Arablar orasida hukmronlik va amirlik

Arablar orasida hukmronlik va amirlik - Sealed Nectar Bu kitobning nomi: "Muhrlangan nektar" (ar-Raheeq al-Makhtum) Note: this is a title, so per the rules I'll give the Uzbek rendering only. **Muhrlangan nektar** | Quran Course

Shabo xalqi sof arablarning eng qadimgi xalqlaridan biri bo‘lib, Yamanda yashagan. “Or” hududidagi qazishmalar ularning mavjudligini miloddan avvalgi yigirma besh asr oldinga olib boradi. Ularning sivilizatsiyasi gullab-yashnagan va hukmronlik hududlari miloddan avvalgi o‘n bir asrda kengaygan.

The folks of Sheba were one of the oldest nations of the pure Arabs, who lived in Yemen. Excavations at “Or” brought to light their existence twenty five centuries B.C. Their civilization flourished, and their domain spread eleven centuries B.C.

Ularning yoshlarini quyidagi taxmin bo'yicha bo'lish mumkin:

It is possible to divide their ages according to the following estimation:

1. 650 yil miloddan oldingi davrlar, bu davrda ularning hukmdorlari "Makrib Sheba" deb atalgan. Ularning poytaxti "Sarvah" bo‘lib, "Xriba" nomi bilan ham tanilgan, uning xarobalari "Ma’rib"ning g‘arbiy tomonidan bir kunlik yo‘l masofasidagi joyda yotadi. Shu davrda ular Yemen tarixida katta ahamiyatga ega bo‘lgan "Ma’rib to‘g‘oni"ni qurishni boshlashdi. Shuningdek, Sheba shunchalik keng hududga ega bo‘lganki, ularning Arabiston ichida va tashqarisida mustamlakalari bo‘lgan, deb aytiladi.

1. The centuries before 650 B.C., during which their kings were called “Makrib Sheba”. Their capital was “Sarwah”, also known as “Khriba”, whose ruins lie in a spot, a day’s walk from the western side of “Ma’rib”. During this period, they started building the “Dam of Ma’rib” which had great importance in the history of Yemen. Sheba was also said to have had so great a domain that they had colonies inside and outside Arabia.

2. 650 yil miloddan avvalgi dan 115 yil miloddan avvalgi gacha. Bu davrda ular "Makrib" nomini tark etib, "Saba podshohlari" unvonini oldilar. Shuningdek, poytaxtni Sarvah o'rniga Ma'rib qilib oldilar. Ma'rib xarobalari San'odan sharqda, oltmish mil masofada joylashgan.

2. From 650 B.C. until 115 B.C. During this era, they gave up the name “Makrib” and assumed the designation of “Kings of Sheba”. They also made Ma’rib their capital instead of Sarwah. The ruins of Ma’rib lie at a distance of sixty miles east of San‘a.

3. Miloddan avvalgi 115-yildan milodiy 300-yilgacha. Bu davrda Himyar qabilasi Sabo podshohligini bosib oldi va poytaxt sifatida Ma’rib o‘rniga Redanni tanladi. Keyinchalik Redan “Zifar” deb atala boshlandi. Uning xarobalari hali ham “Yarim” shahri yaqinidagi Mudavvar tog‘ida saqlanib qolgan. Shu davrda ular inqirozga yuz tuta boshladi va tanazzulga uchradi. Ularning savdosi katta darajada zaiflashdi: birinchidan, Hijozning shimoliy qismi ustidan Nabatiylar hukmronligi tufayli; ikkinchidan, Rim Misr, Suriya va Hijozning shimoliy qismini zabt etgandan so‘ng, dengiz savdo yo‘llarida Rimning ustunligi tufayli; uchinchidan, qabilalararo urushlar tufayli. Yuqorida zikr etilgan uch omil tufayli Qahtan avlodlari parokanda bo‘lib, tarqalib ketdi.

3. From 115 B.C. until 300 A.D. During this period, the tribe of Himyar conquered the kingdom of Sheba and took Redan for capital instead of Ma’rib. Later on, Redan was called “Zifar”. Its ruins still lie on Mudawwar Mountain near the town of “Yarim”. During this period, they began to decline and fall. Their trade failed to a very great extent, firstly, because of the Nabetean domain over the north of Hijaz; secondly, because of the Roman superiority over the naval trade routes after the Roman conquest of Egypt, Syria and the north of Hijaz; and thirdly, because of the inter-tribal warfare. Thanks to the three above-mentioned factors, families of Qahtan were disunited and scatteredout.

4. 300-milodiydan Yamanga Islom nur sochgunga qadar bo‘lgan davr. Bu davr ko‘p tartibsizlik va g‘alayonlarga boy bo‘ldi. Ko‘plab urushlar va fuqarolar urushlari Yaman xalqini tashqi bosqinchilikka va shu tufayli mustaqillikni yo‘qotishga mahkum etdi. Bu davrda rimliklar ‘Adnni egallab oldilар va 340-milodiyda Hamdan va Himyar qabilalari o‘rtasidagi doimiy urushdan foydalanib, Habashistonliklarga (Efiopiyaliklarga) Yamanni birinchi marta egallashda yordam berdilar. Habashistonliklarning (Efiopiyaliklarning) Yamanni egallashi 378-milodiygacha davom etdi, shundan so‘ng Yaman mustaqilligini qayta tikladi. Keyinroq, Ma’rib to‘g‘oni yorilib, bu Muqaddas Qur’onda zikr etilgan Buyuk Toshqinga (miloddan avvalgi 450 yoki 451-yillar) olib keldi. Bu katta voqea butun Yaman sivilizatsiyasining qulashiga va u yerda yashagan xalqlarning tarqab ketishiga sabab bo‘ldi.

4. From 300 A.D. until Islam dawned on Yemen. This period witnessed a lot of disorder and turmoil. The great many and civil wars rendered the people of Yemen liable to foreign subjection and hence loss of independence. During this era, the Romans conquered ‘Adn and even helped the Abyssinians (Ethiopians) to occupy Yemen for the first time in 340 A.D., making use of the constant intra-tribal conflict of Hamdan and Himyar. The Abyssinian (Ethiopian) occupation of Yemen lasted until 378 A.D., whereafter Yemen regained its independence. Later on, cracks began to show in Ma’rib Dam which led to the Great Flood (450 or 451 A.D.) mentioned in the Noble Qur’ân. This was a great event which caused the fall of the entire Yemeni civilization and the dispersal of the nations living therein.

