqining Turkiya bilan a'zolik muzokaralarini uzaytirish qarori mazkur musulmon davlatining barqarorligiga hissa qo'shadi hamda unga Yevropadagi va islom olamidagi yangi mavqe beradi. Shunday qilib, Yevropa Ittifoqining Turkiya bilan munosabati endi Turkiyaning keng ko'lamli siyosiy va iqtisodiy islohotlar o'tkazishiga asoslanmaydi.

The latest developments pour cold water on Abdullah Gul‘s claim last December that the European Union's decision to extend membership talks with Turkey contributes to the Muslim country's stability and gives it a new position in Europe and the Islamic world. Thus European Union’ s relationship with Turkey no longer rests on Turkey undergoing extensive political and economic reforms.

Ikki tomon o'rtasidagi kelajakdagi munosabatlar, aslida, ikkita asosiy omil bilan belgilanadi.

Rather future relations between the two will be decided by two major factors.

Birinchisi — "sivilizatsiyalar to'qnashuvi" bo'lib, Yevropa va Turkiya xalqlari hamda siyosatchilar uchun bu to'qnashuvning muqarrarligi va davom etayotgani ayon. Frantsiyaning sobiq prezidenti Valeri Jiskar d'Esten bir paytlar Turkiyaning Islom davlati va asosan Osiyo davlati sifatida Yevropa Ittifoqiga kirishi "Yevropaning oxiri" bo'lishini aytgan edi. Bugun Jiskar d'Estenning bu so'zlari nafaqat boshqa yevropalik siyosatchilar tomonidan takrorlanmoqda, balki Buyuk Britaniya, Frantsiya, Germaniya va bir qator boshqa mamlakatlar aholisi orasida keng tarqalgan. Mintaqani qamrab olgan kuchli islomofobiya kayfiyati mavjud bo'lib, u Usmonli xalifaligining Yevropa ishlarida hukmronlik qilgan o'tmish xotiralarini qayta uyg'otdi. Shu bilan birga, Turkiya musulmonlari Yevropa Ittifoqiga qo'shilishga qarshi. Ular o'zlarining islomiy o'ziga xosligidan mahrum bo'lib, g'arb qadriyatlarini qabul qilishga majbur bo'lishlaridan qo'rqadilar. Masalan, Turkiyaning zinoni taqiqlash rejasiga nisbatan Yevropa Ittifoqining tanqidi Anqara tomonidan tezda bekor qilindi. Bu ko'plab turklarni g'azablantirdi va Yevropaning islomiy qadriyatlarni ataylab nishonga olayotgani haqidagi xavotirlarini yanada kuchaytirdi.

The first is the ‘clash of civilisations’ and is pretty obvious to politicians as well as the peoples of both Europe and Turkey that this clash is inevitable and ongoing. Valery Giscard d'Estaing, the former French president once said that the entry of Turkey, as an Islamic and mostly Asian power, would spell "the end of Europe". Today Giscard’ s remarks are not only echoed by fellow European politicians, but are widely shared amongst the populations of Britain, France, Germany and several other countries. There is a deep sense of Islamophobia, which has swept the region and rekindled past memories of the Ottoman Caliphate dominating the affairs of Europe. Equally, the Muslims of Turkey are opposed to joining the EU. They fear that they will be stripped of their Islamic identity and forced to adopt western values. For example EU’ s chastisement over Turkey’ s plan to outlaw adultery was quickly reversed by Ankara. This angered many Turks and only heightened their anxiety that Europe was intentionally targeting Islamic values.

Bu qisman Amerikaning Islomga qarshi urushi keltirib chiqargan qo'rquv muhitidan, qisman esa Xristianlik dunyosi bilan Islom o'rtasidagi asrlar davom etgan ziddiyatdan kelib chiqmoqda. Munosabatlardagi bunday qutblanishni ikki madaniyat o'rtasidagi mafkuraviy farqlar muhokama qilinib, hal etilmaguncha yengib bo'lmaydi. Bunday muloqot bo'lmagan holda ish davom ettirilsa, Yevropa Ittifoqi qo'ygan siyosiy va iqtisodiy maqsadlarga qanday erishilishidan qat'i nazar, muvaffaqiyatsizlikka olib keladi.

This in part is born out of the climate of fear produced by America’ s war on Islam and in part is due to the centuries old conflict between Christendom and Islam. This polarization in attitudes is impossible to overcome, unless the ideological differences between the two cultures are debated and settled. To proceed in the absence of such a dialogue will result in failure, no matter what progress is made towards achieving the political and economic goals set out by the EU.

