Shari'a ba ta buƙatar kasancewar wata ƙungiya kawai ba. Abin da Shari'a ta buƙata shi ne kafa wata ƙungiya wadda manufarta ita ce kafa wannan tsari. Hujjojin da ke tabbatar da kasancewar ƙungiyar sun fayyace mana hakan.

The Shar’a does not require the mere presence of a group. Rather what the Shar’a requires is the establishment of a group whose purpose is to establish this order. The evidences for the existence of the group clarify this for us.

- A cikin faɗinSa 􀀬: "Kuma a samu daga cikinku wata jama'a masu kira zuwa ga dukkan abin alheri (Musulunci), masu umarni da abin da aka sani (ma'aruf) da hani daga abin ƙi (munkari). Kuma waɗannan su ne masu rabauta." [TMQ 3:104]. Shari'a ta wajabta kafa wata ƙungiya ta siyasa wacce akidarta Musulunci ne, kuma tana ɗauke da tunani da hukunce-hukuncen Shari'a da ake buƙata don cimma manufofin da aka kafa ƙungiyar saboda su, waɗanda su ne mamayar Musulunci, kafa shi da kuma hawan mulki. Umarnin ba shi ne a kafa ƙungiya don kanta ba. Maimakon haka, abin da aka umarta shi ne cika abin da aka umarta, wato da'awa da umarni da abin da aka sani da hani daga abin ƙi. Haka kuma, ba da'awa da umarni da alheri da hani daga sharri ba ne don kansu. Maimakon haka, umarnin shi ne cimma manufar da da'awa da umarni da abin da aka sani da hani daga abin ƙi suke wanzuwa saboda ita; mamayar Musulunci, ƙarfafa shi da hawan mulki.

- In His 􀀬 saying; “And let there arise out of you a group inviting to all that is good (Islam), enjoining the ma’roof (good) and forbidding the munkar (evil). And it is they who are successful.” [TMQ 3:104]. The Shar’a has obliged the establishment of a political group whose ideology is Islam and that carries the thoughts and Shar’ee rules necessary for the achievement of the aims the group was established for, which are the dominance, establishment and accession to power [of Islam]. The order is not to have a group for its own sake. It is rather to realise what was commanded, which is the da’wah and enjoining the ma’roof and forbidding the munkar. Also, it is not the da’wah and enjoining the good and forbidding the evil for their own sake. Rather the order is to realise the objective for which the da’wah and enjoining the ma’roof and forbidding the munkar exist; dominance, consolidation and accession to power.

- Manzon Allah ﷺ ya ce: "Ba a halatta ga mutum uku su kasance a kowane yanki na duniya ba tare da nada daya daga cikinsu a matsayin ameer (shugaba)." [Ahmad b. Hanbal ne ya ruwaito shi]. Shari'a ta nuna cewa duk wani aiki na hadin gwiwa da aka umarci Musulmi su aiwatar, dole ne su kasance da ameer.

- The Messenger 􀁕 said; “It is not allowed for three people to be on any part of the earth without appointing one of them as ameer (leader).” [Narrated by Ahmad b. Hanbal]. The Shar’a indicated that for any joint action that the Muslims have been ordered to perform they must have an ameer.

Biyayya gare shi zai zama wajibi a cikin al'amarin da aka nada shi shugaba a kansa, da kuma ga mutanen da aka nada shi shugaba a kansu. Dole ne jama'a su bi umarnin shugaba, domin a cimma sakamakon wannan aiki na tare bisa ga Shari'a.

The obedience to him will be obligatory in the matter he has been made ameer for, and for the people over whom he has been made ameer. The group must comply with the order of the ameer, so that the results of this collective work are achieved according to the Shar’a.

- Tun da Allah 􀀬 ya wajibta wa Musulmi wajibai da yawa waɗanda aka danƙa wa Khalifa shi kaɗai, to ya zama wajibi a naɗa Khalifa domin a cika waɗannan wajibai. Tun da naɗa Khalifa da kafa Khilafah ba zai yiwu ba sai da wata jama'a, to zama wajibi kasancewar wata jama'a wadda manufarta ita ce kafa Khalifa da Khilafah. Wannan yana bisa ƙa'idar:

- Since Allah 􀀬 has enjoined upon the Muslims many obligations that are entrusted to the Khaleefah only, then it has become imperative to appoint a Khaleefah in order to realise these obligations. Since the appointment of a Khaleefah and the establishment of the Khilafah cannot be achieved except by a group, then the presence of a group whose aim is to establish the Khaleefah and the Khilafah becomes inevitable. This is based on the principle:

"Abin da ake bukata domin tabbatar da wajibi shi ma wajibi ne." Don haka a bayyane yake cewa kasancewar wata jama'a tana da alaka mara rabuwa da manufar shari'a da ake bukata. Saboda haka, ba jama'a ce kawai ke daukar da'awar Musulunci ba. Ba jama'a ce kawai ke isar da sako don isarwa kawai ba. Maimakon haka, jama'a ce da aka kafa don manufar kafa Musulunci a rayuwar Musulmai, ta hanyar kafa Daular Musulunci, wacce ake dauka a matsayin hanyar shari'a ta aiwatar da dukkan dokokin Musulunci, na daidaikun mutane da na jama'a.

‘That which is necessary to establish a wajib is itself a waajib.’ So it becomes clear that the presence of a group is inextricably linked to the presence of the required Shar’ee objective. Thus, it is not a group that merely undertakes the da’wah to Islam. It is not a group that conveys the message just for the sake of conveying. Rather it is a group established for the purpose of establishing Islam in the life of the Muslims, through the establishment of the Islamic State, which is considered the Shar’ee method of applying all the rules of Islam, both individual and collective.

Saboda haka dole ne ya kasance akwai wata ƙungiya wadda manufarta ita ce cimma burin da aka kafa ta domin shi.

Hence a group must exist whose purpose is to realise the aim for which it has been established.

Har sai ƙungiyar ta kai matakin da za a iya ɗauka cewa ta cika duk abin da ake bukata daga gare ta, dole ne ta yi abubuwan nan masu zuwa.

Until the group can be considered to have fulfilled all that is required of it, it must do the following things.

Dole ne ya karɓi dukkan tunani, ƙa'idodin Shari'a da ra'ayoyin da suke da muhimmanci ga aikinsa, ya kuma tsaya a kansu da magana, aiki da tunani. Wannan saboda manufar karɓa (tabanni) ita ce kare haɗin kan jam'iyyar. Idan ƙungiya ta kafu, membobinta suka sami tunani daban-daban da ijtihadai mabambanta, ƙungiyar za ta fuskanci rarrabuwa da tarwatsewa, koda kuwa suna haɗe a kan manufa da kan Musulunci gabaɗaya. A cikinta za a sami wasu ɓangarori, har ƙungiyoyi su samu a cikin ƙungiyar. Da'awarta za ta juya daga kasancewa da'awa zuwa wasu su yi aiki tare da ita su kafa farillah, zuwa da'awa ga juna. Za su fara jayayya da juna, kowane ɓangare yana ƙoƙarin isar da ra'ayinsa ga shugabancin ƙungiyar. Saboda haka, muhimmancin karɓa da halaccinsa ya bayyana. Haɗin kan ƙungiya wajibi ne a Shari'a. Babu abin da zai kiyaye haɗin kanta a wannan hali, sai karɓar dukkan tunanin da ake buƙata don aikin, da kuma wajabta wa matasa wannan karɓa. Bisa haka karɓa ya zama wajibi bisa ka'idar: "Abin da wajibi ya dogara a kansa, shi ma wajibi ne." Muddin tunani, ƙa'idodi da ra'ayoyin aikin ƙungiyar duk sun dogara ne a kan Shari'ah; kuma muddin wannan ƙungiya tana da amincewar matasanta, to, a asali, an halatta ta takaita matasa a cikin tunanin da ya shafi aikin, domin halal ne ga Musulmi ya bar ra'ayinsa ya yi aiki bisa ra'ayin wasu. Saboda haka, a bai'ar 'Uthman ɗan 'Affan ya amince ya karɓi alkawarin halifanci bisa sharaɗin cewa ya bar ijtihadinsa ga ijtihadin Abu Bakr da Umar، رضي الله عنهما، koda inda ya saɓa da ijtihadinsa. Sahabbai sun amince da wannan, suka yi masa bai'ah. Sai dai wannan ana ganinsa a matsayin abin da aka halatta, ba wajibi ba, kamar yadda ya bayyana a cikin cewa Ali ba ya yarda ya bar ijtihadinsa saboda ijtihadin Abu Bakr da Umar, kuma babu ko ɗaya daga cikin Sahabbai da ya ki yarda da hakan. Haka kuma, an rawaito daga ash-Sha'bi ingantaccen rahoto cewa Abu Musa yana barin ra'ayinsa saboda ra'ayin Ali, Zaid yana barin ra'ayinsa saboda ra'ayin Ubayy b. Ka'b, kuma Abdullah yana barin ra'ayinsa saboda ra'ayin Umar. An kuma rawaito hadisai cewa Abu Bakr da Umar suna barin ra'ayinsu saboda Ali. Wannan yana nuna cewa halal ne ga mujtahid ya bar ra'ayinsa saboda ra'ayin wani, bisa amincewa da ijtihadinsa. Matasan wannan jama'a dole ne su rike wadannan ra'ayoyi guda biyu, kuma su kasance jama'a masu hankali da zuciya.

- It must adopt all the thoughts, Shar’ee rules and opinions that are necessary for its work, and it should adhere to them in word, deed and thought. This is because the aim of adoption is to protect the unity of the party. If the group is established and its members have different thoughts and diverse Ijtihaadaat the group will be afflicted with splits and fragmentation, even though they may be united on the aim and on Islam in a general manner. Within it there would be other factions, leading to groups forming within the group. Its da’wah will turn from being a da’wah to others to work with it and establish the fard, into a da’wah to each other. They will start to dispute with each other, with each faction trying to get its view across to the leadership of the group. Hence, the importance of adoption and its legitimacy becomes evident. The unity of the group is necessary by Shar’a. Nothing can maintain its unity in this situation, except the adoption of all the thoughts necessary for the work, and obliging the shabab with this adoption. Accordingly the adoption becomes required in compliance with the principle ‘That which is necessary for a wajib, is itself wajib.’ As long as the thoughts, rules and opinions for the work of the group are all based on the Shar’eeah; and as long as this group has the trust of its shabab it is allowed, in origin, to restrict the shabab in the thoughts regarding the work because it is allowed for a Muslim to leave his opinion and work according to the opinion of others. Thus, in the bay’ah of ‘Uthman b. ‘Affan he accepted to take the pledge of Khaleefah on condition that he left his Ijtihaad for the Ijtihaad of Abu Bakr and Umar 􀁗, even where it differed with his Ijtihaad. The Sahabah accepted this and they gave him the bay’ah. However, this is considered to be permitted and not obligatory as is made evident by the fact that Ali 􀁗 did not accept to leave his Ijtihaad for the Ijtihaad of Abu Bakr and Umar and not a single Sahabah objected. Also, it has been authentically narrated from ash-Sha’bi that Abu Musa used to leave his opinion for the opinion of Ali, Zayd used to leave his opinion for the opinion of Ubayy b. Ka’b and Abdullah used to leave his opinion for the opinion of ‘Umar. Ahadith have been narrated that Abu Bakr and ‘Umar used to leave their opinion for ‘Ali 􀁗. This shows that it is allowed for the Mujtahid to leave his opinion for someone else based on trust in his Ijtihaad. The shabab of this group must adhere to these two concepts and they should have a be intellectual and emotional body.

Kamar yadda jam'iyya ke wajabta ta karɓi hukunce-hukuncen Shari'a da suka wajaba don aikinta, haka nan wajibi ne ta karɓi hanyoyin aiwatar da waɗannan hukunce-hukuncen. Hanya (uslub) ita ce yadda ake aiwatar da Hukmu Shar'iyyi. Ita ce ƙa'idar da ke da alaƙa da ainihin hukuncin da dalilinsa ya zo. Misali: Jam'iyya ta wajaba ta tarbiyyantar da matasa (shabab) cikin tsari mai ƙarfi, bin misalin Manzon Allah ﷺ. Wannan Hukmu Shar'iyyi ne wajibi ne a bi shi. Amma ta wace hanya? Yaya ya kamata a aiwatar da wannan Hukmu Shar'iyyi? Dole ne a sami takamaiman tsari wanda ta hanyarsa za a cika wannan Hukmu Shar'iyyi. Tsarin na iya kasancewa ta hanyar halaqaat (da'ira) ko usar (iyalai) da sauransu.

