"G'arb dunyoni o'z g'oyalari, qadriyatlari yoki dini ustunligi bilan emas, balki uyushgan zo'ravonlikni qo'llashdagi ustunligi bilan zabt etdi. G'arbliklar bu haqiqatni ko'pincha unutadilar, G'arbga tegishli bo'lmaganlar esa uni hech qachon unutmaydilar." — Samuel P. Xantington Evropaga tashrifi davomida Jorj Bush Yevropadagi mezbonlariga erkinlik va demokratiyani tarqatish Yaqin Sharq va kengroq musulmon dunyosida terrorizmni yengishning yagona yo'li ekanini ta'kidladi. Uning so'zlari uning prezidentligining tanish tamoyilini aks ettiradi — erkinlikning terrorizm ustidan g'alaba qozonishi.

“The West won the world not by the superiority of its ideas or values or religion but rather by its superiority in applying organized violence. Westerners often forget this fact, non-Westerners never do.” -- Samuel P. Huntington During his visit to Europe, George Bush emphasised to his European hosts that spreading freedom and democracy was the only way of defeating terrorism in the Middle East and the wider Muslim world. His remarks echo a familiar tenet of his presidency - freedom triumphing over terrorism.

Lekin Bush ma'muriyati kurashni "erkinlik va terrorizm" o'rtasidagi kurash deb atash orqali, bir qator o'rinli savollarga javob berishdan qochdi: terrorizm nima? Terroristlar kim?

But, by coining the struggle as freedom versus terrorism, the Bush administration has avoided answering some pertinent questions like - What is terrorism? Who are the terrorists?

Bush va uning tarafdorlari, neokonservatorlar, kimni dushman deb biladilar?

Who is the enemy in the eyes of Bush and his acolytes the neo-conservatives?

9/11 Komissiyasi (bu, albatta, birinchisi emas) "terrorizmga qarshi urush" degan atama chalg'ituvchi ekanini ta'kidlagan va uni diniy-mafkuraviy jihatdan Islomga qarshi urg'uni kuchaytiradigan tarzda qayta nomlashni tavsiya qilgan. 2001 yil oktyabr oyida AQSh generali Uesli Klark AQShning terrorizmga qarshi urushi "Islom ustidan urush" ekanini aytgan va Islomni jamiyatda "tinch" yoki "harbiy" kuch sifatida belgilab berishi kerakligini ta'kidlagan.xxvii Boshqalar esa uni siyosiy Islomga qarshi urush deb nomlash to'g'riroq bo'lishini ta'kidlashgan.

The 9/11 Commission (by no means the first) stressed that the term war on terrorism was misleading and recommended that it should be renamed to place greater ideological emphasis against Islam. In October 2001 US General Wesley Clark, said that the US war against terrorism "was a war over Islam" that would define Islam "as either a peaceful or militant" force in societyxxvii. Yet others have argued that it should be appropriately labelled war against political Islam.

Amerikaning siyosiy elitasi o‘rtasida urush nomi bo‘yicha qanday farqlar mavjud bo‘lmasin, oddiy amerikaliklar orasida bunday farqlar deyarli uchramaydi. Islomga qarshi kayfiyatdagi korporativ ommaviy axborot vositalari tufayli aksariyat amerikaliklar siyosiy qarashlaridan qat’i nazar, “terrorizmga qarshi urush”ni Islomga qarshi kurash sifatida qabul qilmoqda.

Whatever differences exist amongst America’ s political elite over the naming of the war there are few to be found amongst ordinary Americans. Thanks to the Islamophobic corporate media, most Americans irrespective of their political orientation view the war on terror as a fight against Islam.

Xuddi shunday muhit Yevropada ham mavjud. Yevropa siyosiy elitasining bu masalalarda Bushga qarshi chiqishda jasoratsizligi va islomofobik ommaviy axborot vositalari oddiy yevropaliklarga ishontirdiki, ularning yangi dushmani — Islom va ular orasida yashaydigan musulmonlardir.

The same milieu exits in Europe. The lack of boldness on part of Europe’ s political class to confront Bush on these questions together with the Islamophobic media has convinced ordinary Europeans that their new enemy is Islam and Muslims who live in their midst.

9/11 dan oldin musulmonlar uzoq vaqt davomida Amerikaning ularning yerlariga aralashuvi Islom bilan G'arb o'rtasidagi davom etayotgan kurashning bir qismi, deb hisoblab kelishgan. 9/11 dan keyingi voqealar bu qarashni faqat kuchaytirdi. Bugungi kunda musulmonlarning ulkan ko'pchiligi terrorizmga qarshi urush Islom va musulmonlarga qarshi urush ekanligiga shubhasiz ishonadi.

