Bu davrda tafsir rivoyat yo'li bilan o'qitilgan. Ya'ni tafsir maktablariga rahbarlik qilgan sahobalar oyatlarning ma'nolarini izohlovchi Payg'ambar (ﷺ)ning hadislarini keltirar edilar yoki oyatlar nozil bo'lgan tarixiy sharoitni bayon qilar edilar, yoki endi oddiy ishlatilmaydigan ba'zi so'zlarning ma'nosini izohlovchi islomgacha bo'lgan davr she'rlaridan misollar keltirar edilar. Sahobalar davridan so'ng, ularning shogirdlari bo'lgan tobe'inlar ham o'zlari o'rgangan usulga deyarli o'xshash tarzda rivoyat orqali o'qitishni davom ettirdilar. Biroq ulardan ba'zilari Qur'oni Karimning ayrim oyatlarini yanada izohlash uchun tafsirlari bilan birga yahudiy va nasroniy manbalaridan olingan hikoyalarni ham rivoyat qila boshladilar.

During this period, tafseer was taught by narration. That is, the sahaabah who headed schools of tafseer would quote the sayings of the Prophet ( ﷺ) which explained the meanings of verses, or explain the historical context in which the verses were revealed, or they would quote verses of pre-Islaamic poetry which explained the meaning of some words that were no longer in common use. After the era of the sahaabah, their students, the taabi‘oon, continued to teach by narration in much the same way that they had learned. However, some of them also began narrating along with their tafseers tales from Jewish and Christian sources to further explain certain passages of the Qur’aan.

Shuni ta'kidlash kerakki, tobe'iyn davrida tafsirni to'plash ishi ham amalga oshirilgan. Eng diqqatga sazovor misol Ibn 'Abbosning shogirdi Mujohid ibn Jabr (miloddan keyin 642–722 yil / hijriy 40–103 yil)ning ishidir. Mujohid ma'lum bo'lgan eng qadimgi tafsirni tuzgan; biroq uning asaridan hech bir nusxa bizgacha yetib kelmagan. Mujohid tafsirining ahamiyatini uning quyidagi so'zlaridan anglash mumkin: "Men Ibn 'Abbosga Qur'oni karimni uch marta to'liq o'qib berdim. Har bir o'qishda har bir oyat oxiriga kelganimda to'xtab, u kim haqida va nima sababdan nozil bo'lganini so'rardim."39

It should be noted that some compilation of tafseer took place during the era of the taabi‘oon. The most noteworthy example is that of Mujaahid ibn Jabr (642- 722 CE/40-103 AH), a student of Ibn ‘Abbaas. Mujaahid compiled the earliest known tafseer; however, no copy of his work has reached us. The significance of Mujaahid’s tafseer can be appreciated from his following statement, “I read the whole Qur’aan to Ibn ‘Abbaas three times. During each reading, I stopped at the end of every verse and asked him about whom and why it was revealed.”39

Umaviylar sulolasining oxiriga kelib, tafsirni tizimli ravishda to‘plash boshlandi. Hadis olimlari Payg‘ambarning (ﷺ) so‘zlari va amallarini mavzusiga ko‘ra boblarga bo‘lib to‘play boshladilar, tafsir bobi ham ulardan biri edi. Bu olimlarning ba’zilari Payg‘ambarga (r), sahobalarga va tobe‘inlarga nisbat berilgan tafsir rivoyatlariga alohida e’tibor qaratdilar. Ular orasida eng yetakchilari Yazid ibn Horun as-Salamiy (vafoti 737 M/118 H), Shu‘ba ibn al-Hajjoj (vafoti 777 M/160 H), Sufyon ibn ‘Uyayna (vafoti 814 M/198 H), ‘Abdurrazzoq ibn Hammom (vafoti 827 M/211 H) va ‘Abd ibn Humayd (vafoti 864 M/250 H) edilar. Biroq bu davrda butun Qur’oni karimning tafsiri yozilmadi.42

Towards the end of the Umayyad dynasty, 40 the systematic compilation of tafseer began. The scholars of hadeeth began compiling the sayings and actions of the Prophet (ﷺ) in chapters according to their subject matter, and the chapter on tafseer was one of them. Some of these scholars paid special attention to the narration of tafseer attributed to the Prophet (r), the sahaabah and the taabi‘oon. The foremost among them were Yazeed ibn Haaroon as-Salamee (d. 737 CE/118AH), Shu‘bah ibn al-Hajjaaj (d. 777 CE/160 AH), Sufyaan ibn ‘Uyaynah (d. 814CE/198AH), ‘Abdur-Razzaaq ibn Hammaam (d. 827 CE/211 AH), and ‘Abd ibn Humayd (d. 864 CE/250 AH).41 However, no tafseer of the complete Qur’aan took place at this time.42