Bu Xristianlar orasida, ayniqsa Rim imperatorlari orasida katta g'azabni uyg'otdi. Ular nafaqat habashlarni (Efiopiyaliklarni) arablarga qarshi qo'zg'atdilar, balki habash qo'shinining ikkinchi marta Yamanni zabt etishiga yordam bergan katta flotni ham to'pladilar. Bu zabt milodiy 525-yilda yetmish ming jangchidan iborat habash (Efiopiya) qo'shinining Eriat boshchiligida amalga oshirildi. Eriatga Yaman ustidan hukmronlik berildi va u o'z qo'shin boshliqlaridan biri Abraha tomonidan o'ldirilguniga qadar bu lavozimda turdi. Abraha habash shohi bilan yarashgach, Yaman ustidan hukmronlikni qo'lga oldi. Keyinroq esa u o'z askarlarini Al-Ka‘bani buzib tashlash uchun jo'natdi. Shu sababli u va uning askarlari “Fil egalari” nomi bilan tanildi.

This aroused great wrath among the Christians, and especially the Roman emperors, who not only instigated the Abyssinians (Ethiopians) against Arabs but also assembled a large fleet which helped the Abyssinian (Ethiopian) army, of seventy thousand warriors, to effect a second conquest of Yemen in 525 A.D., under the leadership of Eriat, who was granted rulership over Yemen, a position he held until he was assassinated by one of his army leaders, Abraha, who, after reconciliation with the king of Abyssinia, took rulership over Yemen and, later on, deployed his soldiers to demolish Al-Ka‘bah, and , hence, he and his soldiers came to be known as the “Men of the Elephant”.

"Fil" voqeasidan so'ng, Yamanlik xalq Ma'dikarib ibn Sayf Zu Yazin al-Himyariy rahbarligida, forslarning yordami bilan, Abissiniya (Efiopiya) bosqinchilariga qarshi qo'zg'olon ko'tardi, mustaqillikni tikladi va Ma'dikaribni o'z podshohi etib tayinladi. Biroq Ma'dikaribni, o'zi xizmat va himoya uchun yoniga olib yurgan bir abissiniyalik (efiopiyalik) o'ldirdi. Shu tariqa Zu Yazin oilasi abadiy podshohlikdan mahrum bo'ldi. Fors shohi Kisro San'oga fors hokimini tayinladi va shu yo'l bilan Yamanni fors mustamlakasiga aylantirdi. Fors hukmdorlari Yamanda hukmronlikni davom ettirdilar, to ularning oxirgisi Bazan 638 milodiy yilda Islomni qabul qilguncha, shu bilan Yaman ustidan fors hukmronligi tugatildi.

After the “Elephant” incident, the people of Yemen, under the leadership of Ma‘dikarib bin Saif Dhu Yazin Al-Himyari, and through Persian assistance, revolted against the Abyssinian (Ethiopian) invaders, restored independence and appointed Ma‘dikarib as their king. However, Ma‘dikarib was assassinated by an Abyssinian (Ethiopian) he used to have him around for service and protection. The family of Dhu Yazin was thus deprived of royalty forever. Kisra, the Persian king, appointed a Persian ruler over San‘a and thus made Yemen a Persian colony. Persian rulers maintained rulership of Yemen until Badhan, the last of them, embraced Islam in 638 A.D., thus terminating the Persian domain over Yemen.

Korosh Buyuk (miloddan avvalgi 557–529 yillar) forslarni birlashtirganidan beri ular Iroq va uning atrofidagi hududlarni boshqarib keldilar. Iskandar Zulqarnayn ularning shohi Doro I ni mag'lub etib, miloddan avvalgi 326 yilda forslarni bo'ysundirmaguncha, hech kim ularning hokimiyatidan qutula olmadi. Shundan so'ng fors yerlari bo'linib, "Mazhablar shohlari" deb nomlangan hukmdorlar tomonidan boshqarildi; bu davr milodiy 230 yilgacha davom etdi. Shu orada qahtoniylar Iroqning ayrim hududlarini egalladilar, keyinchalik ularning ortidan kelgan adnoniylar ham Mesopotamiyaning ayrim qismlarini ular bilan birga bo'lishga muvaffaq bo'ldilar.

Ever since Korosh the Great (557-529 B.C.) united the Persians, they ruled Iraq and its neighbourhood. Nobody could shake off their authority until Alexander the Great vanquished their king Dara I and thus subdued the Persians in 326 B.C. Persian lands were thenceforth divided and ruled by kings known as “the Kings of Sects”, an era which lasted until 230 A.D. Meanwhile, the Qahtanians occupied some Iraqi territories, and were later followed by some ‘Adnanians who managed to share some parts of Mesopotamia with them.

Eron hukmdori Ardashir boshchiligida fors xalqi 226 milodiy yilda Sosoniylar davlatiga asos solgan edi. Ular yana yetarlicha birlik va qudratga erishib, o‘z podshohligi yaqinida yashovchi arablarni bo‘ysundirdi va Quda‘a qabilasini Suriyaga ketishga majbur qildi, Heera va Anbar aholisini esa fors hukmronligi ostida qoldirdi.

The Persians, under the leadership of Ardashir, who had established the Sasanian state in 226 A.D, regained enough unity and power to subdue the Arabs living in the vicinity of their kingdom, and force Quda‘a to leave for Syria , leaving the people of Heerah and Anbar under the Persian domain.

Ardashir عهدida (Ardashir zamonida) Juzaima Alvaddah Heera, Rabi'a va Mudar hamda Mesopotamiya ustidan hukmronlik qilgan. Ardashir arablarni bevosita boshqarish va ularning chegaralariga hujum qilishining oldini olish mumkin emasligini hisoblab chiqqan, shu sababli qabilasining qo'llab-quvvatlashi va kuchiga ega bo'lgan ulardan birini podshoh etib tayinlashga qaror qilgan. U shuningdek, doimo uni bezovta qilib kelgan Vizantiya podshohlariga qarshi ulardan foydalanish mumkinligini ko'rgan. Shu bilan birga, Iroqdagi arablar Vizantiya podshohlari qo'lida bo'lgan Suriya arablariga qarshi tura olishi mumkin edi. Shunga qaramay, unga qarshi isyon ko'targan arablarga qarshi ishlatish uchun Heera podshohi qo'mondonligi ostida forslardan iborat bir qo'shin saqlash maqsadga muvofiq deb topgan.

