Dangane da haɗa abubuwan da suka bambanta, Shari'a ta ba da hukunce-hukunce iri ɗaya ga al'amura daban-daban, duk da cewa hankali bisa kwatance ba ya karɓar hakan. Shari'a ta haɗa ruwa da turɓaya wajen halatta tsarkake mutum da su, duk da cewa ruwa yana tsarkakewa, turɓaya kuma tana sa abu ya ƙazanta. Ta haramta riba al-fadl (ƙarin adadi) a cikin zinariya da alkama, duk da cewa hakikaninsu ya bambanta. Haka kuma ta wajabta kisa ga mai ridda da mai zina, duk da cewa salon aikinsu ya bambanta, da kuma bambancin ayyukan biyun. Ta kare Musulmi da Zimmi, duk da cewa su biyun sun bambanta ta fuskar addini. Ta wajabta bulala tamanin ga wanda ya yi ƙarya ya zargi mace da zina, da kuma wanda ya sha giya, duk da cewa hakikanin ayyukan biyun ya bambanta.

As regards combining the things that are different, the Shar’a has given the same rules for different issues, even though the rational analogy does not accept this. The Shar’a has combined the water and dust when allowing one to be purified by them, even though water cleanses and dust makes thing dirty. It forbade the riba al-fadl (excess in amount) in gold and wheat even though their reality is different. It has also imposed the death penalty on the apostate and adulterer though the manner differs, despite the difference between the two actions. It has protected the Muslim and the Dhimmi, despite the fact that they are both different in terms of the deen. It obliged eighty lashes for the one who falsely accuses a woman of zina and the one who drinks alcohol, even though the reality of the two actions is different.

Saboda haka akwai dokoki da yawa waɗanda hakikaninsu a fili yake bambanta, babu abin da zai iya haɗa su, duk da haka Shari'a ta ba su hukunci guda ɗaya. Idan da an bar wa hankali ya yi qiyasi, da zai zo da hukunci dabam, kuma da ba zai iya ba da hukunce-hukunce iri ɗaya ba, saboda bambancin hakikaninsu. Wannan kuma yana nuna rashin ingancin wannan hanyar ta qiyasi.

Thus there are many rules whose realities clearly differ and nothing can bring them together, yet the Shar’a has given them the same rule. If it were left to the mind to make analogy, then it would have come with a different rule, and it would not have been able to give similar rules, due to their different realities. This also indicates the invalidity of this methodology in analogy.

Haka kuma Shari'a ta bayar da hukunce-hukunce waɗanda hankali ba shi da wata rawa a cikinsu.

Furthermore the Shar’a has given rules in which the mind has no role.

Shari'a ta halatta ciniki amma ta haramta riba, duk da cewa dukansu ciniki ne kuma suna kama da juna. Ta tanadi shaidu maza huɗu a zina, amma biyu sun isa a kisan kai, duk da cewa kisan kai ya fi zina muni. A cikin saki mai iya komawa, ta tanadi cewa shaida Musulmi ne, amma ta halatta shaidar kafiri a wasiyya.

The Shar’a has allowed trade but forbidden usury, even though both are a trade and they are similar. It stipulated four male witnesses in fornication, but two are sufficient for murder, even though killing is more vicious than fornication. In the revocable divorce, it stipulated that the witness is a Muslim, but it allowed the testimony of a Kaafir in bequests.

Ta wajaba kamewa, wato runtse ido, dangane da mace 'yantacciya mai kyama ta fuskar gashinta da fatarta, duk kuwa da cewa mutum ba ya karkata zuciyarsa zuwa gare ta a dabi'ance, amma ba a wajabta hakan dangane da jariyya (kuyangi masu kyau) waɗanda zuciyar mutum take karkata zuwa gare su. An wajabta shafa a saman khuffain (safa ta fata), ba a ƙarƙashinta ba, duk kuwa da cewa shafa a ƙasa ya fi dacewa. Game da wannan, Sayyiduna 'Ali (Allah ya girmama shi) ya ce: "Da an ɗauki addini ta hanyar qiyasi (wato da hankali), to shafa a ƙasan safa da ya fi cancanta a kan shafa a saman ta." Wannan ne ya sa shahararren mawaƙi Abul 'Ala al-Ma'arri ya ce: Hannu ana biyan diyyarsa da dinare na zinare ɗari-ɗari, Ta yaya ake yanke shi (a yanke) saboda kwata na dinare?

It obliged chastity, ie lowering of the gaze, in relation to a free ugly woman regarding her hair and skin, even though one does not naturally incline towards her, but it did not oblige this in relation to the jariyah (beautiful female slaves) towards whom one’s disposition inclines. It obliged wiping on the top of the khuffain (leather socks) and not under it even though it is more fitting to wipe the underneath. Regarding this, Sayyiduna ‘Ali (May Allah honour him) said; “If the deen were to be taken by analogy (ie rationally), then wiping under the socks would have been more deserving than wiping on the top.” This is what pushed the likes of the famous poet Abul ‘Ala al-Ma’arri to say; A hand is compensated with hundreds of gold dinars, How is it cut off (amputated) for one quarter of a dinar?

Wato, diyyar hannun da aka lalata ita ce dinari 500, to ta yaya za a yanke hannu saboda dinari guda hudu?

In other words, the blood money for a hand that has been damaged is 500 dinar, so how can the hand be amputated for quarter of a dinar?