IX asrning oxiriga yaqin tafsir fan sifatida mustaqil islomiy ilmga aylandi. Bu avlod olimlari Qur’on tafsirlarini yozma matnning tartibiga ko‘ra tuzgan birinchi kishilar bo‘ldi. Bizgacha yetib kelgan eng qadimgi tafsir shu davrdan bo‘lgan Ibn Jarir at-Tabariy (milodiy 839–923 yillar / hijriy 225–310 yillar) tomonidan yozilgan. Boshqa tafsirlarni Ibn Moja (milodiy 886 yilda vafot etgan / hijriy 272 yil), Ibn Abu Hotim (milodiy 939 yilda vafot etgan / hijriy 327 yil), Ibn Hibbon (milodiy 980 yilda vafot etgan / hijriy 369 yil), al-Hokim (milodiy 1014 yilda vafot etgan / hijriy 404 yil) va Ibn Mardavayh (milodiy 1020 yilda vafot etgan / hijriy 410 yil) yozgan.

Tafsir sohasida shaxsiy fikrga asoslangan talqin eshigi ham ochildi. Tafsir asarlari tez orada musulmon jamiyatidagi turli fikriy oqimlarni aks ettira boshladi. XI–XII asrlarga kelib, oldingi asrlarda tarjima qilingan yunon falsafasi va ilmining yirik asarlari islomiy ilmlarning barcha sohalariga ta'sir qila boshladi. Mu‘tazilalar (ratsionalistlar) kabi falsafiy maktablar shakllanib, sof islomiy tafakkurga ochiqdan-ochiq tahdid sola boshladi. Shu davrda az-Zamaxshariyning "al-Kashshof" (1075–1144 M/467–538 H) yoki Fahruddin ar-Roziyning "Mafotih al-g‘ayb" (1149–1210 M/544–606 H) kabi falsafiy va ilmiy atamalarga to‘la tafsirlar, shuningdek, turli bid‘atchi firqalarning qarashlarini ifodalovchi tafsirlar ham paydo bo‘ldi. Masalan, Mulla Muhsin al-Kosh‘ning Ismoiliya-Ithna ‘ashariya tafsiri Qur'on oyatlarini o‘n ikki ma'sum imom haqida gapirtirdi, Payg‘ambarning kuyovi ‘Alining xayoliy valoyati (hokimiyati) haqida va Payg‘ambarning sahobalaridan bir qismidan tashqari hammasining murtad bo‘lganligi haqida gapirtirdi. Ibn al-‘Arabiyning (v. 1240 M/638 H) sufiylik tafsiri esa Qur'on oyatlarini Allohning hamma narsa va hamma narsaning Alloh ekanligi haqidagi vahdatul-vujud aqidasini ifodalashga majbur qildi.44

In addition, the door of tafseer according to personal opinion was opened. Works of tafseer soon began to reflect various trends of thought in Muslim society. By the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the major works of Greek philosophy and science that had been translated in the previous centuries began to have an effect on all of the various Islaamic fields of study. Philosophical schools of thought like that of the Mu‘tazilees (Rationalists) had evolved which boldly threatened pure Islaamic thought. Tafseers full of philosophical and scientific terminology, like al-Kash-shaaf of az-Zamakhsharee (1075-1144 CE/467-538 AH) or Mafaateeh al-Ghayb of Fakhrud-Deen ar-Raazee (1149-1210 CE/544-606 AH), and tafseers expressing the thoughts of various heretical sects also appeared during this period. For example, the Twelver Shee‘ah tafseer of Mullah Muhsin al-Kaash made the verses of the Qur’aan speak of twelve infallible imaams, the imaginary walaayah (governorship) of the Prophet’s son-in-law ‘Alee and the claimed apostasy of all of the Prophet’s companions except a handful; and the Soofee tafseer of Ibn al-‘Arabee (d. 1240 CE/638 AH) made Qur’aanic verses voice his pantheistic ideology of Allaah being all and all being Allaah.44

