Daga gabatarwarsu na hujjojin hankali da ake amfani da su wajen barin ƙa'idojin Shari'a, ya bayyana cewa al'adar waɗannan mutane ba al'adar Musulunci ba ce, duk da cewa suna amfani da wasu kalmomin Usuli da na Shar'ee.

From their presentation of the rational justifications allowing deviation from the Shar’a rules, it appears that the culture of these people is not an Islamic culture, even though they use some Usuli and Shar’ee expressions.

Ba su mallaki tsararriyar hanyar tunani ta Musulunci ba, dangane da yadda ake duban gaskiyar lamari wajen fitar da hukuncin Shari'a, ko kuma dangane da duban hukuncin Shari'a da kansa. Ba su bambanta tsakanin hanya (manhaj) da salo a aikinsu ba. Watakila shahararriyar ra'ayin 'sassaucin Shari'a' ya sa su yin sakaci game da hukunce-hukuncen Shari'a, har suna maye gurbinsu da hukunce-hukuncen da ba na Shari'a ba, bisa uzurin ci gaba da tafiya tare da zamani.

They do not posses the regulated method of thinking in Islam, regarding how to look at the reality in deducing the Shar’ee rule, or in looking at the Shar’ee rule itself. They did not distinguish between the method and style in their work. Perhaps the dominant idea of ‘flexibility of the Sharee’ah’ has made them complacent regarding the Shar’ee rules and their substitution with non-Shar’ee rules, under the pretext of keeping up with the age.

Ra'ayin da ke ba mu damar kada mu bi hanyar Manzon Allah 􀁕, da dokokin Shari'a, muddin abubuwa da yawa sun canja, ba daidai ba ne, kuma ba ya nuna cewa an yi zurfin nazari game da hakikanin abin da suke son canjawa. Wannan saboda abin da yake da muhimmanci game da hakikanin abu shi ne siffofinsa na asali, ba sifofinsa masu canjawa ba.

The view that allows us not to take the method of the Messenger 􀁕, and the rules of the Sharee’ah, as long as many things have changed, is incorrect and does not indicate that a deep study of the reality that they wish to change has taken place. That is because, what is important about the reality is its fundamental characteristics and not its variable forms.

Al'umma, dangane da muhimman abubuwan da ta ƙunsa (mutane, tunani, motsin zuciya da tsare-tsare), tana zama yadda take ba tare da canji ba, koda kuwa tana ɗaukar siffofi daban-daban kamar kasancewa ta ƙabilanci, ƙasa mai sauƙi ko mai sarƙaƙiya, da kuma ko ta dimokuraɗiyya ce ko ta mulkin kama-karya. Don haka, abin da ake la'akari da shi shi ne halaye na asali, kuma sauye-sauyen siffofi ba sa shafar hanyar canji. Misali, ƙalubalantar tunani na kuskure, ra'ayoyi marasa daidai, da munanan al'adu da al'adun gargajiya a cikin al'umma da ake nufin canza ta, doka ce ta Shari'a da Manzon Allah ﷺ ya aiwatar, don haka aiki ne da aka riga aka kafa. Abin da ke bambanta shi ne tunanin al'umma, wanda zai iya zama Kishin ƙasa mara zurfi, Kishin ƙasa mai kunkuntar hangen nesa ko Jari-hujja ko Gurguzu ta akida. An sani sarai cewa tunanin akida ya fi kowane tunani ƙarfi, kuma kawar da shi yana buƙatar babban ƙoƙari. Bambancin tunani na iya sa aikin ya fi wahala ko sauƙi, amma ba zai canza hanyar ba. Ko tsarin mulki yana kan siffar ƙabilanci kamar yadda yake a zamanin Manzon Allah ﷺ, ko ƙasa mai sauƙi ko mai sarƙaƙiya kamar yadda take a zamaninmu, ba ya canza ƙa'idodin hanyar, ko da yake yana iya hana ko sauƙaƙa aikin. Ko tsarin da ke neman canji yana dogara ga sojoji ko ƙabilu masu makamai don kare shi da ƙarfafa shi, akwai wani ƙarfi da yake dogara da shi. Aikin Manzon Allah ﷺ ya mayar da hankali kan neman Nusrah daga irin wannan ƙarfi don kafa Dawlar Musulunci. Lokacin da Manzon Allah ﷺ ya yi aiki don kafa sabuwar al'umma, ya mayar da hankali kan muhimman abubuwan da al'umma ta ƙunsa.