Before 9/11 Muslims long held the view that American intervention in their lands is part of the ongoing struggle between Islam and the West. The aftermath of 9/11 only served to reinforce this view. Today an overwhelming majority of Muslims believe unequivocally that the war on terrorism is a war against Islam and Muslims.

Shunday qilib, Bush’ning terrorizmga qarshi kurashi niqobi ortida Islom va G‘arb o‘rtasidagi to‘qnashuv allaqachon boshlangan. Bu kurash bir necha darajada olib borilmoqda. Ulardan eng muhimi mafkuraviy kurashdir. Bu kurashda g‘olib kelgan tomon kelajak Islomga yoki G‘arbning dunyoviy liberalizmiga tegishli bo‘lishini hal qiladi.

Hence, behind Bush’ s charade of fighting terrorism the clash between Islam and the West is well and truly under way. This struggle is being fought at several levels. The most important of all is the ideological struggle. The winner of this battle will decide whether the future belongs to Islam or Western secular liberalism.

Shunday savol tug'iladi: g'oyalar kurashida kim g'alaba qozonmoqda? Javob shuki, G'arb islom bilan bo'lgan mafkuraviy urushni ancha oldin yutqazgan. Buning sabablari quyidagilardir:

So the question that now arises is who is winning the battle of ideas? The answer is that the West lost the ideological war against Islam long ago. This is due to the following reasons:

1. G‘arb so‘nggi ikki yuz yil davomida musulmonlarni Islomdan qaytarish umidida islomiy fikrlarga qarshi kurashib keldi. Bu kampaniya Islomni o‘rgangan va uning e’tiqodlari hamda qoidalariga hujum qilgan orientalistlar bilan boshlandi.

1. The West has spent the last two hundred years combating Islamic thoughts in the hope of dissuading Muslims from Islam. This campaign began with the orientalists who studied Islam and attacked its beliefs and rules.

Masalan, ular Qur'onning ilohiyligiga, jihodga, ko'p xotinlilikka, islomiy jazo tizimiga va xalifalikka hujum qildilar. Ammo musulmonlarni Islomdan uzoqlashtirishga qaratilgan bunday uyushgan harakatga qaramay, G'arb uyda ham, xorijda ham qayta tiklanayotgan Islom bilan yuzma-yuz kelmoqda. G'arbda Islom muhojirlar orasida ham, mahalliy aholi orasida ham eng tez o'sayotgan din hisoblanadi.

For instance they attacked the divinity of the Quran, jihad, polygamy, the Islamic punishment system and the Caliphate. But despite this organised effort to alienate Muslims from Islam, the West is facing a resurgent Islam both at home and abroad. In the West, Islam is the fastest growing religion both amongst immigrants and the indigenous community.

1989 va 1998 yillar orasida Yevropadagi musulmonlar soni 100 foizdan ortiq o‘sib, 14 millionga yetdi (taxminan 2

Between 1989 and 1998 the Islamic population in Europe grew by over 100 percent, to 14 million (approximately 2

...foiz aholisi), Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining statistik ma'lumotlariga ko'ra.xxviii "Keyingi 20 yil ichida Britaniyadagi yangi musulmonlar soni dinni shu yerga olib kelgan immigrant musulmon jamoasi sonini tenglashtiradi yoki undan oshib ketadi", deydi Rouz Kendrik, Qur'onga oid darslik qo'llanmasining muallifixxix. Amerika ham bu hodisadan chetda emas. Bir mutaxassisning taxminicha, AQShda yiliga 25 000 kishi musulmon bo'lmoqda; ba'zi ruhoniylar 11-sentabrdan keyin dinga kirish ko'rsatkichlari to'rt baravar oshganini ko'rganliklarini aytishmoqdaxxx.

percent of the population), according to United Nations statistics.xxviii "Within the next 20 years the number of British converts will equal or overtake the immigrant Muslim community that brought the faith here", says Rose Kendrick the author of a textbook guide to the Koranxxix. America is not immune from this phenomenon. One expert estimates that 25,000 people a year become Muslims in the US; some clerics say they have seen conversion rates quadruple since Sept. 11xxx.