During the time of Ardashir, Juzaima Alwaddah exercised rulership over Heerah, Rabi‘a and Mudar, and Mesopotamia. Ardashir had reckoned that it was impossible for him to rule the Arabs directly and prevent them from attacking his borders unless he appointed as king one of them who enjoyed support and power of his tribe. He had also seen that he could make use of them against the Byzantine kings who always used to harass him. At the same time, the Arabs of Iraq could face the Arabs of Syria who were in the hold of Byzantine kings. However, he deemed it fit to keep a Persian battalion under command of the king of Heerah to be used against those Arabs who might rebel against him.

Juzaima vafotidan so'ng, taxminan miloddan avvalgi 268 yilda, Fors shohi Sabur ibn Ardashir tomonidan 'Amr ibn 'Adiy ibn Nasr al-Lakhmiy podshoh etib tayinlandi. 'Amr Hiyra ustidan hukmronlik qilgan Lakhmiy podshohlarining birinchisi edi. Forslar Qabaz ibn Fayruzni tayinlaguncha shu davom etdi. Qabaz hukmronligi davrida Mazdak degan bir kishi paydo bo'ldi va u ijtimoiy hayotda buzuqlikka chaqirdi. Qabaz va uning raiyatining ko'pchiligi Mazdakning dinini qabul qildi hamda Hiyra podshohi al-Munzir ibn Ma'As-Sama'ni ham ularga ergashishga chaqirdi. Ammo u o'zining mag'rurligi va izzat-nafsi tufayli ularning buyrug'ini rad etgach, Qabaz uni lavozimidan bo'shatdi va Mazdakiy ta'limotini qabul qilgan Horis ibn 'Amr ibn Hajar al-Kindiyni tayinladi.

After the death of Juzaima around 268 A.D., ‘Amr bin ‘Adi bin Nasr Al-Lakhmi was appointed as king by the Persian King Sabour bin Ardashir. ‘Amr was the first of the Lakhmi kings who ruled Heerah until the Persians appointed Qabaz bin Fairuz in whose reign appeared someone called Mazdak, who called for dissoluteness in social life. Qabaz, and many of his subjects, embraced Mazdak’s religion and even called upon the king of Heerah, Al-Munzir bin Ma’ As-Sama’, to follow after. When the latter, because of his pride and self-respect, rejected their orders, Qabaz discharged him and nominated Harith bin ‘Amr bin Hajar Al-Kindi, who had accepted the Mazdaki doctrine.

Kisra Anu Shairvon Qobazning o‘rniga taxtga o‘tirishi bilan, Mazdak falsafasiga bo‘lgan nafratidan kelib chiqib, Mazdakni va uning ko‘plab izdoshlarini o‘ldirdi, Munzirni Hiyra taxtiga qayta tikladi va Horisni qo‘lga olib keltirish to‘g‘risida buyruq berdi. Horis Al-Kalb qabilasi huzurida panoh topgan edi va umrining oxirigacha shu yerda yashadi. Al-Munzir ibn Ma’ As-Sama’ning o‘g‘illari uzoq vaqt podsholikni boshqardilar, to An-Nu‘mon ibn Al-Munzir hokimiyatni qo‘lga olguncha. Zayd ibn ‘Adiy Al-‘Abbodiy tomonidan qilingan tuhmat tufayli Fors podshosi An-Nu‘monga g‘azablandi va uni saroyiga chaqirdi. An-Nu‘mon yashirincha Shayboon qabilasi boshlig‘i Honiy ibn Mas‘udning oldiga bordi va mol-mulkini hamda oilasini uning himoyasiga topshirdi, so‘ngra o‘zi Fors podshosi huzuriga bordi. Podsho uni darhol zindonga tashladi, u esa o‘sha yerda halok bo‘ldi. Shundan so‘ng Kisra Hiyraga podsho etib Iyos ibn Qubayso At-Ta’iyni tayinladi. Iyosga Honiy ibn Mas‘udga An-Nu‘mon amanatini Kisraga topshirishni aytish buyurildi. Fors podshosi arab boshlig‘ining qat’iy rad javobini olishi bilanoq, Shayboon qabilasiga qarshi urush e’lon qildi va Iyos podsholigi ostida qo‘shin va jangchilarini Zi Qor deb atalgan joyga yig‘di. U yerda tarixda birinchi marta forslar arablar tomonidan og‘ir mag‘lubiyatga uchragan keskin jang bo‘lib o‘tdi. Bu voqea Iyos ibn Qubayso Hiyra ustidan hokimiyatga kelganidan sakkiz oy o‘tib, Payg‘ambar Muhammad ﷺ tug‘ilganidan ko‘p o‘tmay sodir bo‘ldi.

No sooner did Kisra Anu Shairwan succeed Qabaz than he, due to hatred of Mazdak’s philosophy, killed Mazdak and many of his followers, restored Munzir to the throne of Heerah and gave orders to summon under arrest Harith who sought refuge with Al-Kalb tribe where he spent the rest of his life. Sons of Al-Munzir bin Ma’ As-Sama’ maintained kingship a long time until An-Nu‘man bin Al-Munzir took over. Because of a calumny borne by Zaid bin ‘Adi Al-‘Abbadi, the Persian king got angry with An-Nu‘man and summoned him to his palace. An-Nu‘man went secretly to Hani bin Mas‘ud, chief of Shaiban tribe, and left his wealth and family under the latter’s protection, and then presented himself before the Persian king, who immediately threw him into prison where he perished. Kisra, then, appointed Eyas bin Qubaisa At-Ta’i as king of Heerah. Eyas was ordered to tell Hani bin Mas‘ud to deliver An-Nu‘man’s charge up to Kisra. No sooner than had the Persian king received the fanatically motivated rejection on the part of the Arab chief, he declared war against the tribe of Shaiban and mobilized his troops and warriors under the leadership of King Eyas to a place called Dhee Qar which witnessed a most furious battle wherein the Persians were severely routed by the Arabs for the first time in history. That was very soon after the birth of Prophet Muhammad (Peace be upon him) eight months after Eyas bin Qubaisah’s rise to power over Heerah.

Eyas'dan so'ng Heera ustiga fors hukmdori tayinlandi, ammo 632 milodiy yilda Al-Munzir Al-Ma'rur hokimiyatni egallagach, hokimiyat yana Lukhm xonadoniga qaytdi. Uning hukmronligi zo'rg'a sakkiz oy davom etgan ediki, Xolid ibn Validning boshchiligidagi musulmon askarlari unga hujum qildi.