Society, in terms of its basic constituent elements (the people, thoughts, emotions and systems) remains as it is without change, even if it takes on different forms such as being tribalistic, a simple or complex State, and whether it is democratic or a dictatorship. Thus, the consideration is for the fundamental characteristics, and the changing forms have no effect on the method of change. For example, challenging the erroneous thoughts, incorrect concepts, and bad customs and traditions in the society intended for change is a Shar’ee rule that the Messenger 􀁕 acted upon, so it is an established work. What varies is the thought of society, which could be shallow Patriotism, narrow Nationalism or ideological Capitalism or Communism. It is well known that the ideological thought is stronger than any other thought, and overthrowing it requires great effort. The difference in thoughts may make the work more difficult or easy, but it will not change the method. Whether the form of the system is tribalistic as it was in the time of the Messenger 􀁕, or it is a simple or complex State as it is in our day, does not change the rules of the method, though it may obstruct or facilitate the work. Whether the system aiming for change depends upon armies or armed tribes for its protection and consolidation there is a force that it depends on. The work of the Messenger 􀁕 was focused on seeking the Nusrah from this type of force to establish the Islamic State.When the Messenger 􀁕 worked to establish a new society, he concentrated on the constituent elements of society.

Don haka ya samar da mutane masu ƙarfin imani, mutanen da suka shirya ɗaukar nauyin da'awah da kafa Dawlah (Muhajirai), kuma ya ƙirƙiri tushen jama'a wanda zai rungumi da'awah da masu ɗaukarta, ya kuma karɓi Dawlah da za a kafa a tsakaninsu (Ansar). Saboda haka, neman Nusrah ita ce hanyar isa ga mulki. Manzon Allah ﷺ ya ci gaba da wannan hanya, duk da matsalolin da cikas din da ya fuskanta yayin neman Nusrah. Duk wanda ya yi nazari a kan aikin Manzon Allah ﷺ a Makkah zai ga cewa hanyar canji tana magana ne a kan ginshiƙai na asali. Zai ga cewa hanyarsa ﷺ ba ta canza ba saboda canjin lokaci da wuri, haka nan ba ta canza daga yanki zuwa yanki ba. Wannan saboda bambance-bambancen halaye na yankuna da al'ummomi daban-daban sun shafi sifa ce, ba jigo ba. Yanayin waɗannan halaye ne ke sa aikin ya zama mai wahala ko mai sauƙi.

Thus he produced people who had strong Imaan, people who were ready to carry the burden of the da’wah and establish the State (the Muhajireen), and he created the popular base, which would embrace the da’wah and its carriers and accept the state to be established amongst them (the Ansaar). Hence the seeking of the Nusrah is the method to reach power. The Messenger 􀁕 persisted with this method, despite the obstacles and difficulties he faced during seeking of the Nusrah. The one who studies the work of the Messenger 􀁕 in Makkah finds that the method of change deals with the basic pillars. He finds that his 􀁕 method did not change by the change of the time and place, and nor did it change from region to region. This is because the differences in the characteristics of the different regions and societies relates to the form and not the essence. The nature of these characteristics is what makes the work difficult or easy.

Ra'ayin cewa Shari'ah tana da sassauci, bai kuma bai wa tunanin Musulmai da son zuciyarsu damar canza ta ba, da sunan sassauci.

The view that the Sharee’ah is flexible, does not also allow the minds and whims of Muslims’ to change it, under the pretext of flexibility.