- Just as the group must adopt the Sharee’ah rules necessary for its work, it must also adopt the styles to execute these rules. The style is the manner in which the Hukm Shar’ee is executed. It is a rule which relates to the original rule for which the daleel came. For example: The group is required to culture its shabab in a concentrated manner following the example of the Messenger 􀁕. This is a Hukm Shar’ee that must be adhered to. But in what manner? How should this Hukm Shar’ee be executed? There must be a specific style through which this Hukm Shar’ee can be fulfilled. The style may be through halaqaat (circles) or the usar (families) etc.

To wannan zaɓin salo (uslūb) shi ne zaɓi mai hankali na mafi dacewar aiki wanda ta hanyarsa ake aiwatar da Hukmi Shar'i. Asalinsa hukuncin ibaaha (halal ne). Shari'a ta umarci Hukmi Shar'i, amma ta bar salon aiwatar da shi ga Musulmi.

So the choice of the style is a rational selection of the most appropriate action through which the Hukm Shar’ee will be executed. It will take the ruling of ibaahah (permissibility) in terms of the basis. The Shar’a has ordered the Hukm Shar’ee, but left the style of its implementation to the Muslim.

Saboda salon tsare-tsare da yawa da ake da su ga Hukm Shar'ee guda ɗaya, ƙungiyar ta tilastu wa kanta ta karɓi wani takamaiman salo, kuma ta karkatar da shababanta zuwa gare shi.

Due to the many styles available for a single Hukm Shar’ee, the group is compelled to adopt a specific style and direct its shabab towards it.

Sai al-jama'a ta karɓi wani salo, wanda hakan zai kai ga aiwatar da Hukuncin Shari'a. Sannan salon zai ɗauki hukunci iri ɗaya da aikin da yake ƙarƙashinsa. A takaice, zai zama wajibi, kamar yadda Hukuncin Shari'a da yake ƙarƙashinsa wajibi ne.

Then the group would have adopted a style, which will lead to the implementation of the Hukm Shar’ee. Then the style will take the same rule as the work which it falls under. In other words, it becomes binding, like the Hukm Shar’ee that it falls under is binding.

Lokacin da wata jama'a ta zaɓi tsarin halaqaat (da'ira-da'ira) a matsayin salon da za ta yi amfani da shi wajen samar da tarbiyya mai zurfi da mayar da hankali, dole ne ta karɓe shi a matsayin salo mai ɗaurewa.

When a group chooses the halaqaat system (circles) as a style to bring about the concentrated culturing, it must adopt it as a style that is binding.

Lokacin da ƙungiya take karɓar salon aiki, dole ne ta fahimci manufar wannan salon, wadda ita ce tarbiyya mai mayar da hankali (al-tatqeef al-mukaththaf). Saboda haka, game da salon halaqah, za ta karɓi duk abin da zai tabbatar da wannan manufa. Misali, adadin mutanen da ke cikin halaqah ya kamata ya dace da manufar. Idan adadin ya ƙaru, hakan na iya zama an rasa tarbiyya mai mayar da hankali. Idan kuma adadin ya ragu, to za a yi halaqoji da yawa, wanda hakan zai zama nauyi da cikas ga manufar. Adadin dole ne ya dace da tsarin tarbiyya, ba tare da yawa ba ko ƙaranci ba. Saboda haka, ƙayyade adadin shawara ce ta hankali. Haka nan, tsawon lokacin halaqah ya kamata ya zama irin wanda ɗalibai za su iya riƙe hankalinsu a kai domin fahimtar tunani, in ba haka ba fahimta za ta ragu. Idan lokaci ya yi gajere, ba za a bayar da tunani cikin cikakken tsari ba. Sau nawa halaqah za ta kasance? Ya kamata ta kasance kullum, sati-sati, ko kowane mako biyu? Lokutan halaqah kada su zama cikas ga bangaren aiki na da'wah. Bangaren ilimi kada ya mamaye matasa a kan bangaren aiki. Ta haka ne ake karɓar salo masu dacewa wajen aiwatar da hukunce-hukuncen Shari'a, domin su dace gaba ɗaya da Hukmu Shar'ee da ake son cimmawa. Abin da muka faɗa game da salo, yana kuma aiki game da hanyoyi. Ya halatta ga Amir ya canja hanyoyi da salo bisa ga buƙatun aikin.