After Eyas, a Persian ruler was appointed over Heerah, but in 632 A.D. the authority there returned to the family of Lukhm when Al-Munzir Al-Ma‘rur took over. Hardly had the latter’s reign lasted for eight months when Khalid bin Al-Waleed fell upon him with Muslim soldiers.

Qudoa qabilalarining koʻchish jarayonida ularning bir qismi Suriya chegaralariga yetib borib, oʻsha yerda oʻrnashdi. Ular Sulayh ibn Halvonning avlodi edi, uning naslidan Dujaʻim ibn Sulayhning oʻgʻillari boʻlib, ular Ad-Dujaʻima nomi bilan mashhur edilar. Qudoa qabilalarining bunday boʻlinmalari Vizantiyaliklar tomonidan ham arab badaviy bosqinchilaridan, ham forslardan Vizantiya chegaralarini himoya qilish uchun foydalanilgan va ancha uzoq davr mustaqillikdan bahramand boʻlgan, bu davr miloddan keyingi ikkinchi asrning butun davomini qamrab olgan, deb aytiladi. Ularning eng mashhur hukmdorlaridan biri Ziyod ibn al-Habula edi. Biroq ularning hokimiyati gʻassoniylardan magʻlubiyatga uchragach tugadi. Gʻassoniylar oʻz navbatida Suriyadagi arablar ustidan vakolatli hukmronlik huquqini oldilar va qarorgohlari Dumat al-Jandal boʻldi. Bu hukmronlik Yarmuk jangigacha, Hijriy 13-yilgacha davom etdi. Ularning soʻnggi podshohi Jabala ibn al-Ayhum esa Muâminlarning amiri ʻUmar ibn al-Xattob (Alloh ulardan rozi boʻlsin) davrida Islomni qabul qildi.

In the process of the tribal emigrations, some septs of Quda‘a reached the borders of Syria where they settled down. They belonged to the family of Sulaih bin Halwan, of whose offspring were the sons of Duj‘am bin Sulaih known as Ad-Duja‘ima. Such septs of Quda‘a were used by the Byzantines in the defence of the Byzantine borders against both Arab Bedouin raiders and the Persians, and enjoyed autonomy for a considerable phase of time which is said to have lasted for the whole second century A.D. One of their most famous kings was Zyiad bin Al-Habula. Their authority however came to an end upon defeat by the Ghassanides who were consequently granted the proxy rulership over the Arabs of Syria and had Dumat Al-Jandal as their headquarters, which lasted until the battle of Yarmuk in the year 13 A.H. Their last king Jabala bin Al-Aihum embraced Islam during the reign of the Chief of Believers, ‘Umar bin Al-Khattab (May Allah be pleased with him).

Ismoil (alayhissalom) umrining oxirigacha Makka ustidan hukmronlik qildi va Muqaddas Haram xizmatini ham boshqardi. U vafot etganda, 137 yoshda, o‘g‘illari Nobet va Qidar uning o‘rnini egalladilar. Keyinroq ularning nanasining otasi, Mudod ibn ‘Amr al-Jurhumiy hokimiyatni o‘z qo‘liga oldi va shu tariqa Makka ustidan hukmronlik Jurhum qabilasiga o‘tdi. Ismoilning o‘g‘illari otalarining Muqaddas Haramni barpo etishdagi xizmatlari tufayli qadrli mavqeni saqlab qolishgan, ammo hokimiyatdan deyarli bahramand bo‘lmaganlar. Bu mavqe Bukhtanassar yuksalishidan biroz oldin Jurhum qabilasining inqirozigacha davom etdi.

Ishmael (Peace be upon him) administered authority over Makkah as well as custodianship of the Holy Sanctuary throughout his lifetime. Upon his death, at the age of 137, two of his sons, Nabet and Qidar, succeeded him. Later on, their maternal grandfather, Mudad bin ‘Amr Al-Jurhumi took over, thus transferring rulership over Makkah to the tribe of Jurhum, preserving a venerable position, though very little authority for Ishmael’s sons due to their father’s exploits in building the Holy Sanctuary, a position they held until the decline of the tribe of Jurhum shortly before the rise of Bukhtanassar.

Siyosiy mavqe ‘Adnoniylarga Makkada mustahkamroq asos topa boshlagan edi, buni Bukhtanassarning Arablarga qarshi birinchi yurishida, ‘Dhati ‘Irq’ da, Arablarning yetakchisi Jurhum qabilasidan bo‘lmagani aniq tasdiqlaydi. Biroq Bukhtanassarning 587 yilda Miloddan avvalgi ikkinchi yurishida ‘Adnoniylar Yamanga qochishga majbur bo‘ldi, Burmiya An-Nabi esa Ma‘ad bilan birga Suriyaga qochib ketdi. Bukhtanassarning bosimi susaygach, Ma‘ad Makkaga qaytib keldi va u yerda Jurhum qabilasidan Jursham bin Jalhamadan boshqa hech kimni topmadi. Uning qizi Mu‘ana Ma‘adga turmushga berildi, u keyinchalik undan Nizar ismli o‘g‘il ko‘rdi.

The political role of the ‘Adnanides had begun to gain firmer grounds in Makkah, which could be clearly attested by the fact that upon Bukhtanassar’s first invasion of the Arabs in ‘Dhati ‘Irq’, the leader of the Arabs was not from Jurhum. Upon Bukhtanassar’s second invasion in 587 B.C., however, the ‘Adnanides were frightened out to Yemen, while Burmia An-Nabi fled to Syria with Ma‘ad, but when Bukhtanassar’s pressure lessened, Ma‘ad returned to Makkah to find none of the tribe of Jurhum except Jursham bin Jalhamah, whose daughter, Mu‘ana, was given to Ma‘ad as wife who, later, had a son by him named Nizar.

Makkada yashash sharoitining og‘irligi va keng tarqalgan qashshoqlik tufayli Jurhum qabilasi Muqaddas Haram ziyoratchilariga zulm qila boshladi va uning mablag‘larini zo‘rlik bilan olishga kirishdi. Bu esa Bakr ibn ‘Abd Manof ibn Kinana avlodlari bo‘lgan ‘Adnoniylarning g‘azabi va nafratini uyg‘otdi. Ular Marr az-Zahron deb ataladigan qo‘shni hududga joylashishga kelgan Xuzo‘a qabilasining yordami bilan Jurhumga hujum qilib, miloddan avvalgi ikkinchi asrning o‘rtalarida ularni Makkadan qo‘rqitib haydab chiqardilar va hukmronlikni Qudo‘a qabilasiga topshirdilar.