Allah ﷻ ya sanya Shari'a cikakkiya, har ta kai ga warware dukkan matsalolin rayuwa, na tsohuwa da na sabuwa. Sai dai duk wannan yana cikin ƙa'idodi (Usul) da aka tsara, waɗanda ke samo asali daga gaskiyar cewa hukunci na Allah kaɗai ne.

Allah 􀀬 has made the Sharee’ah complete such that it is wide enough to solve all the problems of life, whether old or new. However, all this is within the regulated Usul (principles), that emanate from the fact that the rule is only for Allah 􀀬.

Ba a halatta a dakatar da nassoshi da hujjar cewa Shari'a faffadar tsari ce, ko a faɗaɗa ta har ta haɗa abin da ba daga cikinta ba. Wasu malaman Musulunci sun dakatar da hukunce-hukuncen Shari'a a kan wannan uzuri.

It is not allowed to suspend the texts using the view that the Sharee’ah is vast, or to extend it to include that which it not from it. Some Muslim scholars have suspended the Shar’ee punishments under this pretext.

Sun ce, tunda manufar hukunce-hukuncen Shari'a ita ce hana aikata laifi, to duk abin da ya hana aikata laifi za a iya ɗaukarsa cewa yana cikin jituwa da Shari'a. Tunda hukunce-hukuncen Shari'a ba a ɗaukansu a matsayin masu dacewa da ruhin zamani ba, kuma zukata da hankula na mutane sun ƙi su tare da watsi da su, to za mu iya komawa zuwa wani abu dabam, muddin ya cimma manufar. Da ba don Shari'a ta kasance mai sassauci kuma mai canzawa ba, da ba za mu iya yin hakan ba.

They said that since the aim of the punishments in the Sharee’ah is to be a deterrent, then whatever deters crime can be considered to be in agreement with the Sharee’ah. Since the Shar’ee punishments are not considered to be consistent with the spirit of the time and they have been dismissed and rejected by the hearts and minds of the people, we can move onto something else, as long as it achieves the aim. Had the Sharee’ah not been flexible and evolving, we could not have done that.

Sun kuma cewa jihadi fi sabilillahi yana nufin yada Musulunci. Tunda ana iya yada Musulunci ta hanyoyi banda jihadi, ta hanyoyin wayewa na zamani da ake da su kamar rediyo, talabijin da sauran nau'o'in kafofin watsa labarai, to ana iya maye gurbin jihadi da wadannan hanyoyi. Da ba don Shari'a ta kasance mai sassauci kuma mai ci gaba ba, da ba za mu iya yin hakan ba.

They also said that Jihaad fee sabeelillah is for the purpose of spreading Islam. Since it is possible to spread Islam using means other than Jihaad, by the modern civilised means available to us such as the radio, television and other types of media, then it is possible to replace Jihaad with these means. Had the Shar’a not been flexible and evolving, we could not have done that.

Game da hanyar samun hukuncin Musulunci, sun ce duk wata hanya da za ta iya cimma wannan, za a iya bi. Ba wajibi ba ne a manne wa hanya guda ɗaya kuma kada a wuce ta. Wannan tsauri ne da matsewa da ya saɓa wa yanayin Musulunci, wanda yake mai sauƙi, mai sassauci kuma mai ci gaba, kuma wanda Allah (SWT) bai sa wata wahala a cikinsa ba.

Regarding the method of attaining the Islamic ruling they said that any method that can achieve this, can be followed. It is not necessary to stick to one way and not go beyond it. This is rigidity and tightness that contradicts the nature of Islam, which is kind, flexible and evolving, and in which Allah 􀀬 has not placed any difficulty.

Saboda haka, furucin cewa 'Shari'a tana da sassauci' a wannan ma'ana haramun ne, domin yana dakatar da dokokin addini, kuma yana saba wa yanayin Musulunci. Yana tasirin tunanin Yammacin duniya, kuma yana bin sawunsa.

Thus, the statement that the ‘Sharee’ah is flexible’ in this sense is haraam, because it suspends the laws of the deen, and because it is in conflict with the nature of Islam. It is affected by the western thinking, and follows along behind it.