Islom olimlari orasida ham ixtisoslashuv tendensiyasi kuchaydi; bu islomiy ilmlarning ko‘plab sohalarga bo‘linib ketishi natijasi edi. Natijada al-Jassos (917–980 mill./304–369 hijriy) va al-Qurtubiy (vaf. 1273 mill./671 hijriy) kabi tafsir muallifları Qur’on oyatlaridan fiqh (islom huquqi)ni chiqarishga e’tibor qaratdilar, bunda har biri o‘z mazhabi (fiqh maktabi) qoidalariga tayandi. Shuningdek, qadimgi tarix hikoyatlariga ixtisoslashgan ath-Tha‘labiy “al-Jawohir al-Hisan fi tafsir al-Qur’on” asarini yozdi; unda u avvalgilar haqidagi barcha rivoyatlarni, ularning ishonchli yoki ishonchsizligidan qat’i nazar, to‘plagan.45

Men ushbu oyatning tafsiri bo'yicha taxminan o'nta turli fikrni ko'rganman:

I have seen approximately ten different opinions concerning the tafseer of the verse:

garchi Payg'ambar ﷺ, uning sahobalari (sahoba) va ularning shogirdlari (tobi'un) bu oyat faqat yahudiy va nasroniylar haqida ekanini rivoyat qilgan bo'lsalar ham. Va (ilk olimlardan) Ibn Abu Hotim bu oyat haqida shunday degan: "Men tafsir olimlari orasida bu borada hech qanday ixtilof borligini bilmayman." 47

in spite of the fact that the Prophet (r) and his companions (sahaabah) and their students (taabi‘oon) all related that the verse referred to none other than the Jews and the Christians. And (one of the early scholars) Ibn Abee Haatim said concerning this verse, “I know of no disagreement among the scholars of tafseer about it.” 47

Ushbu davr va undan keyingi olimlarning bir qismi faqat avvalgi asarlarning qisqartirilgan nusxalarini tayyorlash bilan cheklanib qoldi, boshqalari esa avvalgi asarlarga izohlar (hoshiyalar) yozish bilan kifoyalandi. Shuni ham e'tiborga olish kerakki, tafsir ilmi, shuningdek, barcha islomiy ilmlar og'ir ahvolga tushgan, chetga og'ish va turg'unlik yuz bergan bo'lsa-da, sof islomiy fikr bayrog'ini baland tutgan ko'plab buyuk olimlar ham bo'lgan. Shu sababli, barcha davrlarda eng yuqori e'tirof etilgan tafsir ushbu davr olimlaridan biri, al-Hofiz ibn Kasir (vafoti 1373 m./774 h.) tomonidan yozilgani ajablanarli emas: "Tafsir al-Qur'on al-'Azim".

Some of the scholars of this and later periods confined themselves to making abridgements of earlier works while others were satisfied to write footnotes for earlier works. It should also be noted that in spite of the deviation and stagnation which afflicted the field of tafseer, as well as all of the Islaamic sciences, there were a number of great scholars who held high the banner of pure Islaamic thought. Thus, it should not be surprising to find that the most highly acclaimed tafseer of all times was produced by a scholar of this time, Tafseer al-Qur’aan al- ‘Atheem by al-Haafith ibn Katheer (d. 1373 CE/774 AH).

Ushbu asrda tafsirning yangi shakli paydo bo‘ldiki, unda mualliflar Qur’on oyatlarini yigirmanchi asrning ehtiyojlariga tatbiq etishga harakat qilganlar. Masalan, Muhammad ‘Abduh (vafoti 1905 M.) boshlagan va uning shogirdi Muhammad Rashid Rizo tomonidan Sura Yusufgacha yakunlangan “Tafsir al-Manar” hamda Sayyid Qutb yozgan “Fi zilol al-Qur’on” kabi tafsirlar Qur’ondagi jamiyat, qonunchilik va ilmiy nazariyalarning asoslarini ko‘rsatib beradi. Bu ikki tafsirning ham tanqidchilari bor. ‘Abduh g‘arb ta’siriga javob berish uchun musulmon jamiyatlarini isloh qilishdan manfaatdor edi va bu islohotning boshlang‘ich nuqtasi sifatida taqlidni tark etishga chaqirdi. U Qur’onni unga oid o‘tmishdagi talqinlardan xoli holda, yangidan o‘rganish zarurligini ta’kidladi. Na u, na Rizo biror oyatning tafsirini o‘z tafsirlarini yozib bo‘lmaguncha boshqalarning tafsiriga murojaat qilmas edilar. ‘Abduh ilmiy nazariyalarga moslashtirish g‘ayratida farishtalarni tabiiy kuchlarning sinonimi deb hisobladi va shu sababli Odam va Iblis hikoyasini ramziy talqin qildi. Uning shogirdi Payg‘ambar (r) Qur’onni yetkazishdan boshqa hech qanday mo‘jiza ko‘rsatmaganini inkor etdi. Ikkalasi ham al-Bukhoriy va Muslim rivoyat qilgan bir qator hadislarni zaif deb, rad etdilar.51