On account of difficult living conditions and destitution prevalent in Makkah, the tribe of Jurhum began to ill-treat visitors of the Holy Sanctuary and extort its funds, which aroused resentment and hatred of the ‘Adnanides (sons of Bakr bin ‘Abd Munaf bin Kinana) who, with the help of the tribe of Khuza‘a that had come to settle in a neighbouring area called Marr Az-Zahran, invaded Jurhum and frightened them out of Makkah leaving rulership to Quda‘a in the middle of the second century A.D.

Makkahdan chiqqanda Jurhum Zamzam quduqini ko'mib, uning joyini tekisladi va unga juda ko'p narsalarni ko'mib qo'ydi. Mashhur tarixchi Ibn Ishoq rivoyat qilishicha, 'Amr ibn al-Horis ibn Mudod al-Jurhumiy ikkita oltin ohuni Hajar al-Aswad bilan birga, shuningdek ko'p zeb-ziynat buyumlari va qilichlarni, ular g'amgin holda Yamanga qochishdan oldin, Zamzamga ko'mgan.

Upon leaving Makkah, Jurhum filled up the well of Zamzam, levelled its place and buried a great many things in it. ‘Amr bin Al-Harith bin Mudad Al-Jurhumi was reported by Ibn Ishaq, the well-known historian, to have buried the two gold deer together with the Black Stone as well as a lot of jewelry and swords in Zamzam, prior to their sorrowful escape to Yemen.

Ismoil davrining taxminan yigirma asr miloddan avvalgi davrga to‘g‘ri kelgan deb hisoblanadi, bu esa Jurhum qabilasining Makkada yigirma bir asr turganini va u yerda taxminan yigirma asr hukmronlik qilganini anglatadi. Jurhum mag‘lub bo‘lgach, Makka ustidan hukmronlikni Xuzo‘a qabilasi o‘z qo‘liga oldi. Biroq Mudar qabilalari uch imtiyozdan foydalanardi.

Ishmael’s epoch is estimated to have lasted for twenty centuries B.C., which means that Jurhum stayed in Makkah for twenty-one centuries and held rulership there for about twenty centuries. Upon defeat of Jurhum, the tribe of Khuza‘a monopolized rulership over Makkah. Mudar tribes, however, enjoyed three privileges:

• Birinchisi: Hojilarni Arafotdan Muzdalifaga, so'ngra Mino vodiysidan Aqaba jamarotiga olib borish. Bu vazifa Iliyos ibn Mudarning avlodlaridan bo'lgan Mudar qabilasining bir shoxi — Ghavs ibn Murra oilasiga tegishli edi, ular «Safa» nomi bilan atalardi. Bu imtiyozga ko'ra, Aqaba jamarotiga toshlarni faqat «Safa» avlodidan biri otib bo'lgandan keyingina boshqa hojilar otishi mumkin edi. Hojilar tosh otib bo'lib, Mino vodiysidan chiqmoqchi bo'lganlarida, «Safa» avlodidan bo'lgan kishilar Aqabaning ikki tomonida turardi va «Safa» avlodidan bo'lganlar o'tib, yo'lni ochmaguncha hech kim o'sha joydan o'tmasdi. Safa avlodi halok bo'lgach, bu vazifani Tamim qabilasidan bo'lgan Sa'd ibn Zayd Manat oilasi egalladi.

• The First: Leading pilgrims from ‘Arafat to Muzdalifah and then from Mina to the ‘Aqabah Stoning Pillar. This was the authority of the family of Al-Ghawth bin Murra, one of the septs of Elias bin Mudar, who were called ‘Sofa’. This privilege meant that the pilgrims were not allowed to throw stones at Al-‘Aqabah until one of the ‘Sofa’ men did that. When they had finished stoning and wanted to leave the valley of Mina, ‘Sofa’ men stood on the two sides of Al-‘Aqabah and nobody would pass that position until the men of ‘Sofa’ passed and cleared the way for the pilgrims. When Sofa perished, the family of Sa‘d bin Zaid Manat from Tamim tribe took over.

Ikkinchisi: Muzdalifadan Minaga qaytish (qurbonlik kuni tongida) — bu Odvon avlodining mas'uliyati edi.

The Second: Al-Ifadah (leaving for Mina after Muzdalifah) on sacrifice morning, and this was the responsibility of the family of Adwan.

Uchinchisi: Muqaddas oylarni kechiktirish (nasiy) edi, bu vazifa Bani Kinonadan bo‘lgan Tamim ibn Adiy avlodiga tegishli edi.

The Third: Deferment of the sacred months, and this was the responsibility of the family of Tamim bin ‘Adi from Bani Kinana.

Xuzoa'ning Makkadagi hukmronligi uch yuz yil davom etdi. Shu davrda 'Adnoniylar butun Najd bo'ylab, shuningdek Bahrayn va Iroq tomonlarga tarqaldilar, Quraysh-ning kichik urug'lari esa Makka atrofida qolib ketdilar; ular Xaloul, Xarum va Kinona qabilasining ba'zi oilalari edi. Ular Makkada ham, Muqaddas Uyda ham hech qanday imtiyozga ega bo'lmadilar, to Qusayy ibn Kilob paydo bo'lguncha. Uning otasi, rivoyat qilinishicha, u hali chaqaloq bo'lganida vafot etgan, onasi esa keyinchalik Bani 'Udhra qabilasidan bo'lgan Rabi'a ibn Haram bilan turmush qurgan. Rabi'a xotinini va uning bolasini Suriya chegarasidagi o'z vataniga olib ketgan. Qusayy voyaga yetgach, Makkaga qaytib keldi. Makkaga Xuzoa qabilasidan bo'lgan Xalil ibn Xabsha hukmronlik qilardi, u o'z qizi Xobbani Qusayyga xotinlikka berdi. Xalil vafot etgandan so'ng, Xuzoa bilan Quraysh o'rtasida urush boshlandi va natijada Qusayy Makkani va Muqaddas Uyni qo'lga oldi.

Khuza‘a’s reign in Makkah lasted for three hundred years, during which, the ‘Adnanides spread all over Najd and the sides of Bahrain and Iraq, while small septs of Quraish remained on the sides of Makkah; they were Haloul, Harum and some families of Kinana. They enjoyed no privileges in Makkah or in the Sacred House until the appearance of Qusai bin Kilab, whose father is said to have died when he was still a baby, and whose mother was subsequently married to Rabi‘a bin Haram, from the tribe of Bani ‘Udhra. Rabi‘a took his wife and her baby to his homeland on the borders of Syria. When Qusai became a young man, he returned to Makkah, which was ruled by Halil bin Habsha from Khuza‘a, who gave Qusai his daughter, Hobba, as wife. After Halil’s death, a war between Khuza‘a and Quraish broke out and resulted in Qusai’s taking hold of Makkah and the Sacred House.