Game da ra'ayin cewa idan hukunci na ɓangare (al-juz'i) ya yi karo da hukunci na gaba ɗaya (al-kulli), to hukunci na gaba ɗaya ne ya fi nauyi. Wannan magana tana bukatar bayani, domin da alama akwai kamanceceniya tsakanin kalmomin da suka yi amfani da su da kalmomin malaman Usul, amma ba su ɗauki ma'anoni masu tsari iri ɗaya da Usuliyyun suka yi amfani da su ba. Hakan kuma yana nuna rashin daidaito a cikin ma'anoni da ma'auni.

As for the view that when the partial (rule) clashes with the comprehensive (rule), then the comprehensive (rule) is weightier. This is a statement that requires explanation, because it appears that there is a similarity between the expressions that they used and the expressions of the Usuli scholars, but they do not carry the same regulated meanings that Usuliyeen used. It also shows unsteadiness in the concepts and criteria.

Don haka idan Shari'a ta yi sassauci a wata al'amari ko ta yi laushi a wata mas'ala ta musamman, to wannan bai isa ba ga mutane su mayar da shi zuwa kowane al'amari da kowace mas'ala.

So if the Sharee’ah was lenient in a matter or soft in a particular issue, then this is enough for them to generalise that to every matter and every issue.

A wani batu kuma ya rage a wannan batu. Shi ne cewa hujjojin hankali ba su da wani tasiri wajen tabbatar da hukuncin Shari'a. Malaman Usul sun bayyana cewa hakikanin lamari shi ne ya zama manɗaƙi (abin da hukunci ya shafa), amma ba ya wajabtawa ko haramtawa. Hakikanin lamari kawai ana fahimtarsa yadda yake. Hujjojin Shari'a waɗanda ta hanyarsu ake tabbatar da hukuncin Shari'a su ne ke zuwa bayan haka. Saboda haka, hujjojin hankali, a ka'ida, ba su da wata daraja.

In this regard, another point remains. That is, that the rational justifications can have no effect in determining the Shar’ee rule. The scholars of Usul have stated that the reality forms the Manat (object) of the rule, but does not oblige or forbid. Rather the reality is understood only as it is. The Shar’ee evidences by which the rule of the Shar’a is determined come after that. Therefore, rational justifications, in principle, have no value.

Dangane da hujjojin shari'a, sun ginu ne a kan cewa asali ba a halatta a shiga cikin wata gwamnati da take mulki bisa wata shari'a banda shari'ar Allah ﷻ. Wannan kuwa saboda wasu dalilai da dama.

As for the Shar’ee justifications, they are based on the fact that in origin, it is not allowed to participate in a government that rules by a Shar’a other than the Shar’a of Allah 􀀬 This is owing to a number of factors.

* Ayoyin nassoshi gabaki sun siffanta waɗanda ba sa yin hukunci da abin da Allah ya saukar da kafirci (kufr), zalunci (zulm) da fasiƙanci (fisq). Ya ce: "Kuma duk wanda bai yi hukunci da abin da Allah ya saukar ba, to, waɗancan su ne kafirai." [TMQ 5:44]. Ya ce: "Kuma duk wanda bai yi hukunci da abin da Allah ya saukar ba, to, waɗancan su ne azzalumai (masu zalunci)." [TMQ 5:45]. Ya ce:

* The generality of the texts mentioning those who do not rule by what Allah 􀀬 has revealed characterised them with kufr (disbelief), zulm (injustice) and fisq (transgression). He 􀀬 says; “And whosoever does not judge by what Allah has revealed, such are the Kaafirun (disbelievers).” [TMQ 5:44]. He 􀀬 says; “And whosoever does not judge by what Allah has revealed, such are the zaalimun (unjust, oppressors).” [TMQ 5:45]. He 􀀬 says:

"Kuma duk wanda bai yi hukunci da abin da Allah ya saukar ba, to waɗannan su ne Fāsiqūn (fāsiqai)." [TMQ 5:47] * Hākimiyyah (iko na hukunci) dole ne ya zama na Allah kaɗai. Ya ce (SWT):

“And whosoever does not judge by what Allah has revealed, such are the Faasiqun (transgressors).” [TMQ 5:47] * The Hakimiyyah (sovereignty) must belong only to Allah 􀀬. He 􀀬 said:

"Lalle, hukunci ba na kowa ba ne face na Allah. Ya umarce ku da kada ku bauta wa kowa sai shi." [TMQ 12::40] * Haka kuma Allah 􀀬 ya haramtawa muminai komawa ga wata doka ba Shari'ar Allah 􀀬 ba, kuma ya mayar da hakan a matsayin rashin imani lokacin da ya ce: "A'a, na rantse da Ubangijinka, ba za su yi imani ba sai sun sanya ka alkali a cikin dukan husumar da ke tsakaninsu, kuma ba su sami wata kin amincewa a cikin zukatansu ga hukuncinka ba, kuma su karɓe shi da cikakkiyar biyayya." [TMQ 4:65] * Haka kuma ya tsawata wa munafukai saboda komawa ga abin da ba Allah ya saukar ba:

“Indeed, the Rule is for none but Allah. He has commanded that you worship none but him.” [TMQ 12::40] * Also Allah 􀀬 has forbidden the believers from referring to a law other than the Sharee’ah of Allah 􀀬, and He made that a negation of the Imaan when He 􀀬 said; “But no, by your Lord, they can have no Imaan, until they make you the judge in all disputes between them, and find in themselves no resistance against your decisions, and accept them with full submission.” [TMQ 4:65] * He also criticised the hypocrites for referring to other than what Allah has revealed:

"Shin ba ka ga waɗanda (munafukai) suke da'awar cewa suna imani da abin da aka saukar maka, da abin da aka saukar kafinka, kuma suna son su je neman hukunci (a cikin rigingimunsu) wurin Ɗagutu (alƙalai na ƙarya) alhali an umarce su da su ƙi su? Amma Shaiɗan yana son ya ɓatar da su nesa ƙwarai." [TMQ 4:60] * Ba a yarda a bar hukuncin Allah ﷻ zuwa hukuncin wani ba. Duk wanda ya yi haka, to yana fifita dokokin Jahiliyya a kan hukuncin Allah ﷻ. Note: I've kept (SWT) and ﷺ as instructed, but the original text uses "􀀬" (a glyph symbol) after Allah's name, which I rendered as ﷻ, the Arabic honorific symbol for Allah. The "Ash-Shaari'" and Prophet references did not appear in this passage, so no ﷺ was needed beyond the Qur'an verse, which was left untouched.

“Have you seen those (hypocrites) who claim that they believe in that which has been sent down to you, and that which has been sent down before you, and they wish to go for judgement (in their disputes) to the Taghut (false judges) while they have been ordered to reject them. But Shaytan wishes to lead them far astray.” [TMQ 4:60] * It is not allowed to leave the rule of Allah 􀀬 for the rule of anyone else. Whoever does that would be giving preference to the rules of Jahilliyyah over the rule of Allah 􀀬.

"Shin suna neman hukuncin (zamanin) Jahiliyya ne? Wane ne kuma yafi Allah hukunci ga mutanen da suke da imani mai ƙarfi?" [TMQ 5:50] Wannan ita ce ƙa'ida a asali, amma shiga majalisar ministoci an halatta shi (a ra'ayinsu) a matsayin keɓewa daga asalin, bisa ga dalilai masu biyowa:

“Do they then seek the judgement of (the Days of) Ignorance? And who is better in judgement than Allah for a people who have firm belief.” [TMQ 5:50] This is the rule in origin, but participation in the cabinet is allowed (in their view) as an exception to the origin, deduced from the following evidences:

1. Shigar Yusuf (as) cikin mulki.

1. Yusuf ’s (as) participation in ruling.

2. Matsayin an-Najashi.

2. The position of an-Najashi.

3. Al-Maslahah (ma'ana).

3. Al-Maslahah (interest).