When adopting the style, the group must realize the aim of this style, which is concentrated culturing. So for the halaqah style, it would adopt everything that will realise this aim. For example; the number of people in the halaqah should be consistent with the aim. If the number increases then this may be at the expense of the concentrated culturing. If the number is less, then there will be too many halaqaat and they will form a burden and obstacle to the aim. The number must be conducive to the culturing process, without excess or deficiency. So the fixing of the number is a decision for the mind. Similarly, the time period of the halaqah should be such that the students can maintain their attention in order to understand the thoughts, otherwise the comprehension will be reduced. If the time is too short then the thoughts will not be given in a complete manner. How often should the halaqah take place? Should it be daily, weekly or fortnightly? Halaqah times should not be an obstacle to the practical aspect of the da’wah. The academic aspect, at the expense of the practical aspect, should not preoccupy the Shabab. This is how the appropriate styles are adopted for the execution of the Sharee’ah rules, such that they are in complete harmony with the Hukm Shar’ee that is to be realised. What we have said about styles roughly applies to the means as well. It is allowed for the Ameer to change the means and styles according to the requirements of the work.

Tun da ƙungiyar za ta yi aiki a kan wani fili mai faɗi, kuma tasirinta zai kai jihohi da yawa, to girma da yawan aikin sun zama dole a samu tsarin gudanarwa, ta hanyarsa jam'iyyar za ta bi da'wah kuma ta cimma manufofinta a dukkan bangarorin aikinta. Tsarin gudanarwar zai shirya tare da daidaita tafiyar da'wah. Zai bi tarbiyyar matasa (shabab) kuma ya shirya yanayin gaba ɗaya don wannan ra'ayi. Zai shirya gwagwarmayar hankali da ta siyasa. Jam'iyyar za ta bayyana ga al'ummar Musulmi a matsayin wata ƙungiya da ta ɗauki wannan aiki a wuyanta. Saboda haka, dole ne a sami tsarin tsari na ƙungiya, wanda aka keɓe don cimma manufar yadda ya kamata, don haka zai sa ido kan nasarorin aikin kuma ya kiyaye su.

- Since the group will be dealing with a wide expanse of land and its reach will extend to many States, then the sheer size and volume of the work necessitates the presence of an administrative system through which the party can pursue the da’wah and realize its aims in all spheres of its work. The administration system will organize and regulate the movement of the da’wah. It will follow the culturing of the shabab and prepare the general atmosphere for the idea. It will organize the intellectual and political struggle. The party will appear to the Ummah as a body, which committed itself to realise this task. Hence, there must be an organisational structure, which is devoted to realising the aim as best as possible, so it monitors the achievements of the work and maintains them.

Don haka jam'iyya dole ta ɗauki tsarin mulki ko tsarin tsari na ƙungiya wanda zai ba ta damar shirya da'awa yadda ya kamata, ta yadda hakan zai kai ga cimma manufa.

So the party must adopt an administrative system or an organisational structure that will enable it to organise the da’wah successfully, thus leading to the attainment of the aim.

Dole ne jam'iyyar ta karɓi wata doka ta gudanarwa wadda ta ke tsara jiki da harkokin ƙungiyar, inda za a bayyana dokoki game da ikon Amir, yadda yake tafiyar da jam'iyyar da yadda ake zaɓar shi. Haka kuma doka za ta bayyana wanda zai naɗa shugabannin yankuna da lardi, da iyakokin ikonsu. Wannan doka ita ce za ta shirya gudanarwa game da duk wani aiki na Hizb, kuma ta ƙayyade ikon wajibi na kowa da abin ya shafa.

The party must adopt an administrative law through which the body and its movement is organised, where the rules regarding the powers of the Ameer, how he runs the party and how he is selected are defined. It explains who will appoint those responsible for the areas and provinces, and what the limits of their powers are. It is the law that will organise the administration concerning every action of the Hizb and specify the mandatory powers of everyone concerned.

Duk waɗannan dokoki za su bi hukuncin hanyoyi da salon da ake buƙata wajen aiwatar da hukunce-hukuncen Shari'a da suka shafi aikin. Wajibi ne a bi salon gudanarwar da aka ɗauka muddin Amir ya ga sun zama dole, domin biyayya ga Amir wajibi ne.

All of these rules will take the Hukm of the means and styles that are required for executing the Sharee’ah rules related to the work. It is obligatory to adhere to the adopted administrative styles as long as the Ameer considers them necessary, because obedience to the Ameer is waajib.

- Mutum yana wajabta ya bi abin da aka karɓa, to me jam'iyya za ta yi idan an samu keta? Shin za ta magance keta ta wajen tsawatarwa ga mutum, ko kuwa ya kamata a sami hukunce-hukuncen gudanarwa?