In this century, a new form of tafseer has evolved in which the authors have tried to apply the passages of the Qur’aan to the needs of the twentieth century. For example, tafseers like Tafseer al-Manaar, started by Muhammad ‘Abduh (d. 1905 CE) and completed up to Soorah Yoosuf by his student Muhammad Rasheed Ridaa,48 or Fee Thilaal al-Qur’aan by Syed Qutb point out the Qur’aanic foundations for human society, legislation, and scientific theories. Both these tafseers have their critics. ‘Abduh was interested in reforming Muslim societies to meet the challenge of the west, and he called for the abandonment of taqleed as the starting point for that reform. He stressed the need for approaching the Qur’aan fresh, unencumbered by past inter-pretations of it. Neither he nor Ridaa would look at anyone else’s tafseer until they had finished writing their own tafseers of a particular passage.49 In his zeal to accommodate scientific theories, ‘Abduh interpreted angels as being synonymous with natural forces, which led him to a symbolic interpretation of the story of Aadam and Iblees.50 His student denied that the Prophet (r) performed any miracles other than conveying the Qur’aan. Both he and his student rejected a number of hadeeths reported by al-Bukhaaree and Muslim, claiming that they were weak.51

Biroq, Ridō hadis ilmida ʿAbduhdan ko‘proq bilimdon edi va u ʿAbduhga qaraganda hadislarga ko‘proq tayanardi. Ikkalasi ham o‘z aqllariga o‘zlari munosib ko‘rgancha talqin qilish uchun katta erkinlik berar edilar.

Ridaa was, however, more learned in hadeeth than ‘Abduh and relied on hadeeths more than him.52 Both of them gave their intellects great freedom to interpret as they saw fit.

Sayid Qutb o'z davrida yashagan, o'sha paytda Islom xalifaligi endigina barham topgan edi. Islom dunyosi Yevropa mustamlakachiligi mahsuli bo'lgan huquq tizimlariga ega bo'lgan kichik davlatlarga bo'linib ketgan edi. U Islom jamiyatlarining o'z ishlarini boshqarishda shariatni tark etishiga chuqur g'azab bilan qaragan. Uning tavhid ma'nosiga oid talqinlari Allohning insoniyat jamiyatini boshqarish uchun qonunlarni belgilash borasidagi yagona huquqiga qaratilgan edi. Ushbu masalaga bo'lgan urg'usi tavhidning boshqa jihatlarini va qonunchilikdagi shirkdan boshqa shirk shakllarining xavfini e'tibordan chetda qoldirishga olib keldi. U tavhidi uluhiyya va tavhidi rububiyya o'rtasidagi farqni chalkashtirib yuborgan ko'rinadi. Uning tanqidchilari, shuningdek, u zamonaviy Islom jamiyatlarini Islom bilan hech qanday aloqasi yo'q deb keng qamrovli ravishda qoralagani va Islom tarixidagi inqilobiy harakatlarni maqtagani bilan bugungi zamonaviy takfir harakatlarining urug'ini sepgan, deb ta'kidlaydilar. Bu kamchiliklarga qaramay, u ko'pchilik musulmonlar Islom haqida uzr so'rab gapirgan bir paytda sekulyarizmning nuqsonlarini va uni dunyoga keltirgan Yevropa sivilizatsiyasini kuchli islomiy tanqid bilan ochib berdi.

Syed Qutb lived at a time when the Islaamic caliphate had just been abolished. The Islaamic world had been divided into small countries with legal systems that were the product of European colonialism. He felt a deep outrage at Islaamic societies’ abandonment of the Sharee‘ah in ruling their affairs. His interpretations of the meaning of tawheed focused on Allaah’s sole right to formulate the laws for the rule of human society. His stress of this point led to the neglect of other aspects of tawheed and of the dangers posed by forms of shirk other than shirk in legislation. He seems to have actually been confused about the difference between tawheed al-ulooheeyah and tawheed ar-ruboobeeyah.53 His critics also say that he laid the seeds for today’s modern takfeer movements with his blanket condemnation of contemporary Islaamic societies as having nothing to do with Islaam, and with his praise of revolutionary movements in Islaamic history.54 Despite these shortcomings, he presented a vigorous Islaamic critique of the flaws of secularism and the European civilization that spawned it at a time when most Muslims were apologetic about Islaam.