• Birinchisi: Qusayning avlodlari ko‘payganini, mol-mulki oshganini va sharafi ulug‘langanini ko‘rib, u Xalildan keyin Makka ustidan hokimlik va Muqaddas uy (Ka'ba) posbonligi mas'uliyatini Xuza'a va Bani Bakr qabilalariga qaraganda ko‘proq o‘ziga loyiq deb bildi. U shuningdek, Quraysh Ismoil avlodlarining boshliqlari ekanligini ta'kidladi. Shu sababli u Quraysh va Kinona qabilalarining ba'zi kishilari bilan maslahatlashib, Xuza'a va Bani Bakrni Makkadan chiqarib yuborish niyatini bildirdi. Ular uning fikrini ma'qulladilar va unga qo‘llab-quvvatladilar. Ikkinchisi: Xuza'a, Xalil Qusayga o‘limidan keyin Ka'ba posbonligi va Makka ustidan hokimlikni topshirishni so‘raganini da'vo qildi.

• The First: Having noticed the spread of his offspring, increase of his property and exalt of his honour after Halil’s death, Qusai found himself more entitled to shoulder responsibility of rulership over Makkah and custodianship of the Sacred House than the tribes of Khuza‘a and Bani Bakr. He also advocated that Quraish were the chiefs of Ishmael’s descendants. Therefore he consulted some men from Quraish and Kinana concerning his desire to evacuate Khuza‘a and Bani Bakr from Makkah. They took a liking to his opinion and supported him. The Second: Khuza‘a claimed that Halil requested Qusai to hold custodianship of Al-Ka‘bah and rulership over Makkah after his death.

Uchinchisi: Xalil Ka‘ba xizmati huquqini qizi Hobbaga berdi va uning vakili sifatida Abu G‘abshon al-Xuzoiyni tayinladi. Xalil vafot etgach, Quasay bu huquqni bir mashk sharob evaziga sotib oldi. Bu Xuzoa erkaklarining noroziligiga sabab bo‘ldi va ular Muqaddas uyning kalitini Quasaydan olib qo‘yishga urindilar. Biroq Quasay Quraysh va Kinona yordamida hokimiyatni qo‘lga kiritdi va hatto Xuzoani Makkadan butunlay haydab chiqardi.

The Third: Halil gave the right of Al-Ka‘bah service to his daughter Hobba and appointed Abu Ghabshan Al-Khuza‘i to function as her agent whereof. Upon Halil’s death, Qusai bought this right for a leather bag of wine, which aroused dissatisfaction among the men of Khuza‘a and they tried to keep the custodianship of the Sacred House away from Qusai. The latter, however, with the help of Quraish and Kinana, managed to take over and even to expel Khuza‘a completely from Makkah.

Qanday bo‘lgan bo‘lmasin, butun voqea natijasida Sofa qabilasining yuqorida zikr etilgan imtiyozlari bekor qilindi, Xuza‘a va Bakr qabilalari Makkadan ko‘chirildi, Makkaning hukmronligi va Muqaddas Masjid (Ka‘ba)ning posbonligi Qusayga o‘tdi. Buning oldidan Qusay bilan Xuza‘a o‘rtasida qattiq urushlar bo‘lib, ikki tomonga ham katta talofat yetdi. Keyin sulh tuzildi va Bakr qabilasidan Ya‘mur ibn ‘Avf hakamlik qildi. Uning hukmiga ko‘ra, Makka hukmronligi va Muqaddas uy posbonligiga Qusay haqli deb topildi, Xuza‘a qonining to‘kilishi uchun Qusay javobgar emas deb hisoblandi, Xuza‘aga esa diyat (qon puli) yuklatildi. Qusayning Makka va Muqaddas uy ustidan hukmronligi miloddan avvalgi 440-yilda boshlandi. Bu hukmronlik Qusayga, undan keyin esa Quraysh qabilasiga Makka ustidan mutlaq hokimiyat va Muqaddas uyning shubhasiz posbonligini ta’minladi, Arabiston yarim orolining barcha chekkalaridan arablar esa shu uyga hurmat bajo keltirish uchun kelardi.

Whatever the truth might have been, the whole affair resulted in the deprivation of Sofa of their privileges, previously mentioned, evacuation of Khuza‘a and Bakr from Makkah and transfer of rulership over Makkah and custodianship of the Holy Sanctuary to Qusai, after fierce wars between Qusai and Khuza‘a inflicting heavy casualties on both sides, reconciliation and then arbitration of Ya‘mur bin ‘Awf, from the tribe of Bakr, whose judgement entailed eligibility of Qusai’s rulership over Makkah and custodianship of the Sacred House, Qusai’s irresponsibility for Khuza‘a’s blood shed, and imposition of blood money on Khuza‘a. Qusai’s reign over Makkah and the Sacred House began in 440 A.D. and allowed him, and Quraish afterwards, absolute rulership over Makkah and undisputed custodianship of the Sacred House to which Arabs from all over Arabia came to pay homage.

1. An-Nadva uyining yig'ilishlariga raislik qilish, u yerda jiddiy masalalar yuzasidan maslahatlar o'tkazilar va nikoh shartnomalari e'lon qilinardi.

1. Presiding over An-Nadwa House meetings where consultations relating to serious issues were conducted, and marriage contracts were announced.

2. Me'yor: U urush boshlashga oid masalalarni o'z qo'lida yakkalab olgan edi.

2. The Standard: He monopolized in his hand issues relevant to war launching.

3. Ka'bah eshigini qo'riqlash: U yagona Ka'bahning eshigini ochishga haqli edi va uning xizmati hamda himoyasi uchun mas'ul edi.

3. Doorkeeping of Al-Ka‘bah: He was the only one eligible to open its gate, and was responsible for its service and protection.

4. Hojilarga suv berish: Bu uning hojilar ichishi uchun xurmo va kishmish bilan shirinlashtirilgan idishlarni to‘ldirib turgani demakdir.

4. Providing water for the Pilgrims: This means that he used to fill basins sweetened by dates and raisins for the pilgrims to drink.

5. Hojilarni ovqatlantirish: Bu, o‘z mablag‘i yetmaydigan hojilar uchun ovqat tayyorlashni anglatadi. Qusay hatto Quraysh zimmasiga, hajga oid mavsumda to‘lanadigan yillik yer solig‘ini ham qo‘ydi, bu ovqat uchun edi.