- One is obliged to adhere to whatever is adopted, so what will the party do when there is a violation? Will it deal with the violation by rebuking the person or should there be administrative punishments?

Ƙungiyar tana da wajibi ta ɗauki hukunce-hukuncen gudanarwa a kan waɗanda suka keta duk wata ƙa'ida da aka amince da ita ko suka karkata daga tafarkin Shari'a da aka zayyana. Waɗannan hukunce-hukuncen halal ne saboda suna kan saɓa wa Ameer. Tun da Hukuncin Shari'a ya wajabta kasancewar Ameer, yana wajabta biyayya gare shi kuma yana haramta saɓawa a cikin al'amuran da aka naɗa shi Ameer a kansu; in ba haka ba, babu wata ma'ana ga samun Ameer ga ƙungiya.

The group is obliged to adopt administrative punishments for those who violate any adopted rule or deviate from the Shar’ee course that has been drawn out. These punishments are legitimate because they are for disobeying the Ameer. Since the Hukm Shar’ee obliges the presence of an Ameer it obliges obedience to him and forbids the disobedience in the matters that he was appointed an Ameer; otherwise, there would be no meaning to having an Ameer for the group.

Manzon Allah ﷺ ya ce:

The Messenger 􀁕 said:

"Duk wanda ya yi mini biyayya, to kamar ya yi wa Allah biyayya ne. Kuma duk wanda ya saɓa mini, to kamar ya saɓa wa Allah ne. Duk wanda ya yi wa Ameer biyayya, to kamar ya yi mini biyayya ne, kuma duk wanda ya saɓa wa Ameer, to kamar ya saɓa mini ne." [Ya ruwaito shi Muslim] Hukunce-hukuncen gudanarwa daga Ameer ya kamata su shafi kowa, har ma da ƙaramin memba a cikin ƙungiyar. Waɗannan hukunce-hukuncen na keta-haddin abin da aka karɓa ne. Duk wanda ya keta dokokin Shari'ah ko salo da aka karɓa, ko bai bi tsarin gudanarwa ko dokar gudanarwa ba, ko ya ketare iyakar ikonsa, ya kamata a yi masa hisabi.

“The one who obeys me is (as if) he has obeyed Allah. And the one who disobeys me is (as if) he disobeyed Allah. The one who obeys the Ameer is (as if) he obeyed me and the one who disobeys the Ameer is (as if) he disobeyed me.” [Reported by Muslim] The administrative punishments from the Ameer should extend to everyone, even to a junior member in the movement. These punishments are for violations of adoption. The one who violates the adopted Shar’eeah rules or styles, does not adhere to the administrative body or administrative law, or crosses the limits of his powers, should be taken to account.

Ta wannan hanya, tsarin tunani ya kamata a tare shi da tsari na ƙungiya mai ladabi, wanda aka sadaukar domin aiwatar da tunanin aikin da ƙa'idojin hanyar daidai. Idanunmu sun ga yadda ƙungiyoyi da yawa, na Musulunci da waɗanda ba na Musulunci ba, suka gaza saboda ba su ba da wani muhimmanci ga bangaren tsari ba.

In this manner the intellectual framework should be accompanied by a disciplined organisational framework, which is dedicated to the precise execution of the thoughts of the work and the rules of the method. Our eyes have seen how many Islamic, and non-Islamic organisations, have failed because they didn’t pay any attention to the structural aspect.

Yana da ma'ana cewa ƙungiya za ta cika da saɓani idan ba ta ba da kulawar da ta dace ga ra'ayin ɗaukar aiki (tabbatarwa/karɓa) ba; za ta yi tafiya ba tare da tsari ba, kuma za ta dinga juyawa a wuri guda. Za ta wuce duk iyaka ba tare da wanda zai kira ta ga lissafi ba. Wannan zai hana ƙungiyar cimma manufarta.

It is natural for the group to be plagued with disagreements if it doesn’t give the concept of adoption due attention; it will proceed haphazardly and go around in circles. It will exceed all bounds with nobody to bring it to account. This will prevent the group from being able to achieve its objective.