Konvertatsiya ko'rsatkichlarini bir chetga surib qo'ysak ham, G'arbda yashovchi musulmonlarning sekulyar liberalizmga munosabati xuddi shunchalik achinarli. Britaniyadagi musulmonlar munosabatini o'rgangan so'nggi ICM so'rovi quyidagi natijalarni e'lon qildi: 81% erkin so'z Islomni haqorat qilish vositasi deb hisoblaydi, 61% Shariatni qo'llab-quvvatlaydi, 88% maktablarda Islom o'qitilishini xohlaydi, 60% esa o'zlarini integratsiyalashishga ehtiyoj yo'q deb hisoblaydi.

Conversion figures aside, the attitudes of Muslims living in the West towards secular liberalism is equally damning. A recent ICM poll surveying Muslim attitudes in Britain published the following results: 81% view freedom of speech as a means of insulting Islam, 61% support the Sharia, 88% want Islam in schools, and 60% do not think they need to integrate.

Agar bu Musulmonlarning ma'rifat markazlaridan birida tutgan qarashi shunday bo'lsa, unda Musulmon dunyosining dunyoviy liberal qadriyatlarga munosabatini faqat taxmin qilish mumkin. Shuni aytish kifoyaki, G'arb Musulmon ommasini G'arb madaniyatining Islomdan yaxshiroq ekanligiga ishontira olmadi.

If this is the outlook of Muslims in one of the main citadels of enlightenment then one can only guess the stance of Muslim world towards secular liberal values. Suffice to say that the West has failed to convince the Muslim masses that Western culture is better than Islam.

2. Oʻtmishda G‘arb Rifo‘a at-Tahtovi (1801–1873), Jamoliddin al-Afg‘oniy (1838–1897), Muhammad Abduh (1849–1905), Toha Husayn (1889–1973), Rashid Rizo (1865–1935) va Sayyid Ahmad Xon (1817–1898) kabi modernistlarning xizmatlaridan foydalanib, Islom niqobi ostida G‘arb madaniyatini joriy etish yurishlariga boshchilik qildirgan. Bu islohotchilarning ta’siri nafaqat bekor qilindi, balki teskari natijaga aylandi.

2. In the past the West employed the services of modernists such as Rifa’a At-Tahtawi (1801-1873), Jamal Ad-Din Al- Afghani (1838-1897), Muhammad Abduh (1849-1905), Taha Hussein (1889,1973), Rashid Rida (1865-1935) and Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) to spear head their campaign of introducing Western culture under the guise of Islam. The impact of these reformists has not only been nullified but also reversed.

Bugungi modernistlar og'ir ahvolda qolgan.

Today’ s modernists find themselves in a precarious situation.

Ular musulmonlar tomonidan xor qilinadi va G‘arbning Islomni obro‘sizlantirishga qaratilgan vazifasini bajaruvchi madaniy imperializm vositalari sifatida ko‘riladi.

They are despised by Muslims and are seen as instruments of the cultural imperialism undertaking the West’ s bidding to defame Islam.

G‘arb nazarida ular juda islomiy deb qaraladi va endi musulmonlarni Islomdan qaytarish mas’uliyati ularga ishonib topshirilmaydi. Amerikaning Tariq Ramadanning vizasini bekor qilish qarori va Al-Qardoviyning Buyuk Britaniyaga tashrifiga nisbatan ommaviy axborot vositalarida ko‘tarilgan norozilik to‘lqini G‘arbning modernistlarga bo‘lgan ishonchsizligini aks ettiradi. Umuman olganda, ular obro‘sizlangan va G‘arb bilan Islom o‘rtasidagi g‘oyalar kurashida ahamiyatini yo‘qotgan.

In Western eyes they are viewed as being too Islamic and are no longer entrusted with the responsibility of turning Muslims away from Islam. America’ s decision to revoke Tariq Ramadan’ s visa and the media outrage at Al- Qardawi’ s visit to the UK epitomises the West’ s mistrust of modernists. On the whole they are discredited and have become irrelevant in the battle of ideas between the West and Islam.

3. G‘arbning islom olamiga qarshi bergan eng og‘ir zarbasi 1924-yil 3-martda sodir bo‘ldi. Britaniya o‘z dastyori Mustafa Komil orqali Xilofatni barbod qildi. Lord Kerzon Avvomlar palatasida nutq so‘zlab shunday degan edi: "Gap shundaki, Turkiya barbod etildi va u hech qachon qayta tiklanmaydi, chunki biz uning ma'naviy kuchini yo‘q qildik:

3. The biggest blow dealt by the West against the Islamic world came on March 3rd, 1924, when Britain through her stooge Mustafa Kamal destroyed the Caliphate. Lord Curzon speaking in the House of Commons said, "The point at issue is that Turkey has been destroyed and shall never rise again, because we have destroyed her spiritual power:

Xalifalik va Islom. Shundan so'ng Yevropa davlatlari islom yerlarini o'zaro bo'lib oldilar va musulmon xalqi ustidan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri mustamlakachilik hukmronligini o'rnatdilar.

the Caliphate and Islam.“ Subsequently, the European powers carved up the Islamic lands between them, establishing direct colonial rule over the Muslim people.

Birinchi marta musulmon ommasi G'arbning turli yechimlariga duch keldi: bir tomondan, ularning boyligini talon-taroj qilgan iqtisodiy yechimlarga, ikkinchi tomondan, ularni o'z tarixidan uzib qo'ygan, Islomni shunchaki bir qator marosimlarga aylantirgan va ularga g'arbliklardek fikrlashni o'rgatgan ta'lim dasturiga.

The Muslim masses for the first time were exposed to Western solutions ranging from economic solutions which plundered their wealth to an educational syllabus which disconnected them from their history, reduced Islam to a mere set of rituals and taught them how to think like Westerners.

Bundan tashqari, Islom dunyoviy hayotdan chetlatildi va uning o'rnini dunyoviy hukmronlik egalladi. Keyinchalik G'arb o'zi yaratgan musulmon mamlakatlariga soxta mustaqillik berdi va G'arb manfaatlarini himoya qilish hamda ular nomidan musulmon xalqni boshqarish uchun sodiq xizmatkorlarni tayinladi.

Moreover, Islam was effaced from temporal life only to be replaced by a secular rule. Later the West granted pseudo independence to the Muslim countries they had invented and appointed loyal servants to safeguard Western interests and to rule over Muslim people on their behalf.

Agar G‘arb sekulyarizm ostida sakkiz yil davomida bo‘ysundirilish musulmon ommasini siyosiy Islomdan qaytarishga yetarli bo‘ladi, deb o‘ylagan bo‘lsa, u og‘ir xato qilgan edi. Bugungi Islomiy uyg‘onishning kuchi va yo‘nalishi G‘arb rahbarlarining diqqatini o‘ziga tortdi. Vladimir Putin, Tony Blair va Donald Rumsfeld 2004-yilda qayta tiklanayotgan Xalifalik xavfi haqida ogohlantirgan G‘arb rahbarlarining uzoq xoriga qo‘shildi. Buni Kissinger aniq ifodalab, shunday degan edi: “…biz Amerika Qo‘shma Shtatlarida terrorizm deb ataydigan narsa, aslida radikal Islomning sekulyar dunyoga va demokratik dunyoga qarshi, bir turdagi Xalifalikni qayta tiklash uchun ko‘targan isyonidir xxxi”.

If the West had thought that eight years of subjugation to secularism would have been enough to deter the Muslim masses from political Islam then they were gravely mistaken. The ferocity and direction of today’ s Islamic revival has seized the attention of Western leaders. Vladimir Putin, Tony Blair and Donald Rumsfeld have joined a long chorus of Western leaders in 2004 warning about the dangers of a resurgent Caliphate. This was aptly summed up by Kissinger who said,”…what we call terrorism in the United States, but which is really the uprising of radical Islam against the secular world, and against the democratic world, on behalf of re-establishing a sort of Caliphate xxxi”.

4. Sekulyarizm mafkurasida ichki nuqson bor, bu esa uning musulmon dunyosi tomonidan kutilganidek rad etilishiga olib keldi. Buning sababi shundaki, sekulyarizm Islomning jamiyatdagi rolini faqat shaxsiy ibodat bilan cheklashni talab qiladi. Jamiyatni boshqarish bo'yicha siyosiy qarorlar insonlarga qoldiriladi. Bu esa musulmonlarning e'tiqodiga to'g'ridan-to'g'ri zid keladi, chunki ular siyosatni Islomning ajralmas qismi deb biladi, ya'ni musulmonlar uchun Islom — bu siyosatdir. Bernard Lewis ham shunga o'xshash baho berib, shunday degan: “Islomda mahalliy sekulyarizmning yo'qligi va Xristian namunasidan ilhomlangan import qilingan sekulyarizmning keng tarqalgan rad etilishini ikki diniy madaniyatdagi e'tiqod va tajribadagi chuqur farqlar bilan izohlash mumkin xxxii”.

4. There is an inherent flaw in the ideology of secularism, which has led to its predictable rejection by the Muslim world. This is because secularism insists on restricting the role of Islam in society to personal worship only. Political decisions about running the society are left to human beings. This directly contradicts the doctrine of Muslims, which considers politics an indivisible part of Islam i.e. to Muslims Islam is politics. Bernard Lewis gave a similar assessment and said, “The absence of native secularism in Islam and the wide spread rejection of an imported secularism inspired by Christian example, may be attributed to certain profound differences of belief and experience in the two religious cultures xxxii”.

Bundan tashqari, dunyoviylik (sekulyarizm) doimo ruhiy bo'shliq qoldiradi, ayniqsa odamlar o'zlari hal qila olmaydigan muammolarga duch kelganda. Xudoni dunyoviy ishlardan ajratish bu his-tuyg'uni yanada kuchaytiradi. Aynan shu fikriy zaiflik musulmon dunyosining ko'p qismida hukm surayotgan dunyoviy avtoritar tuzum sharoitida siyosiy islomning keskin o'sishiga sabab bo'ldi.

Furthermore, secularism always leaves a spiritual void, especially when human beings are confronted by problems, which they are unable to solve. Separating God from temporal matters only accentuates this feeling. It is this intellectual weakness that has contributed to the dramatic rise of political Islam under the secular autocratic rule, which pervades much of the Muslim world.

G‘arb komunizmning musulmonlarni Islomdan qaytara olmaganidan ibrat olishi kerak. Sekularizmga qaraganda ancha chuqur mafkura bo‘lgan komunizm ham musulmon ommasini moddiylik va odamlar tomonidan yaratilgan qonunlarga ishontira olmadi.

The West should take heed from the inability of communism to dissuade Muslims from Islam. Communism a far deeper ideology than secularism also failed to convince the Muslim masses of materialism and man-made laws.

5. G'arbning musulmon dunyosida g'arbona qadriyatlarni targ'ib qilishdagi ikkiyuzlamachiligi uning obro'sini sezilarli darajada zaiflashtirdi. Ayniqsa, 11-sentyabrdan keyin G'arbning qo'sh standartlari yangi cho'qqiga chiqdi. Abu G'raib voqeasi G'arbning ikkiyuzlamachiligi va musulmonlarga nisbatan nafratining haqiqiy ko'lamini ochib berdi.

5. The duplicity of the West in promoting Western values across the Muslim world has greatly undermined its credibility. Especially, after September 11, when Western doubles standards reached new heights. It was the episode of Abu Ghraib that revealed the true extent of the Western hypocrisy and hatred towards Muslims.

Erkinlik, demokratiya, inson huquqlari kabi G‘arb g‘oyalariga halokatli zarbani musulmonlar emas, balki erkinlik himoyachisi deb atalmish Amerika berdi. Hatto musulmon olamidagi uning xizmatkor hukmdorlari ham nafasi qisilib qoldi va Amerikani o‘zi sodir etgan shafqatsiz jinoyatlardan himoya qila olmadi.

Western ideas such as freedom, democracy, human rights were given a devastating blow not by Muslims, but by America the so-called defender of liberty. Even the agent rulers in the Muslim world were left gasping and could not shield America from the evil crimes she had committed.

Bir zarbada Amerika o‘zining qo‘li bilan musulmon dunyosidagi obro‘sini abadiy xiroj qildi va G‘arb sivilizatsiyasining poydevori bo‘lgan g‘oyalarni jiddiy zaiflashtirdi. Shu darajaki, ko‘plab musulmon bo‘lmaganlar bu g‘oyalarning to‘g‘riligini hamda ularning hukumatlari xorijda o‘ynagan aldamchi rolini shubha ostiga qo‘ymoqda.

In one swoop, America by its own handiwork had permanently damaged its standing in the Muslim world and had gravely weakened the very ideas that represent the cornerstone of Western civilisation. So much so, that many non-Muslims are questioning the validity of these ideas and the deceitful role played by their governments abroad.

Shu sababli, birinchi marta G'arb hukumatlari o'z fuqarolariga nima uchun bu qadriyatlarni o'z mamlakatlarida cheklash kerakligini ishontirish vazifasiga duch kelmoqda, holbuki ular musulmon dunyosiga zo'rlik bilan singdirilmoqda. Ehtimol, G'arb odamlari Oskar Vayldning so'zlarida tasalli izlashlari kerak, u shunday degan edi: "Demokratiya shunchaki xalq tomonidan, xalq uchun, xalqni cho'qmorlash demakdir." Mana shu sabablarning bir qismi musulmon dunyosining G'arb madaniyatini va uning dunyoviy liberal falsafasini rad etishiga hissa qo'shgan.