5. Feeding Pilgrims: This means making food for pilgrims who could not afford it. Qusai even imposed on Quraish annual land tax, paid at the season of pilgrimage, for food.

Shuni e'tiborga olish kerakki, Qusay o'g'li 'Abd Manafni o'z kattaroq o'g'li bo'lmasa-da ('Abd Ad-Dar kattaroq edi), sharaf va obro'ga sazovor qildi hamda unga An-Nadva uyini boshqarish, bayroq, Ka'bani qo'riqlash, hojilarni suv va ovqat bilan ta'minlash kabi mas'uliyatlarni topshirdi. Qusayning ishlari shubhasiz deb hisoblangani va buyruqlari daxlsiz bo'lgani uchun, uning vafoti o'g'illari o'rtasida nizo keltirib chiqarmadi, ammo keyinchalik nevaralari o'rtasida nizo paydo bo'ldi. 'Abd Munaf vafot etishi bilan uning o'g'illari 'Abd Ad-Dar o'g'illari bo'lgan amakivachchalari bilan janjallasha boshladilar. Agar sulh shartnomasi tuzilmaganida, bu butun Quraysh qabilasi o'rtasida ixtilof va urushga olib kelishi mumkin edi. Bu shartnomaga ko'ra, lavozimlar shunday qayta taqsimlandiki, hojilarni ovqat va suv bilan ta'minlash 'Abd Munaf o'g'illariga qoldi, An-Nadva uyi, bayroq va Ka'bani qo'riqlash esa 'Abd Ad-Dar o'g'illarida qoldi. Biroq 'Abd Munaf o'g'illari o'z vazifasi uchun qur'a tashladilar va natijada ovqat va suv berish vazifasini Hoshim ibn 'Abd Munafga topshirdilar. Uning vafotidan keyin bu vazifani uning ukasi Al-Muttalib ibn 'Abd Manaf, undan keyin esa Payg'ambarning ﷺ bobosi 'Abd Al-Muttalib ibn Hoshim oldi. Uning o'g'illari Islom paydo bo'lguncha bu lavozimni egalladilar, Islom davrida esa bu vazifani 'Abbos ibn 'Abdul-Muttalib boshqardi.

It is noteworthy however that Qusai singled out ‘Abd Manaf, a son of his, for honour and prestige though he was not his elder son (‘Abd Ad-Dar was), and entrusted him with such responsibilities as chairing of An-Nadwa House, the standard, the doorkeeping of Al-Ka‘bah, providing water and food for pilgrims. Due to the fact that Qusai’s deeds were regarded as unquestionable and his orders inviolable, his death gave no rise to conflicts among his sons, but it later did among his grand children, for no sooner than ‘Abd Munaf had died, his sons began to have rows with their cousins —sons of ‘Abd Ad-Dar, which would have given rise to dissension and fighting among the whole tribe of Quraish, had it not been for a peace treaty whereby posts were reallocated so as to preserve feeding and providing water for pilgrims for the sons of ‘Abd Munaf; while An-Nadwa House, the flag and the doorkeeping of Al-Ka‘bah were maintained for the sons of ‘Abd Ad-Dar. The sons of ‘Abd Munaf, however, cast the lot for their charge, and consequently left the charge of food and water giving to Hashim bin ‘Abd Munaf, upon whose death, the charge was taken over by a brother of his called Al-Muttalib bin ‘Abd Manaf and afterwards by ‘Abd Al-Muttalib bin Hashim, the Prophet’s grandfather, whose sons assumed this position until the rise of Islam, during which ‘Abbas bin ‘Abdul-Muttalib was in charge.

Qurayshning boshqa ko'plab lavozimlari odamlar o'rtasida taqsimlandi, bu esa bugungi kundagi kabi hukumat idoralari va kengashlarga ega yangi demokratik kichik davlatning ustunlarini qurish uchun edi. Quyida ushbu lavozimlardan ba'zilari keltirilgan.

Many other posts were distriamong people of Quraish for establishing the pillars of a new democratic petite state with government offices and councils similar to those of today. Enlisted as follows are some of these posts.

1. Butlarga qur'a tashlash vazifasi Banu Jumahga berilgan edi.

1. Casting the lots for the idols was allocated to Bani Jumah.

2. Takliflar va qurbonliklarni qayd etish, nizolarni hal qilish hamda tegishli masalalar Bani Sahm qo‘lida bo‘lishi kerak edi. 3. Maslahat berish vazifasi Bani Asad zimmasiga o‘tdi.

2. Noting of offers and sacrifices, settlement of disputes and relevant issues were to lie in the hands of Bani Sahm. 3. Consultation was to go to Bani Asad.

4. Qon puli va jarimalarni tartibga solish Bani Tayim qabilasi zimmasida edi.

4. Organization of blood-money and fines was with Bani Tayim.

5. Milliy bayroqni ko‘tarish Bani Umayya qabilasi zimmasida edi.

5. Bearing the national banner was with Bani Omaiyah.

6. Harbiy institut, piyodalar va otliqlar Bani Maxzum zimmasida bo‘lardi.

6. The military institute, footmen and cavalry would be Bani Makhzum’s responsibility.

7. Bani ‘Adi xizmat qilardi begona vositachilar sifatida.

7. Bani ‘Adi would function as foreign mediators.

Biz avval Qahtaniy va ʼAdnaniy ko‘chishlari hamda Arabiston yarim orolining ushbu ikki qabila o‘rtasida taqsimlanishi haqida to‘xtalib o‘tgan edik. Hiyra yaqinida yashovchi qabilalar Hiyraning arab podshosiga bo‘ysunar edi, Suriya cho‘lida yashovchilar esa arab G‘assoniy podshosining hukmronligi ostida edi. Bu tobelik amalda emas, balki rasmiy xarakterga ega edi. Ichki cho‘llarda yashovchilar esa to‘liq mustaqillikdan bahramand edilar.

We have previously mentioned the Qahtanide and ‘Adnanide emigrations, and division of Arabia between these two tribes. Those tribes dwelling near Heerah were subordinate to the Arabian king of Heerah, while those dwelling in the Syrian semi-desert were under domain of the Arabian Ghassanide king, a sort of dependency that was in reality formal rather than actual. However, those living in the hinder deserts enjoyed full autonomy.