Ikkinchisi shundaki, Yevropa o'zining mahalliy musulmon aholisini o'ziga singdira olmadi. Shunday ekan, 70 million turkni muvaffaqiyatli qabul qilib, ularni jamiyatga kiritish imkoniyati qanchalik? Buning misoli sifatida Britaniyani olaylik. Musulmonlar ijtimoiy jihatdan eng kam ta'minlangan etnik guruhdir. 2004 yil oktyabr oyida The Guardian gazetasi shunday xabar bergan edi: "Musulmonlarda ishsizlik darajasi eng yuqori, sog'liqni saqlash holati eng yomon, nogironlik eng ko'p, ta'lim darajasi esa eng past. Ko'pgina jihatlarda musulmon ayollarning ahvoli musulmon erkaklarnikidan ham yomonroq edi."vi Frantsiya va Germaniyadagi musulmonlarning ahvoli esa bundan ham og'irroqdir. Hijobni taqiqlash, yosh musulmonlarni tasodifiy so'roq qilish va fuqarolikdan mahrum etish musulmonlarga qarshi amalga oshirilayotgan kamsituvchi harakatlarning eng oldingi qatoridadir.

The second is that Europe has failed to accommodate its own Muslim populations, so what are the odds that it can successfully manage the inclusion of 70 million Turks. Take the example of Britain. Muslims are the most socially deprived ethnic group. In October 2004 the Guardian newspaper reported: ’Muslims had the highest rate of unemployment, the poorest health, the most disability and fewest educational qualifications. In most respects Muslim women fared worse than Muslim men did.’ vi Muslims in France and Germany fair much worse. The banning of the hijab, the random interrogation of young Muslims and the withholding of citizenship are at the forefront of discriminatory acts carried out against Muslims.

Bundan tashqari, Yevropa davlatlarining Bosniya va Kosovodagi musulmonlarni himoya qilish va ularga aralashishdan tortinishi Yevropaning o‘z qirg‘oqlarida yashovchi musulmonlarga bo‘lgan munosabatini ko‘rsatadi. Yevropaliklar ongida yuqoridagi misollar musulmonlar va Islomning dunyoviylik bilan mos kelmasligi g‘oyasini faqat kuchaytiradi.

Add to this, the reluctance of the European powers to intervene and protect Muslims of Bosnia and Kosovo underscores Europe’ s attitude towards Muslims living on its shores. In European minds, the above examples only reinforce the idea that Muslims and Islam are incompatible with secularism.

Islom va G‘arb o‘rtasidagi hozirgi to‘qnashuv hamda Yevropaliklarning o‘z musulmon aholisiga nisbatan qilayotgan adolatsizliklari Turkiya rahbarlarining e’tiboridan chetda qolgan, deb ishonish qiyin. Agar Gul Turkiya musulmon dunyosida yangi mavqe egallashi haqida jiddiy bo‘lsa, kamida u Yevropaning o‘z musulmon aholisiga qarshi zulmiga qarshi qat’iy turishi kerak. Buni Turkiya Yevropa Ittifoqi bilan har qanday muzokaralarning dastlabki sharti sifatida ularning ahvolini sezilarli darajada yaxshilashni talab qilishi orqali amalga oshirish mumkin. Bunday jasur qadam Turkiyaning musulmon dunyosidagi obro‘sini keskin oshiradi. Shundan so‘ng Gul Turkiyaning o‘tmishini chuqur o‘ylab ko‘rishi kerak, shunda hozirgi Turkiya Yevropada qanday yangi mavqe egallashi mumkinligini topadi. U tezda shunga kelardiki, Turkiya faqat Islom va Xilofat soyasida jahon xalqlari orasida yetakchi o‘rinni egallagan. O‘sha paytda zulmga uchragan Yevropaliklar Xilofatning adolatiga intilar va unga qo‘shilishni orzu qilar edilar. Konstantinopol xalqi Sulton Muhammad ﷺ dan ularni Konstantinning zulmidan ozod qilishni iltijo qilmadimi?

It is hard to believe that the current clash between Islam and the West and the injustices committed by Europeans towards their own Muslim populace has escaped the notice of Turkish leaders. If Gul is serious about Turkey occupying a new position in the Muslim world then the very least he can do is to stand firm against Europe’ s oppression of its Muslim populace. This can be achieved by Turkey demanding a significant improvement in their circumstances as a precursor to any talks between Turkey and the EU. Such a bold gesture would dramatically increase Turkey’ s standing in the Muslim world. Thereafter, Gul should dwell profoundly on Turkey’ s past in order to discover how the present Turkey can occupy a new position in Europe. He would quickly conclude that only in Islam and under the shade of the Caliphate did Turkey occupy a pre-eminent position amongst the nations of the world. Back then, the oppressed Europeans used to yearn for the justice of the Caliphate and longed to become a part of it. Did not the people of Constantinople implore Sultan Mohammed to liberate them from the tyranny of Constantine?

2005-yil 14-iyun

June 14, 2005