Hence for the very first time, Western governments are faced with the challenge of convincing their own citizens why these values have to be curbed at home, while they are forcibly thrust upon the Muslim world. Perhaps Westerners should seek solace in the words of Oscar Wilde who said, “Democracy means simply the bludgeoning of the people by the people for the people.” These are some of the reasons, which have contributed to the Muslim world’ s rejection of Western culture and its secular liberal philosophy.

Zamonaviy G'arb hukumatlari duch kelayotgan ochiq haqiqat shundaki, musulmon ummati g'oyalar kurashida g'alaba qozondi. Ummat va G'arb o'rtasidagi mafkuraviy kurash bobi multa'in yopildi. Ammo ummat va G'arb o'rtasidagi siyosiy kurash bobi hali ochiq, garchi bu muddat cheklangan bo'lsa ham. Buning sababi shuki, G'arbning va uning vakillarining musulmon dunyosida endi siyosiy qonuniylik qolmagan. Bu vakillar faqat G'arb davlatlarining qat'iy yordami tufayli omon qolmoqda.

The stark reality facing Western governments today is that the Muslim Ummah has won the battle of ideas. The chapter of ideological struggle between the Muslim Ummah and the West is more or less closed. But the chapter of political struggle between the Ummah and the West is still open- albeit for limited period. This is because the West and their surrogates have no political legitimacy left in the Muslim world. These surrogates only survive because of dogged support from Western powers.

Shu sababli G'arb va uning qo'g'irchoqlari G'arb qadriyatlarini qabul qilishga ummatni majburlashda yolg'iz qolmoqda. Ummat esa G'arb madaniyatini rad etib, global islom davlatining qaytishini talab qilmoqda. Bu ikki pozitsiya o'zaro kelishib bo'lmaydigan, va rejimlar bilan xalq o'rtasidagi qarashlardagi qutblanish cheksiz davom eta olmaydi.

Therefore the West and their puppets stand alone in coercing the Ummah to accept Western values. While the Ummah stands firm rejecting Western culture and calling for the return of a global Islamic state. The two positions are irreconcilable and polarisation in viewpoints between the regimes and its people cannot continue indefinitely.

Musulmonlar adolatsiz tarzda ularning zimmasiga yuklangan dunyoviy tartibni ag'darishlari faqat vaqt masalasidir.

It is only a matter of time before Muslims overthrow the secular order, which has been unjustly imposed upon them.

G'arb o'zining vakillari siyosiy islomni to'xtata olmayotganini sezib, terrorizmga qarshi kurash bahonasida musulmon yerlarini qayta bosib olishga intilmoqda — o'z qadriyatlarini mustahkamlash va moddiy manfaatlarini himoya qilish uchun qilingan umidsiz urinish sifatida.

Sensing the failure of its surrogates to contain political Islam, the West under the pretext of fighting terrorism has sought to re-occupy the Muslim lands in a desperate bid to reinforce its values and to safeguard its material interests.

G‘arbning musulmon dunyosiga nisbatan tutgan siyosatini muvaffaqiyatsiz o‘qituvchining xatti-harakatiga o‘xshatish mumkin. Muvaffaqiyatsiz o‘qituvchi — o‘quvchilarini maktab qadriyatlariga singdirish umidida ularni urishda davom etadigan, lekin shu bilan birga sinf ustidan nazoratni yo‘qotib, o‘zi himoya qilishga intilayotgan maktabning o‘zini ham tanazzulga yetaklaydigan kishidir.

West’ s behaviour towards the Muslim world can be likened to that of a failed schoolteacher. A failed schoolteacher is a person who continues to beat his pupils in the vain hope of imbuing them with the values of the school. Instead, the teacher not only loses control of the class but also brings down the very establishment he is trying to protect.

Haqiqatan ham, G'arbliklar islomchilardan kamroq xavf sezishlari kerak, ularni ko'proq o'z hukumatlari tashvishga solishi lozim, bular erkinlik va demokratiya nomi ostida o'z tsivilizatsiyalarining asoslarini asta-sekin, ammo muqarrar ravishda yemirmoqda.

Indeed Westerners have got far less to fear from the Islamists and more to fear from their own governments who in the name of freedom and democracy are slowly but surely ebbing away at the very foundations of their civilisation.

1 mart, 2005

March 1, 2005