Aslida bu qabilalarning boshliqlari butun qabila tomonidan saylanardi. Bu tuzum qabilaviy birdamlik va yer hamda mulkni himoya qilishdagi umumiy manfaatlarga asoslangan, yarim davlat xarakteridagi boshqaruv edi. Qabila boshliqlari podshohlarnikiga o'xshash diktatorlik imtiyozlaridan foydalanar, urushda ham, tinchlikda ham ularga to'liq itoat va bo'ysunish ko'rsatilardi. Biroq hokimiyat uchun amakivachchalar o'rtasidagi raqobat ko'pincha ularni faqat raqiblaridan ustun turish maqsadida mehmonlarni kutishda, saxiylik, donolik va jasurlikka da'vo qilishda bir-biridan o'zib ketishga undardi, shuningdek, o'sha davrning rasmiy so'zlovchilari bo'lgan shoirlar orqali xalq orasida shuhrat qozonishga intilardi.

These tribes in fact had heads chosen by the whole tribe which was a demi-government based on tribal solidarity and collective interests in defence of land and property. Heads of tribes enjoyed dictatorial privileges similar to those of kings, and were rendered full obedience and subordination in both war and peace. Rivalry among cousins for rulership, however, often drove them to outdo one another in entertaining guests, affecting generosity, wisdom and chivalry for the sole purpose of outranking their rivals, and gaining fame among people especially poets who were the official spokesmen at the time.

Qabilalar boshliqlari va sardorlar o‘ljaga nisbatan maxsus huquqlarga ega edilar, masalan, o‘ljaning to‘rtdan bir qismi, o‘zi uchun tanlagan narsasi, qaytish yo‘lida topgan narsasi, hatto bo‘linmaydigan qolgan o‘ljaning ham bir qismi.

Heads of tribes and masters had special claims to spoils of war such as the quarter of the spoils, whatever he chose for himself, or found on his way back or even the remaining indivisible spoils.

Arabiyaning uchta chekka mintaqasi, ya'ni chet elliklarga yaqin hududlari katta zaiflik va past darajadagilik holatida edi. U yerdagi odamlar yo xo'jayin, yo qul; yo hokimlar, yo tobelar edi. Xo'jayinlar, ayniqsa chet elliklar, har qanday imtiyozga da'vogar edilar; qullarning esa faqat zimmalariga tushgan majburiyatlardan boshqa hech narsasi yo'q edi. Boshqacha aytganda, cheksiz mutlaq hokimiyat tobelarning huquqlariga tajovuzga, jaholatga, zulmga, adolatsizlikka va mashaqqatga olib keldi va ularni zulmat hamda jaholat ichida tapongan odamlarga aylantirdi. Ular unumdor yerga o'xshar edi, uning mevalarini hokimlar va kuch egalari o'z lazzatlari, zavqlari, xohish-istaklari, zulm va bosqinchiligiga isrof qilib sarflardi. Bu mintaqalar yaqinida yashovchi qabilalar Suriya bilan Iroq o'rtasida hamon sarson bo'lib yurar edi, Arabiston ichkarisida yashovchilar esa parokanda bo'lib, qabilaviy nizolar hamda irqiy va diniy janjallar bilan boshqarilar edi. Ularda na mustaqilligini saqlab turadigan podshoh, na maslahat so'raladigan yoki mashaqqatlarda tayanadigan yordamchi bor edi.

The three Arab regions adjacent to foreigners suffered great weakness and inferiority. The people there were either masters or slaves, rulers or subordinates. Masters, especially the foreigners, had claim to every advantage; slaves had nothing but responsibilities to shoulder. In other words, arbitrary autocratic rulership brought about encroachment on the rights of subordinates, ignorance, oppression, iniquity, injustice and hardship, and turning them into people groping in darkness and ignorance, viz., fertile land which rendered its fruits to the rulers and men of power to extravagantly dissipate on their pleasures and enjoyments, whims and desires, tyranny and aggression. The tribes living near these regions were fluctuating between Syria and Iraq, whereas those living inside Arabia were disunited and governed by tribal conflicts and racial and religious disputes. They had neither a king to sustain their independence nor a supporter to seek advice from, or depend upon, in hardships.

Biroq, Hijoz hukmdorlari arablar orasida katta hurmat va ehtiromga sazovor bo‘lib, diniy markazning hukmdorlari va xizmatchilari sifatida qaralardi. Hijoz hukmronligi aslida dunyoviy va rasmiy ustunlikning, shuningdek diniy yetakchilikning aralashmasi edi. Ular diniy yetakchilik nomidan arablar orasida hukm yuritar va doim Muqaddas Haram hamda uning atrofini qo‘riqlash huquqini qo‘lda ushlab turardilar. Ka‘ba ziyoratchilarining manfaatlarini ko‘zlar, Ibrohim shariatini amalga oshirish ishi ularning zimmasida edi. Hozirgi parlamentlarnikiga o‘xshash idoralar va bo‘limlar ham bor edi. Biroq, ular bu og‘ir yukni ko‘tarishga ojiz edilar, bu esa Habashiston (Efiopiya) bosqini paytida aniq namoyon bo‘ldi.

The rulers of Hijaz, however, were greatly esteemed and respected by the Arabs, and were considered as rulers and servants of the religious centre. Rulership of Hijaz was, in fact, a mixture of secular and official precedence as well as religious leadership. They ruled among the Arabs in the name of religious leadership and always monopolized the custodianship of the Holy Sanctuary and its neighbourhood. They looked after the interests of Al-Ka‘bah visitors and were in charge of putting Abraham’s code into effect. They even had such offices and departments like those of the parliaments of today. However, they were too weak to carry the heavy burden, as this evidently came to light during the Abyssinian (Ethiopian) invasion.

Arablar orasida hukmronlik va amirlik

HARBIY-SIYOSIY BOSHQARUV VA AMIRLIK Note: The input is a heading, "RULERSHIP AND PRINCESHIP AMONG THE ARABS," which is a heading from an Islamic book. Translated as a heading: ARABLAR ORASIDAGI HUKMDORLIK VA AMIRLIK

YEMEN'DAGI HUKMDORLIK:

HIRA HUKMDORLIGI:

GEOGRAFIK SURIYADA HUKMRONLIK:

HIJOZDA HUKMRONLIK:

BU URUSHNING SABABLARI UCH VERSIYADA BAYON QILINGAN:

QUSAY, LEKIN QUYIDAGI IMTIYOZ VA SHARAF-OBRO'DAN BAHRAMAND BO'LDI:

HUKMDORLIK PAN-ARABIZMDA:

SIYOSIY VAZIYAT: