在这一时期,经注是通过传述来传授的。也就是说,主持经注学派的圣门弟子会引述先知穆罕默德ﷺ的话语来解释经文的含义,或解释经文降示的历史背景,又或引用蒙昧时代的诗句来解释一些已不再通用的词语的意义。圣门弟子之后,他们的学生再传弟子依然延续着与其所学时大致相同的传述式教学。不过,其中一些人也开始在经注中附带传述来自犹太教和基督教典籍的故事,以进一步解释《古兰经》的某些段落。

During this period, tafseer was taught by narration. That is, the sahaabah who headed schools of tafseer would quote the sayings of the Prophet ( ﷺ) which explained the meanings of verses, or explain the historical context in which the verses were revealed, or they would quote verses of pre-Islaamic poetry which explained the meaning of some words that were no longer in common use. After the era of the sahaabah, their students, the taabi‘oon, continued to teach by narration in much the same way that they had learned. However, some of them also began narrating along with their tafseers tales from Jewish and Christian sources to further explain certain passages of the Qur’aan.

应当指出，在tabi‘un（再传弟子）时代，已有一些tafsir（古兰经注释）的整理工作。其中最值得注意的例子是穆贾希德·本·哲布尔（642-722年，即伊历40-103年），他是伊本·阿拔斯的学生。穆贾希德编纂了已知最早的tafsir；然而，他的著作没有任何抄本流传至今。穆贾希德这部tafsir的重要性，可以从他的以下话语中体会到：“我曾把整部《古兰经》向伊本·阿拔斯诵读三遍。每一遍诵读时，我都在每节经文结束处停下来，询问他这节经文是关于谁的，以及为何而降。”39

It should be noted that some compilation of tafseer took place during the era of the taabi‘oon. The most noteworthy example is that of Mujaahid ibn Jabr (642- 722 CE/40-103 AH), a student of Ibn ‘Abbaas. Mujaahid compiled the earliest known tafseer; however, no copy of his work has reached us. The significance of Mujaahid’s tafseer can be appreciated from his following statement, “I read the whole Qur’aan to Ibn ‘Abbaas three times. During each reading, I stopped at the end of every verse and asked him about whom and why it was revealed.”39

在倭麦叶王朝末期,对《古兰经》的注释(tafseer)开始有系统地编纂。圣训学者开始按主题将先知(ﷺ)的言行分章编排,其中就有注释章。其中一些学者特别关注归于先知(ﷺ)、圣门弟子和再传弟子的经注传述。其中最杰出的有:叶these·伊本·哈鲁尼·赛拉迈(卒于公元737年/伊历118年)、舒尔巴·伊本·哈贾只只(卒于公元777年/伊历160年)、苏福扬·伊本·欧yna(卒于公元814年/伊历198年)、阿卜杜·拉扎格·伊本·哈马姆(卒于公元827年/伊历211年),以及阿卜杜·伊本·胡迈德(卒于公元864年/伊历250年)。然而,在这一时期,并没有出现对整部《古兰经》的完整注释。42

Towards the end of the Umayyad dynasty, 40 the systematic compilation of tafseer began. The scholars of hadeeth began compiling the sayings and actions of the Prophet (ﷺ) in chapters according to their subject matter, and the chapter on tafseer was one of them. Some of these scholars paid special attention to the narration of tafseer attributed to the Prophet (r), the sahaabah and the taabi‘oon. The foremost among them were Yazeed ibn Haaroon as-Salamee (d. 737 CE/118AH), Shu‘bah ibn al-Hajjaaj (d. 777 CE/160 AH), Sufyaan ibn ‘Uyaynah (d. 814CE/198AH), ‘Abdur-Razzaaq ibn Hammaam (d. 827 CE/211 AH), and ‘Abd ibn Humayd (d. 864 CE/250 AH).41 However, no tafseer of the complete Qur’aan took place at this time.42

到九世纪末，古兰经注释学发展成为一门独立的伊斯兰学科。这一代学者首次按照经文的书面顺序编纂古兰经注释。流传至今最早的注释，是出自这一时期的伊本·贾里尔·塔巴里（公元839–923年／伊历225–310年）所著。其他注释则由伊本·马哲（卒于公元886年／伊历272年）、伊本·阿比·哈提姆（卒于公元939年／伊历327年）、伊本·希班（卒于公元980年／伊历369年）、哈基姆（卒于公元1014年／伊历404年）和伊本·马尔达维赫（卒于公元1020年／伊历410年）撰写。这些学者也都以编纂圣训而闻名，其中大部分至今完好地流传下来。偶尔，一些注释被归于前一代学者名下，即"再传弟子的弟子"（atbaa‘ at-taabi‘een）。这些注释也会提及从经文中推导出的教法裁决，并在必要时剖析语法结构。