Ya zama ruwan dare cewa idan ba a zaɓi mambobi da masu ɗaukar nauyi bisa sharuɗɗan halal kuma masu daidaito ba, a maimakon haka ana zaɓarsu saboda dangantakarsu da wani, ko matsayinsu a cikin al'umma, ko kuma saboda muƙamin ilimi da suke riƙe, to ayyuka za su rarrabu ba daidai ba, kuma mutane za su fara sha'awar samun wasu muƙamai na musamman.

It is natural that if the members and people of responsibility are not chosen based on legitimate and consistent conditions, but instead are chosen for reasons such as who they are related to, having a social standing or having an academic post, then the tasks will be badly distributed and the individuals will become interested in attaining particular positions.

Ya zama abu na halitta cewa idan babu dokokin gudanarwa da kowa zai bi, to za a samu nuna bambanci wajen lissafi da daidaito, kuma adalci zai bace.

It is natural that if there are no administrative laws to which everyone is subjected, then there will be discrimination in accounting and balance and fairness will be lost.

Ta halitta cewa idan babu hukunce-hukuncen gudanarwa, wadanda ba sa bambance tsakanin manyan laifuffuka da kananan laifuffuka, to rashin biyayya zai ci gaba a wurin aiki kuma kura-kurai za su karu.

It is natural that if there are no administrative punishments, which do not differentiate between big violations and small violations, then disobedience will continue in the work and mistakes will increase.

Saboda haka, dole ne a kula da bangaren tsari da kuma tsara jam'iyya ko kungiya mai tasiri a harkarta, ta yadda tunanin da'awa da matasanta za su kasance an tsara su a cikinta, kuma aikinta ya zama mai sauki. Tsari da kuma hada-hadar jam'iyya ko kungiya dole ne su dace gaba daya da manufar da aka kafa kungiyar domin ita.

Therefore, one has to pay attention to the organisational aspect and the shaping of a party body that is effective in its movement, such that the thoughts of the da’wah and its shabab are organized within it, and its work is facilitated. The structure and composition of the party or group must be in complete harmony with the aim for which the group was established.

Babu wanda ya kamata ya yi tunanin cewa al'amarin tsari ba shi da muhimmanci; a'a, lamari ne mai muhimmanci ƙwarai. Idan ƙungiyar ba ta da tsari mai kyau, kuma ba ta karɓi dokokin da suka wajaba ba, ta kuma sa su zama tilas, to duk wata nasarar da ƙungiyar ta samu za ta kasance cikin haɗarin ɓacewa.

No one should think that the structural aspect is secondary; rather it is a very important matter indeed. If the group is not well structured and does not adopt the necessary rules and make them binding, then whatever success the group has will be in danger of being lost.

Bugu da kari, aiwatar da ayyukan jam'iyya yana wajabta wa jam'iyya ko ƙungiya wasu nauyin kuɗi. Wannan saboda wasu daga cikin shabab ɗin ana ba su aiki na musamman da ƙungiyar ke buƙata, kamar kuɗin tafiya, kuɗin buga takardu, ko wasu kuɗaɗen da ake buƙata wajen isar da da'wah. Dole ne jam'iyyar kanta, watau shabab ɗinta, su ɗauki waɗannan kuɗaɗen. Wanda ya miƙa kansa ga da'wah, yana da sauƙi a gare shi ya bayar da abin da ya fi ƙasa da kansa, watau tallafin kuɗi.

Moreover, undertaking the party tasks obliges the party or group to bear some financial responsibilities. This is owing to some shabab being specially assigned a duty required by the group, for travel expenses, printing costs or other expenses necessary for carrying the da’wah. These financial costs must be borne by the party body itself, ie its shabab. The one who has given himself to the da’wah, it is easier for him to give that which is less than himself, ie financial support.

Ya kamata ƙungiyar ta yi taka-tsantsan kada ta miƙa hannunta zuwa waje da ƙungiyar, ko ga mutum ɗaya, ko ga wata ƙungiya, ko ga gwamnati. Ga yadda ake kusantar ƙungiyoyi. Abokan gaba na da'awa suna amfani da bukatar ƙungiyar ga kuɗi, don haka sukan fara da ba ta taimakon kuɗi wanda ba ya nuna komai na mugunta. Ba da daɗewa ba, wannan taimakon yana zama taimako don wata manufa.

The group should be careful not to extend its hand outside the group, whether it be to an individual, to a group or to a government. This is how groups are approached. The enemies of the da’wah exploit the group’s need for money, so they begin by giving seemingly innocent financial assistance to it. Very soon, this assistance becomes assistance for a purpose.