Near the end of the ninth century CE, the field of tafseer evolved into an independent Islaamic science. This generation of scholars was the first to compile tafseers of the Qur’aan according to the order of the written text. The earliest tafseer to reach us was authored by Ibn Jareer at-Tabaree (839-923 CE/225-310 AH), who comes from this era. Other tafseers were written by Ibn Maajah (d. 886 CE/272 AH), Ibn Abee Haatim (d. 939 CE/327 AH), Ibn Hibbaan (d. 980 CE/369AH), al-Haakim (d. 1014 CE/404 AH), and Ibn Mardawayh (d. 1020 CE/410 AH).43 All of these scholars were also famous for compilations of hadeeth, most of which have reached us intact. Occasionally, tafseers were attributed to scholars of the previous generation, knownasatbaa‘ at-taabi‘een (the students of the taabi‘oon). These tafseers also mentioned the legal rulings deduced from the verses and the breakdown of grammatical constructions where necessary.

尽管后一代学者仍沿用前人大体相同的体例,但他们中许多人在自己的注释书中删去了传述链,只保留了圣门弟子或再传弟子的名字及其解释。例如,Aboo al-Layth as-Samarqandee(卒于公元983年/伊历372年)所著的 Bahr al-'Uloom 即是如此。许多此类注释书极为注重文学体裁与语法结构的分析。各种诵读方式也在删去传述链的情况下被记录下来,并用作对经文的解释。然而,这些注释书中还收录了大量匿名的言论与观点,却未说明出自何人。因此,许多此类注释书令人困惑:准确的记载与解释和不准确的内容混杂在一起,毫无区分。

Although the next generation of scholars followed the same general format as their predecessors, many of them deleted the chains of narration from their tafseers, leaving only the names of the sahaabah or taabi‘oon and their interpretations; for example, Bahr al-’Uloom by Aboo al-Layth as-Samarqandee (d. 983 CE/372 AH). Great stress was placed on literary forms and grammatical constructions in many of these tafseers. The various forms of recitation, without their chains of narration, were also recorded and used as explanations of the text. However, they also included in their tafseers a vast number of anonymous statements and opinions without any mention of who made them. Consequently, many of these tafseers are confusing. Accurate accounts and interpretations were mixed with inaccurate ones without any distinction between them.

此外,依据个人见解进行注释的大门也由此打开。注释类著作很快开始反映穆斯林社会中的各种思潮。到十一、十二世纪时,前几个世纪所翻译的希腊哲学与科学的主要著作开始影响伊斯兰学术的各个领域。诸如穆尔太齐赖派(理性主义者)之类的哲学学派已经形成,它们公然威胁着纯正的伊斯兰思想。这一时期也出现了充满哲学和科学术语的注释著作,如扎迈赫舍里(1075-1144年/公元467-538年)的《赫舍夫》,以及法赫尔丁·拉齐(1149-1210年/公元544-606年)的《幽玄之钥》,还有表达各种异端教派思想的注释著作。例如,十二伊玛目什叶派穆拉·穆赫辛·卡沙尼的注释,使古兰经文似乎在讲述十二位无谬的伊玛目、虚构的阿里作为先知女婿的监护权(wilaya),以及声称除了寥寥数人之外,先知的所有同伴都已叛教;又如伊本·阿拉比(卒于公元1240年/638年)的苏菲派注释,则让古兰经文宣扬他的泛神论思想,即真主即万有,万有即真主。44

In addition, the door of tafseer according to personal opinion was opened. Works of tafseer soon began to reflect various trends of thought in Muslim society. By the eleventh and twelfth centuries, the major works of Greek philosophy and science that had been translated in the previous centuries began to have an effect on all of the various Islaamic fields of study. Philosophical schools of thought like that of the Mu‘tazilees (Rationalists) had evolved which boldly threatened pure Islaamic thought. Tafseers full of philosophical and scientific terminology, like al-Kash-shaaf of az-Zamakhsharee (1075-1144 CE/467-538 AH) or Mafaateeh al-Ghayb of Fakhrud-Deen ar-Raazee (1149-1210 CE/544-606 AH), and tafseers expressing the thoughts of various heretical sects also appeared during this period. For example, the Twelver Shee‘ah tafseer of Mullah Muhsin al-Kaash made the verses of the Qur’aan speak of twelve infallible imaams, the imaginary walaayah (governorship) of the Prophet’s son-in-law ‘Alee and the claimed apostasy of all of the Prophet’s companions except a handful; and the Soofee tafseer of Ibn al-‘Arabee (d. 1240 CE/638 AH) made Qur’aanic verses voice his pantheistic ideology of Allaah being all and all being Allaah.44

伊斯兰学者中也出现了专业化的趋势，这源于伊斯兰学问演变为多门学科。因此，像al-Jassaas（917-980 CE/304-369 AH）和alQurtubee（d. 1273 CE/671 AH）这样的tafseer著作，依各自的math-habs（教法学派）着重从《古兰经》经文中推演fiqh（伊斯兰教法）。同样，专精古代历史故事的ath-Tha‘labee撰写了《al-Jawaahir al-Hisaan fee Tafseer al-Qur’aan》，书中收集了所有关于古人的记载，而不论其真伪。45

There was also a trend towards specialization among the Islaamic scholars, resulting from the evolution of Islaamic learning into a multiplicity of disciplines. Consequently, tafseers like those of al-Jassaas (917-980 CE/304-369 AH) and alQurtubee (d. 1273 CE/671 AH) concentrated on the deduction of fiqh (Islaamic law) from the Qur’aanic passages according to their respective math-habs (schools of fiqh). Likewise, ath-Tha‘labee, who specialized in tales of ancient history, authored al-Jawaahir al-Hisaan fee Tafseer al-Qur’aan, in which he gathered all of the narrations about the ancients, regardless of their authenticity.45

随后几个时代及后世的tafseer(经注)既含有真理,也夹杂着谬误,其中有一些宝贵的内容,但也有许多毫无价值的东西。最终,基于个人见解的tafseer完全取代了基于可靠传述的tafseer。这些经注的作者为了印证各自教派或学派的思想和观点,并驳斥他人的观点,而牵强地延伸经文的含义。于是,tafseer的首要作用,即阐明经文中所包含的宗教训示,便丧失了。经注学者Jalaalud-Deen as-Suyootee(卒于公元1505年/伊历910年)曾指出如下:

Tafseers of this era and subsequent generations contained a mixture of truth and falsehood, some valuable material and much that was worthless. Eventually, tafseer based on personal opinions completely superseded tafseer based on authentic narration. The authors of these tafseers stretched the meanings of the verses to affirm the thoughts and ideas of their respective sects or schools and rebut those of others. Thus, the primary role of tafseer, that of explaining religious instruction contained in the verses, was lost. The tafseer scholar Jalaalud-Deen as-Suyootee (d. 1505 CE/910 AH) noted the following:

我见过关于这节经文的注释（tafseer）约有十种不同的观点。

I have seen approximately ten different opinions concerning the tafseer of the verse:

尽管先知（ﷺ）、他的同伴（sahaabah）以及他们的再传弟子（taabi‘oon）都有传述说，这节经文所指的正是犹太教徒和基督教徒。早期学者之一伊本·艾比·哈提姆（Ibn Abee Haatim）就这节经文说："我不知道注释学者在此问题上有任何分歧。"47

in spite of the fact that the Prophet (r) and his companions (sahaabah) and their students (taabi‘oon) all related that the verse referred to none other than the Jews and the Christians. And (one of the early scholars) Ibn Abee Haatim said concerning this verse, “I know of no disagreement among the scholars of tafseer about it.” 47

后来这一时期的一些学者，有的只满足于对前人著作进行节选缩写，有的则满足于为前人著作撰写注释。还应当指出，尽管在训诂学（释义学）领域，乃至整个伊斯兰学科中，出现了偏离与停滞，但仍有不少伟大的学者高举纯正伊斯兰思想的旗帜。因此，这一时期产生了历来最享盛誉的一部经文注释，也就不足为奇了，即哈菲兹·伊本·凯西尔（卒于公元1373年／伊历774年）所著的《伟大古兰经注》。

Some of the scholars of this and later periods confined themselves to making abridgements of earlier works while others were satisfied to write footnotes for earlier works. It should also be noted that in spite of the deviation and stagnation which afflicted the field of tafseer, as well as all of the Islaamic sciences, there were a number of great scholars who held high the banner of pure Islaamic thought. Thus, it should not be surprising to find that the most highly acclaimed tafseer of all times was produced by a scholar of this time, Tafseer al-Qur’aan al- ‘Atheem by al-Haafith ibn Katheer (d. 1373 CE/774 AH).

在本世纪，出现了一种新型的释经形式：作者们尝试将《古兰经》的经文运用于二十世纪的需求。例如，穆罕默德·阿卜杜（卒于公元1905年）发起、其学生穆罕默德·拉希德·里达完成至《优素福章》的《光塔注释》（Tafseer al-Manaar），以及赛义德·库特卜的《在古兰经荫下》（Fee Thilaal al-Qur’aan），都指出了人类社会、立法和科学理论的古兰经根基。这两部注释都有其批评者。阿卜杜关注于改革穆斯林社会，以应对西方的挑战，他主张放弃盲目遵从（taqleed）作为改革的起点。他强调需要以全新的方式接触《古兰经》，不受过去对它的各种解释所束缚。他和里达都不会在完成自己对某段经文的注释之前去查阅他人的注释。在急于迎合科学理论的热情中，阿卜杜将天使等同于自然力量，由此对亚当和易卜劣廷的故事作了象征性的解释。他的学生则否认先知（r）除了传达《古兰经》之外还行过任何神迹。他们二人都拒绝了布哈里和穆斯林所记载的一些圣训，声称这些圣训是弱的。51

In this century, a new form of tafseer has evolved in which the authors have tried to apply the passages of the Qur’aan to the needs of the twentieth century. For example, tafseers like Tafseer al-Manaar, started by Muhammad ‘Abduh (d. 1905 CE) and completed up to Soorah Yoosuf by his student Muhammad Rasheed Ridaa,48 or Fee Thilaal al-Qur’aan by Syed Qutb point out the Qur’aanic foundations for human society, legislation, and scientific theories. Both these tafseers have their critics. ‘Abduh was interested in reforming Muslim societies to meet the challenge of the west, and he called for the abandonment of taqleed as the starting point for that reform. He stressed the need for approaching the Qur’aan fresh, unencumbered by past inter-pretations of it. Neither he nor Ridaa would look at anyone else’s tafseer until they had finished writing their own tafseers of a particular passage.49 In his zeal to accommodate scientific theories, ‘Abduh interpreted angels as being synonymous with natural forces, which led him to a symbolic interpretation of the story of Aadam and Iblees.50 His student denied that the Prophet (r) performed any miracles other than conveying the Qur’aan. Both he and his student rejected a number of hadeeths reported by al-Bukhaaree and Muslim, claiming that they were weak.51

然而,里达在圣训学方面比阿卜都更有学问,也比他更依赖圣训。两人都给予了自己的理智极大的自由,按照自己的理解去诠释经文。

Ridaa was, however, more learned in hadeeth than ‘Abduh and relied on hadeeths more than him.52 Both of them gave their intellects great freedom to interpret as they saw fit.

赛义德·库特卜生活在伊斯兰哈里发制度刚刚被废除的时代。伊斯兰世界被分割成若干小国,这些国家的法律体系是欧洲殖民主义的产物。他对伊斯兰社会在处理自身事务时抛弃沙里亚,感到强烈的愤慨。他对"独一真主"(tawheed)含义的诠释,侧重于安拉独享制定人类社会治理法律的权利。他对这一点的强调,导致他忽视了独一论的其他方面,以及除立法领域的以物配主(shirk)之外其他形式的以物配主所带来的危险。他似乎确实混淆了崇拜独一论(tawheed al-ulooheeyah)与主宰独一论(tawheed ar-ruboobeeyah)之间的区别。批评者还指出,他对当代伊斯兰社会一概而论的谴责,认为它们与伊斯兰毫无关系,并且他赞扬伊斯兰历史上的革命运动,这为当今现代的"断教"(takfeer)运动埋下了种子。尽管存在这些不足,他在大多数穆斯林对伊斯兰感到歉疚的时代,提出了对世俗主义及孕育它的欧洲文明之缺陷有力的伊斯兰批判。

Syed Qutb lived at a time when the Islaamic caliphate had just been abolished. The Islaamic world had been divided into small countries with legal systems that were the product of European colonialism. He felt a deep outrage at Islaamic societies’ abandonment of the Sharee‘ah in ruling their affairs. His interpretations of the meaning of tawheed focused on Allaah’s sole right to formulate the laws for the rule of human society. His stress of this point led to the neglect of other aspects of tawheed and of the dangers posed by forms of shirk other than shirk in legislation. He seems to have actually been confused about the difference between tawheed al-ulooheeyah and tawheed ar-ruboobeeyah.53 His critics also say that he laid the seeds for today’s modern takfeer movements with his blanket condemnation of contemporary Islaamic societies as having nothing to do with Islaam, and with his praise of revolutionary movements in Islaamic history.54 Despite these shortcomings, he presented a vigorous Islaamic critique of the flaws of secularism and the European civilization that spawned it at a time when most Muslims were apologetic about Islaam.