Hankali yana ganin rashin dacewa ne a yanke hannu saboda dinari guda cikin huɗu. Da hukuncin hankali, yana kin hukuncin Shari'a. Idan da an ba hankali damar fahimtar 'illah (dalili na shari'a) daga jimillar Shari'a, ko daga mafi bayyanar ma'anar nassi, ko kuma fahimtar kasancewar Qiyas (kwatanci) daga kawai kamancen hukunce-hukunce biyu, to da zai haramta abubuwa da yawa da Allah 􀀬 ya halatta, kuma ya halatta abubuwa da yawa da Allah 􀀬 ya haramta. Saboda haka, Qiyas ba a halatta shi sai bisa tsarin da Shari'a ta amince da shi. A wata ma'anar, ingantaccen Qiyas ba zai faru ba tare da 'illah (dalili na shari'a).

The mind considers it improper for a hand to be cut off for a quarter of a dinar. With the judgement of the mind, he disapproves the judgement of the Sharee’ah. If the mind was the given the right to understand an ‘illah (divine reason) from the totality of the Sharee’ah, or from the most zaahir an-nas (apparent aspect of the text), or to understand the existence of Qiyas (analogy) from the mere similarity between two ahkam, then it would prohibit much of what Allah 􀀬 has permitted, and permit much of what Allah 􀀬 has forbidden. Thus, Qiyas is not allowed except according to the method approved by the Shar’a. In other words, the legitimate Qiyas cannot take place without an ‘illah (divine reason)

a mentioned in the text. Ba a yin Qiyas a cikin nassin da babu 'illar Shar'i a cikinsa. Ba a bayar da 'illar hankali a kansa ba, kuma ba ma ƙayyade masa 'illar Shar'i ba, muddin ba a ambace ta ba ko an ƙayyade ta. Shi ya sa Fuqahaa' (malaman fiqhu) suka bayyana hanyoyin gano 'illar ta hanyar bincika nassoshi. Sun ce 'illar ta kasance ko dai an nuna ta a nassi kai tsaye (saraahatan), ko ta hanyar ma'ana (dalaalatan), ko ta hanyar istinbaɗi (istinbaatan), ko ta hanyar qiyasi (qiyasan). (Ana roƙon a duba littafin Usul a kan wannan.)

mentioned in the text. No Qiyas is made in the text that contains no Shar’ee ‘illah. No rational ‘illah is given for it and nor do we assign for it a Shar’ee ‘illah, as long as it has not been mentioned or assigned. That is why the Fuqahaa’ (jurists) have defined the ways (of discerning) the ‘illah by examining the texts. They said the ‘illah has either been indicated by the text saraahatan (explicitly), by dalaalatan (meaning), by istinbaatan (deduction) or by qiyasan (analogy). (Please check the book on Usul for this)

Lokacin da Manzon Allah ﷺ ya amince da amfani da Qiyas, ya kafa nau'insa.

When the Messenger 􀁕 approved of the use of Qiyas, he fixed its type.

Ahmad da an-Nasa'i sun ruwaito daga 'Abdullahi ɗan az-Zubair, cewa: "Wani mutum daga Khath'am ya zo wajen Manzon Allah ﷺ ya ce:

Ahmad and Nasai reported from ‘Abdullah b. az-Zubayr, who said; “A man from Khath’am came to the Rasool of Allah 􀁕 and said:

"Mahaifina ya karɓi Musulunci, shi kuma tsoho ne, ba zai iya hawan raƙumi ba, amma Hajji ya wajaba a kansa. Shin zan iya yin Hajji a madadinsa?" Sai ﷺ ya ce: "Shin kai ne ɗan fari?" Ya amsa: "Eh." Sai ﷺ ya ce: "Ka ce mahaifinka yana da bashi, kuma ka biya shi a madadinsa, shin hakan zai wadatar masa?" Ya ce: "Eh." Sai ﷺ ya ce: "To, za ka iya yin Hajji a madadinsa." Hajji ibada ce (ƙaramin aiki na bauta).

‘My father has embraced Islam and he is old and cannot ride a camel, but Hajj is obliged on him. Can I perform the Hajj on his behalf ?’ He 􀁕 said: ‘Are you the eldest son?’ He replied: ‘Yes.’ He 􀁕 said: ‘Suppose your father had a debt to pay and you paid it on his behalf, would this requite him?’ He said: ‘yes.’ He 􀁕 said: ‘Then you can perform Hajj on his behalf.’” Hajj is an ‘ibadah (worship)

kuma bayar da rance mu'amala ce (ciniki/hulda tsakanin mutane), kuma dukkansu sun bambanta da juna. Duk da haka, sauke wajibcin Hajji yana kama da biyan bashi, ta ma'anar cewa dukkansu bashi ne. Dalilin halatta wa ɗa ya yi Hajji a madadin mahaifinsa shi ne saboda sauke bashi ne. Manzon Allah ﷺ ya haɗa bashin da ke tsakanin mutum da Allah da bashin da ke tsakanin mutane, ta fuskar wajibcin biyansa da amfanin sa. Idan Manzon Allah ﷺ bai shar'anta hakan ba, to tunanin mu ba zai iya kai mu ga irin wannan hukuncin ba.

and giving a loan is a mu’amalah (transaction) and both are different from each other. However, discharging the obligation of Hajj is similar to payment of the loan, in the sense that both are debts. The reason for allowing the son to perform the Hajj on his father’s behalf is because it is the discharge of a debt. The Messenger 􀁕 linked the debt with Allah to the debt with human beings, in terms of the obligation of its settlement and its benefit. If the Messenger 􀁕 had not legislated that, then our minds would not have been able to make such a judgement.

Ta'lil (dalilin doka) shaida ce da ke bayyana al'amarin da Shari'a ta shar'anta hukuncin dominsa. Wannan yana wajabta mutum ya bi 'illah a duk inda take. Wannan shi ne Qiyas. Lokacin da Manzon Allah ﷺ ya ce game da kyanwa: "Ba najasa ba ce (watau miyarta)." Ya bayyana 'illar rashin ɗaukarta a matsayin najasa lokacin da ya ce: "Domin su kan kasance kewaye da ku a gidaje (watau na gida)." [Bukhari da Muslim suka ruwaito]. Saboda haka, duk dabbar da ta saba kasancewa a kewayen gida ba najasa ba ce, muddin babu wata keɓewa da wata hujja ta yi. Maganar Manzon Allah ﷺ: "An wajabta neman izini (shiga gida) saboda gani." [Bukhari da Muslim suka ruwaito]. Ma'ana, Musulmi dole ne ya nemi izini kafin ya shiga gida, domin gida yana da tsarki kuma ana ɗaukarsa a matsayin 'awrah. Dalilin shar'anta buƙatar neman izini shi ne hana kallon abin da aka haramta. Kalmarsa "min ajlin nazar (saboda kallo)" ita ce 'illah, watau dalilin shar'anta neman izinin. Don haka, Musulmi da ya shiga gidansa ba ya buƙatar izini don shiga. Wannan saboda 'illar ba ta nan, kuma hukuncin ma yana ɓacewa tare da ita. Amma idan yana da baƙi a kewayensa da makamantansu, hukuncin yana nan. Don haka idan 'illar ta dawo, hukuncin ma yana dawowa. Hukuncin yana da alaƙa da 'illar ta fuskar kasancewa da rashinta.

The ta’leel (reasoning) behind rules is an evidence to clarify the matter for which the Shar’a has legislated the rule. This obliges that one follows the ‘illah where it is present. This is Qiyas. When the Messenger 􀁕 said about the cat; “It is not najas (impure) (ie the cat’s saliva).” He clarified the ‘illah ie the reason for not considering it impure when he said; “For they are usually around you in the homes (ie domesticated).” [Reported by Bukhari and Muslim]. Accordingly, any animal that is usually around the home is not impure, as long as there is no exception made by a daleel (evidence). The saying of the Messenger 􀁕; “Permission (to enter) is required because of sight.” [Reported by Bukhari and Muslim] This means the Muslim must seek permission before entering a house, because the house has its sacredness and is considered an ‘awrah. The reason for legislating the requirement of seeking permission is to prevent looking at a prohibited thing. His words “min ajlin nazar (because of viewing)” is the ‘illah ie the reason for legislating the seeking of permission. Thus, a Muslim who enters his home does not require a permission to enter. This is because the ‘illah is absent and hence the rule becomes absent. Otherwise the rule will remain if he has guests around and the like. So when the ‘illah returns, so does the hukm. Thus, the hukm is linked to the ‘illah in terms of presence and absence.

Shi ya sa Qiyas yana cikin al'amura masu matukar laushi. Ya kamata a sani cewa Qiyas na masu hankali ne waɗanda suke fahimtar nassoshi, hukunce-hukunce da abubuwan da suka faru. Ba ya halatta ga kowane mutum ba, wanda yake amfani da shi bisa ga son zuciyarsa da sha'awarsa. Dole ne ya kasance ga mutanen da Allah 􀀬 ya ba su basira da fahimta, in ba haka ba zai zama hanyar hallaka da karkacewa daga hukuncin Allah 􀀬 na gaskiya. Imam Shafi'i (Allah ya yi masa rahama) ya ce: "Ba ya halatta ga kowa ya yi Qiyas har sai ya zama masani a kan sunnoni (hanyoyin) da suka gabata, da maganganun Salaf da harshen Larabci. Haka kuma dole ne ya zama mai hankali mai lafiya don ya bambance al'amura masu shakka (ko kamanceceniya) kuma kada ya yi gaggawar yanke hukunci; kuma kada ya ki sauraron wanda ya saɓa masa, domin hakan na iya jawo hankalinsa zuwa abin da ya manta ko ya nuna masa kuskuren abin da ya zata daidai ne." Amfani da Qiyas yana bukatar fahimta mai zurfi. Amfani da Qiyas don samo hukunci ba ya halatta ga kowa sai mujtahid.

That is why Qiyas is one of the very delicate issues. It should be known that Qiyas is for the intelligent people who understand the texts, rules and incidents. It is not valid for just any person, who uses it according to his whims and desires. It must be for those people to whom Allah 􀀬 has granted insight and understanding, otherwise it would become a means of destruction and departure from the true rule of Allah 􀀬. Imaam Shafi’i (may Allah have mercy on him) said; “It is not valid for anybody to make Qiyas until he became knowledgeable of the previous sunan (ways), the statements of the Salaf and the Arabic language. He must also be of sound mind so as to distinguish between the doubtful (or similar) matters and not rush to judge; and he should not resist listening to the one who disagrees with him, because this might draw his attention to something he forgot or point out to him the error of what he thought to be correct.” Use of Qiyas requires precise understanding. The use of Qiyas to derive a rule is not allowed for anyone other than the mujtahid.

A cikin dukkan abin da muka ambata a baya, mun kawo hujjojin wadanda ke goyon bayan shiga cikin hukuncin kafirci ne kawai, da raddi a kansu, da kuma bayyana cewa ba za su iya tsayuwa a matsayin hujja a wannan magana ba. To, menene ra'ayin Musulunci tabbatacce, wanda ba ya bukatar Ijtihadi a wannan magana?

In everything we have mentioned previously, we only quoted the evidences of those who advocate participation in kufr rule, their refutation, and showing that they cannot stand up as evidences for this subject. Now, what is the definite opinion of Islam, which doesn’t require Ijtihaad in this subject?

Shari'ah, tare da 'Aqeedah, an kafa su ne a kan Imani ga Allah Daya, kuma cewa ibada ya kasance ga Shi kaɗai. Kalmar 'laa ilaaha' (babu abin bautawa) tana nufin musanta allahntaka, ibada da shari'anta daga kowa sai Allah. Kalmar 'illallah' (sai Allah) kuwa tana nufin tabbatar da waɗannan abubuwa ga Allah kaɗai. Shi ne Ilah, Gaskiya, wanda shi kaɗai ya cancanci a bauta masa kuma a shar'anta. Bautawa da miƙa wuya ga Shi (SWT) da kuma sanin Shari'arsa suna zuwa ta hannun Manzo ﷺ. Wannan shi ne abin da ɓangare na biyu na shahada biyu ke nufi, wato: Muhammadu Manzon Allah ne ﷺ. Saboda haka, Manzo ﷺ kaɗai ya kamata a bi, kuma a yi koyi da shi a cikin shari'anta.

The Shar’a, along with its ‘Aqeedah, is established on the Imaan in Allah the One, and that worship should be solely for Him. The statement ‘laa ilaaha’ (There is no god) means the negation of divinity, worship and legislation from anyone other than Allah 􀀬. The statement ‘ilallah’ (except Allah) means confirming these matters for Allah 􀀬 only. He is the Ilah, the Truth, the only one who deserves to be worshipped and to legislate.Worship and submission to Him 􀀬 and knowledge of His Shar’a comes via the Messenger 􀁕. This is what the second part of the two shahadas means, which is that; Muhammad is the Rasool of Allah. Hence only the Messenger should be followed, and emulated in legislation.

Har ila yau, Usul al-Fiqh an gina shi ne a kan bayyana tushen wahayi, domin kada a dauki doka daga wani abu banda wadannan tushe. Yana neman tsara ka'idojin istinbaɗ (fitar da hukunci), ta yadda duk abin da ba ya fitowa daga Shari'a ba zai shiga cikinsa ba. Shi ya sa bahasin farko da Usul al-Fiqh ke yi shi ne cewa Al-Haakim (Mai mulki) Allah ne, hukunci nasa ne kadai, kuma babu wani hukunci kafin saukar wahayin Shari'a a kan wani al'amari, ko wajen Shari'a.

Even Usul al-Fiqh is built on defining the sources of revelation so that legislation is not taken from other than these sources. It seeks to regulate the principles of istinbaat (deduction), so that anything that isn’t from the Shar’a can not enter it. That is why the first discussion that Usul al- Fiqh undertakes is that the Haakim (Sovereign) is Allah 􀀬, the judgement is only for Him, and there is no hukm before the revelation of the Shar’a on a subject or outside of the Shar’a.

Sannan sai Fiqh, wanda ke wakiltar bayanin aiki na ibada ga Allah shi kadai, da mika wuya ga Shi kadai, da kin duk wata shari'a daga wani banda Shi, tare da cewa hukunci a koma ga Shari'arsa kadai.

Then comes the Fiqh to represent the practical explanation of the worship to Allah 􀀬 alone, and the subjugation to Him alone and the rejection of any legislation from anyone other than Him, beside reference for judgement is to His Law only.

Shiga cikin tsarin kafirci yana nufin cewa wanda ya yi kira zuwa gare shi ya karɓi dokokin mutane baya ga dokar Allah. Saboda haka, yana karɓar kasancewar mai shar'anta dokoki wanda ba na Shari'a ba tare da mai shar'anta dokokin Shari'a. Wannan kuma yana nufin karɓar yawan tushen shari'anta. To ina ne haɗin kan Ubangiji (wahdaniyyatul-ma'bud) wanda ke tilasta haɗin kan ibada, a bayyane da a ɓoye?

Participating in kufr systems means that the one who calls to it accepts human legislation in addition to the divine legislation. Consequently, he accepts the presence of a legislator of non-Shar’ee rules alongside the legislator of Shar’ee rules. This also means the acceptance of the plurality of sources of legislation. So where is the unity of the deity (wahdaniyyah al-ma’bud) that necessitates the unity of worship, openly and secretly?

Haramcin yin shirki da Allah ﷻ yana tilasta haramcin sanya abokin tarayya a cikin mulkinSa.

The prohibition of making shirk with Allah 􀀬 necessitates the prohibition of partnership in His rule.

Don haka Shari'a, a cikakkenta, tana nuna haramcin shiga cikin tsarin jahiliyya.

Thus the Shar’a, in its totality, indicates the prohibition of participating in jaahili systems.

Sirar Manzon Allah ﷺ a cikin da'watarsa tana nuna, ba tare da wani shakka ba, cewa hanyar tana da tsattsauran ra'ayi kuma ba ta da wani tasiri daga gaskiyar zamani. Aikin da yake shafar gaskiyar zamani shi ne zai haifar da canjin da ake bukata. Manzon Allah ﷺ a cikin da'watarsa, bai ba da wani muhimmanci ga gaskiyar shirka ta kafirai na Makka ba. Bai damu da al'adunsu da al'adunsu ba; haka kuma bai ba da wani muhimmanci ga karɓa ko ƙin karɓar mutane gare shi ba. Bai yi wa masu iko zagon-kasa ba, duk da cewa halin Manzon Allah ﷺ da da'watarsa a Makka yana da tsanani. Ya bayyana a fili cewa, "Babu abin bautawa sai Allah, Muhammadu kuma Manzon Allah ne," wanda shi ne cikakken Musulunci a jigonsa, da kuma ƙin yarda da duk wata akida ko Shari'a banda ita. A kan wannan tushe ne Abu Jahl, tare da sauran shugabannin kafirci a Makka, suka ƙi Shahada. Haka kuma a kan wannan tushe, Manzon Allah ﷺ ya bayyana Shahada a fili gaban baƙi da fari, 'yantacce da bawa, mawadaci da matalauci, Balarabe da wanda ba Balarabe ba, mai bautar gumaka da Ahlul-kitab. Ya fuskance su, ya yi adawa da su, kuma ya ƙalubalance su ta hanyar ambaton abubuwan bautarsu; sai suka mayar da martani da adawa, suka yi ƙoƙarin yi masa ciniki, suka roƙe shi ya yi shiru game da su domin su ma su yi shiru game da shi. Suna fatan idan Manzon Allah ﷺ ya yi sulhu, to su ma za su yi sulhu. Shi ﷺ bai karɓi wannan ba, kuma ya yi haƙuri game da cutar da suke yi wa da'war da azabtar da sahabbansa; muminai ma sun yi haƙuri da su. Haƙurin dukkansu alama ce ta gaskiyar da'war da kuma tsarinta, har ya kai ga cewa ﷺ ya ƙi sharuɗɗan Banu Sa'sa'ah lokacin da ya je wurinsu yana kiransu su goyi bayan addininsa, a lokacin da da'war ta fi wahala kuma babu wani mai goyon baya. Sun shirya ba shi Nusrah a kan sharadin cewa bayansa iko zai koma gare su. Bai ce cewa wata dama ta samu shi wadda zai amfana da ita bayan an rufe dukkan kofofin da ke gabansa ba. Maimakon haka, ya faɗa musu, kuma ya faɗa mana bayansu a matsayin malami, shugaba, mai kira zuwa ga Allah, kuma jagora: "Iko na Allah ne, Shi kuma yana ba da shi ga wanda Ya so." Yana nufin da wannan cewa iko na Allah ne kaɗai, kuma babu wanda zai iya rabawa Allah 􀀬 a cikinsa. Allah 􀀬 kaɗai ne yake ba da shi ga wanda Ya so, kuma babu wani mutum da yake da hannu a wannan al'amari. Manzo ﷺ ya ci gaba da kiransa ba tare da ya dogara da wani abu ba sai ƙarfin fikira (ra'ayi) da taimakon Allah. Da'awar ta cimma manufarta ta hanyar kafa Dar al-Islam a Madina, bayan Allah 􀀬 ya buɗe zukata da hankulan waɗanda suka goyi bayan Muhammadu ﷺ suka taimake shi. Don haka nasara daga Allah 􀀬 take. Tana ga wanda ya dogara da Shi, ya nemi taimakonSa, kuma ya kiyaye tsarkin fikira, bayyanar fahimta, daidaiton hanya, da gaskiyar aiki.

The Sirah of the Messenger 􀁕 in his da’wah indicates, without a shadow of a doubt, that the approach was radical and free from any effect of the reality. The work that affects the reality is what will create the necessary change. The Messenger 􀁕 in his da’wah, did not give any attention to the reality of shirk in the Kuffar of Makkah. He did not care about their customs and traditions; nor did he give any regard to people’s acceptance or rejection of him. He did not flatter those in authority, even though the situation of the Messenger 􀁕 and his da’wah in Makkah was severe. He publicly proclaimed, ‘There is no god but Allah and Muhammad is His Messenger’, which is the whole of Islam in its essence, and the complete rejection of every creed or Shar’a other than it. On this basis the Shahadah was rejected by Abu Jahl, along with the other leaders of kufr in Makkah. On this basis as well, the Messenger 􀁕 publicly proclaimed the Shahadah before the black and the white, the free and the slave, the rich and the poor, the Arab and the non-Arab, and the idol-worshipper and the people of the scripture. He confronted them, opposed them and challenged them by mentioning their gods; and so they responded with hostility, tried to bargain with him, and asked him to be silent about them so that they will be silent about him. They wished that if the Messenger 􀁕 had compromised, then they would compromise. He 􀁕 did not accept this and was patient regarding their harassment of the da’wah and their torture of his companions; the believers were patient with them. The patience of all of them was one of the signs of the truthfulness of the da’wah and of their tone, to the extent that he 􀁕 rejected the condition of Banu Sa’sa’ah when he approached them inviting them to support his deen, in the most difficult time of the da’wah and the lack of any supporter. They were ready to give him the Nusrah on condition that after him the authority should go to them. He did not say that an opportunity occurred to him from which he could benefit, after all the gates before him have been shut. Rather he told them and told us after them as a teacher, leader, da’ee and a guide; “The authority belongs to Allah and He places it where He wills.” He means by this that authority belongs to Allah 􀀬 only, and no one can share with Allah 􀀬 in this. Only Allah 􀀬 gives it to whom He wills, and no one else has a say in this matter. The Messenger 􀁕 continued in his da’wah without relying on anything other than the strength of the fikrah (idea) and the help of Allah. The da’wah realised its aim by the establishment of dar al-Islam in Madinah, after Allah 􀀬 opened up the hearts and minds of those who supported Muhammad 􀁕 and helped him. Thus, the success is from Allah 􀀬. It is for the one who depends on Him, seeks His Help and maintains the purity of the idea, the clarity of the understanding, the soundness of the path and the correctness of the activity.

A ƙarshen wannan tattaunawa game da shiga cikin gwamnatocin da ke mulki da abin da ba shi ne abin da Allah ya saukar ba, za mu gabatar da gaskiyar yadda ake mulki a gwamnatocin yau da kuma yadda ake shiga cikinsu. Sa'an nan za mu gabatar da ayoyi da hadisai da suka haramta bin wannan hanya, kuma mu kawo ƙarshen duk wani uzuri ko fassara, domin ayoyin suna da ma'anoni bayyananne.

Now, at the end of this discussion about participating in the regimes that rule by other than what Allah 􀀬 has revealed, we shall present the reality of ruling in the current regimes and how the participation takes place. Then we shall present the ayaat and ahadith that prohibit the following of this path, and put an end to any justification or interpretation, because the ayaat are definite in their meanings.

Kundin tsarin mulki a kowace ƙasa dole ne a kafa shi a kan wani takamaiman tushe na akida. Yana iya zama na dimokuraɗiyya ko na Musulunci, ta yadda babu wata doka da ba ta fito daga akidarsa da tushensa ba.

The constitution in any state must be established on a specific intellectual basis. It may be democratic or Islamic, such that there can be no rule that has not emanated from its creed and basis.

Saboda haka, a tsarin dimokuraɗiyya, dole ne dokoki su dace da tushen da ya ce iko na al'umma ne, watau al'umma ce ke kafa dokoki ta hanyar majalisa da suke zaɓa domin wannan manufa, kuma ana kiran wannan majalisar dokoki. Idan ta yanke hukunci, hukumar zartarwa tana aiwatar da abin da hukumar doka ta shimfiɗa, da sunan al'umma. Domin a riƙe gwamnati cikin iyakar mulkin al'umma, an ba majalisar dokoki ikon ba gwamnati amincewa, ta yadda ba za ta zama halaltacciya ba sai bayan an ba ta amincewar. An ba ta ikon sa ido, bincike da kuma tambayar gwamnati kan ayyukanta.

Thus, in the democratic systems, the rules have to be in harmony with the basis, which says that the sovereignty is for the people, ie it is the people who enact laws through an assembly, which they select for this purpose and this is called the parliament. When it rules, the executive authority applies what has been legislated by the legislative authority in the name of the people. In order to keep the government restricted to the rule of the people, the parliament has been given the power to give the government a vote of confidence, such that it does not become legitimate except after the vote of confidence has been given. It has been given the power to monitor, examine and account the actions of government.

Saboda haka, zai iya janye amincewa daga dukkan gwamnati ko wani minista, idan ya aikata take ko kuma bai bi ka'idojin kundin tsarin mulki ba.

Accordingly, it can withdraw the confidence from the whole government or a certain minister, if he commits a violation or does not adhere to the rules of the constitution.

Saboda haka, tushen ayyukan da gwamnati ke yi shi ne Dimokuraɗiyya ba Musulunci ba. Kamar yadda muka bayyana a tattaunawar da ta gabata, Musulunci ba ya karɓar wani aiki da ba a gina shi a kan tushen ruhaniya ba, wanda shi ne tushen Imani ga Allah (SWT).

Thus, the basis of the actions that result from the government is Democracy and not Islam. As we have explained in a previous discussion, Islam does not accept any action that is not based on a spiritual basis, which is the basis of Imaan in Allah 􀀬.

Tsarin gwamnatin yana da tsari guda ɗaya, kamar yadda yake da tushe guda ɗaya, kuma manufar da suke son aiwatarwa ɗaya ce, suna aiki don aiwatar da ita ta dukkan ma'aikatu. Manufar kowace ma'aikata dole ta dace da manufar sauran ma'aikatu. Gwamnati tare ce ke tsara wannan manufa. Muryar ƙaramin minista Musulmi ba za ta zama komai ba face murya ɗaya daga cikin muryoyin da shugabanta ke tsara manufa da su, bisa hasken kundin tsarin mulki da tushen da aka kafa ta a kansa. Wannan shi ne ta fuskar shari'a. Sai dai akwai babban bambanci tsakanin wannan ra'ayi da aikace-aikacensa a zahiri. Shugaban ƙasa da tawagarsa za su riga sun tsara manufar gwamnati tun kafin a zaɓi minista domin shiga majalisar zartarwa. Minista ba shi da zaɓi, sai dai ya shiga majalisar bisa manufar da aka tsara, ko kuma ya ƙi. Ba shi da haƙƙin shimfiɗa manufa ga ma'aikatarsa.

The systems have an integrated structure, just as they have a single basis, and the policy they want to execute is one, and they work to apply it through all the ministries. The policy of each ministry must be in harmony with the policy of the other ministries. What formulates this policy is the government together. The voice of the single Muslim minister will be nothing but a single voice from the collection of voices, with which its president formulates the policy, in the light of the constitution and the basis on which it is established. This is from the legal perspective. However, there is a huge difference between this idea and its practical application. The country’s leader and his team will already have drawn up the policy of the government when the minister is chosen for the cabinet. The minister has no choice, except to join the cabinet on the basis of the drawn up policy or to refuse it. He has no right to lay down the policy for his ministry.

Haka kuma, nauyin da ke kan ministoci nauyi ne na haɗin gwiwa.

Moreover, the responsibility of the ministers is a joint responsibility.

Wannan yana nufin cewa idan gwamnati tana son aiwatar da manufofin da aka tsara da kuma ɗaukar matakan da suka dace, ana yanke shawarwari bisa ra'ayin mafi yawa. Wannan yana nufin cewa kowane minista yana shiga cikin harkokin sauran ma'aikatu, yana kuma gabatar da ra'ayinsa game da shawarwarin gwamnati. Hakan yana sa ministan Musulmi ya ɗauki alhakin duk abin da ya fito daga ma'aikatarsa ko ya shafe ta, ko na wasu. A irin wannan yanayi, yana da wajibi ya kare manufar da shawarwarin gwamnati a waje da gaban jama'a, koda kuwa a cikin ma'aikatar yana adawa da su. Anan wani zai iya zaton cewa ministan Musulmi zai ɗauki matsayin adawa ga duk abin da aka gabatar wanda ya saɓa wa Musulunci. Irin wannan magana tana nuna tunani mara zurfi. Minista ba ɗaya yake da ɗan majalisa ba. Ta fuskar doka, ba ta aiki ba, ɗan majalisa yana wakiltar waɗanda suka zabe shi. Yana iya wakiltar Musulmi a tsarin dimokuraɗiyya, ko kuma yana iya wakiltar masu ra'ayin hagu a tsarin jari-hujja. Shi kuwa minista, ba a shigar da shi cikin gwamnati domin ya yi adawa ba, in ba haka ba zai kasance a waje saboda adawarsa. Saboda haka, a tsarin dimokuraɗiyya, wanda ya yi adawa da gwamnati ko mulki zai kasance a waje, ba za a bar shi ya shiga ba. Idan ya shiga da kuskure, sai a kore shi da ƙarfi. Gwamnati tana zuwa ne domin mulki da aiwatarwa. Tana da manufar da take son aiwatarwa. Ba ta zo domin tara sabani ba. Duk wanda ya saɓa wa manufarta zai bar ta bisa gayyatar firayim minista ko ministoci tare. Ƴan majalisa za su janye amincewarsu daga gare shi kai tsaye, gwamnati kuwa za ta ci gaba da aiki.

This means that when the government wishes to implement the planned policy and take the necessary decisions, the decisions of the majority are taken. This means that every minister interferes in the affairs of other ministries, and puts forward his views regarding the government’s decisions. This makes the Muslim minister responsible for everything that originates from or relates to his ministry, or that of others. In such a situation, he is obliged to defend the policy and decisions of the government outside and in front of people, even though inside the ministry he might oppose it. Here one might assume that the Muslim minister will take the position of opposition to everything proposed that contradicts Islam. Such talk indicates shallow thinking. The minister is different from the MP. Thus, in terms of the law and not application, the MP represents those who have elected him. He may represent the Muslims in a democratic system, or he may represent the leftists in capitalist systems. As for the minister, he is not brought into the government to oppose, otherwise he will remain outside due to his opposition. Thus, in the democratic systems, the one who opposes the government or the rule will remain outside and not be allowed to enter it. If he enters by mistake, then he is expelled by insistence. The government comes to rule and implement. It has a policy that it wants to implement. It has not come to gather contradictions. Anyone who goes against its policy will leave it by the invitation of the prime minister or the ministers together. The MPs will withhold the confidence from him personally, and the government will continue functioning.

A nan dole ne a ambata cewa kawai karɓar da ministan Musulmi ya yi na shiga cikin mulki yana nufin ya amince da kundin tsarin mulkin ƙasar da kuma tushen da aka kafa ta a kansa. Adawar da muke magana a nan ba adawa da tushen tsarin ba ce, sai dai adawa a cikin tsarin, wadda ke nuna saɓani a cikin rassansa, alhali kowa yana karɓar tushensu.

Here it is imperative to mention that the mere acceptance of the Muslim minister to participate in ruling means that he has accepted the existing constitution in the country and the basis on which it is established. The opposition that we mention here is not the opposition to the basis of the system but opposition within the system, which is an opposition that indicates disagreement in the branches, whilst everyone accepts their basis.

Haka kuma, duk wani ƙudiri da aka amince da shi kuma yake da alaƙa da kowace ma'aikata, ba ya fara aiki ko samun gurbi sai an amince da shi daga ɓangarori uku, kuma an sanya hannun sa hannunsu a kansa. Su ne: shugaban ƙasa, firayim minista, da ministan da abin ya shafa. Wannan kuma na nufin cewa ministan Musulmi ba shi da 'yancin tafiyar da al'amuran ma'aikatarsa da fitar da ƙudurorin aiki da kansa.

Moreover, any decree adopted and related to any ministry does not come into force and effect, until approved by three sides and provided with their signatures. They are; the head of state, the prime minister, and the relevant minister. This also means that the Muslim minister is not free in running the affairs of his ministry and issuing the practical decrees by himself.

Wannan yana bayyana abubuwan nan a sarari:

This makes the following points clear:

Dokokin da gwamnati ke mulki da su, ba an kafa su ne a kan tushen ruhi (wato imani da Allah ba), a'a, an kafa su ne a kan tushen Dimokuradiyya, wadda ke ba da doka ga jama'a ba ga Allah ba. (SWT)

- The rules, with which the government governs, are not established on a spiritual basis (which is the belief in Allah) but on the basis of Democracy, in which legislation is for the people and not for Allah 􀀬.

- Gwamnati ita ce hukumar zartarwa. Hukuma ce ta mulki da aiwatar da dokokin kundin tsarin mulki. Gwamnati, tare da Firimiyanta da ministocinta, kowannensu ba shi da izinin saba wa dokokin kundin tsarin mulki, in ba haka ba za a tuhume su da keta shi.

- The government is the executive authority. It is an authority of ruling and execution of the rules of the constitution. The government, along with its Premier and ministers, every single one of them, are not entitled to go against the rules of the constitution, otherwise they will be accused of violating it.

- Babu wani minista, ciki har da ministan da ke Musulmi, da ke tsara manufofin ma'aikatarsa. Maimakon haka, yana aiwatar da manufofin da gwamnati baki ɗaya ta tsara, ciki har da shugabanta.

- No single minister, including the minister who is a Muslim, draws up the policy of his department. Rather he applies the policy drawn up by the state as a whole, including its head.

Kowane minista yana da alhakin dukkan shawarwari da ayyukan da gwamnati ta fitar. Wannan ya faru ne saboda doka ta tanadi cewa alhakin majalisar zartarwa alhaki ne na gama-gari da na haɗin gwiwa.

- Every single minister is responsible for all the decisions and actions issued by the government. This is because the law states that the responsibility of the cabinet is a collective and joint responsibility.

A taƙaice, ana tsara wannan al'amari a cikin waɗannan tsare-tsare, ta yadda babu wanda yake da hakkin ya yi aiki shi kaɗai ba tare da majalisar zartarwa ba, kuma bisa ga ra'ayinsa kawai.

In short, the issue is regulated in these systems, such that no one has the right to act in isolation of the cabinet, and in his own way.

Wannan shi ne gaskiyar waɗannan gwamnatoci. Ayoyi da yawa suna shaida haramcin Musulmi ya shiga cikinsu.

This is the reality of these governments. Many ayaat bear witness to the prohibition of a Muslim to participating in them.

Don haka, Allah 􀀬 ya wajabta cewa hukunci ya kasance ga Allah 􀀬, a matsayin tushen da dokoki ke fitowa daga gare shi. Ya ce 􀀬: “Amma a'a, da Ubangijinka, ba za su yi imani ba har sai sun sa ka zama alkali a cikin dukkan rikice-rikicen da ke tsakaninsu, kuma ba su sami wani ƙi a cikin zukatansu ga hukuncinka ba, kuma su karɓe shi da cikakkiyar biyayya.” [TMQ 4:65]. Ya ce 􀀬: “Bai dace ba ga mumini, namiji ko mace, idan Allah da Manzonsa suka yanke wani al'amari, su sami wani zaɓi a cikin shawararsu.” [TMQ 33:36] - Allah 􀀬 ya wajabta cewa shugaban ƙasa ya zama Musulmi. Ya ce 􀀬: “Ya ku waɗanda suka yi imani! Ku bi Allah, ku bi Manzo ﷺ da masu iko daga cikinku.” [TMQ 4:59] - Allah 􀀬 ya wajabta wa shugaban Musulmi yin mulki da Musulunci. Ya ce 􀀬: “Saboda haka ka yi hukunci a tsakaninsu da abin da Allah ya saukar...” [TMQ 5:49]. Allah 􀀬 ya gargaɗi shugaban Musulmi game da karkacewa daga wani ɓangare na Musulunci, koda kuwa doka ɗaya ce. Don haka ya ce: “Ka yi hankali kada su karkatar da kai daga wani ɓangare na abin da Allah ya saukar maka.” [TMQ 5:49]. Ya umarta da mu zare takubbanmu a gaban wanda ke mulki da kufr suraah (kufri bayyananne). Wannan saboda maganar Manzo ﷺ game da shugaban fasiqi lokacin da aka tambaye shi: “Ba za mu yaƙe shi da takobi ba, ya Rasulullahi?” Ya ce: “Sai dai idan kun ga kufr buwah (kufri bayyananne) wanda kuke da burhaan (hujja) daga Allah.” [Muslim ne ya ruwaito]. Ya hana masu ba da shawara da abokan zaman shugaba su kasance a kan wani abu banda Musulunci.

- Thus, Allah 􀀬 obliged that the judgement should be for Allah 􀀬, as a basis from which the laws originate. He 􀀬 said; “But no, by your Lord, they can have no Imaan, until they make you the judge in all disputes between them, and find in themselves no resistance against your decisions, and accept them with full submission.” [TMQ 4:65]. He 􀀬 said; “It is not (fitting) for a believer, man or woman, when Allah and His Messenger have decreed a matter that they should have any option in their decision.” [TMQ 33:36] - Allah 􀀬 has obliged that the ruler be a Muslim. He 􀀬 said; “O you who believe! Obey Allah and obey the Messenger 􀁕 and those in authority from amongst you.” [TMQ 4:59] - Allah 􀀬 has obliged the Muslim ruler to rule by Islam. He 􀀬 said; “And so judge between them by what Allah has revealed...” [TMQ 5:49]. Allah 􀀬 warned the Muslim ruler of turning away from some of Islam, even if it is a single rule. Thus He said; “And beware of them lest they turn you away from some of that which Allah has sent down to you.” [TMQ 5:49]. He 􀀬 ordered that we draw our swords in the face of the one who rules by kufr suraah (explicit kufr). This is owing to the Messenger’s 􀁕 statement regarding the Faajir ruler when he was asked: “Shall we not fight him with the sword, O Rasool of Allah? He said; “Unless you see clear and kufr buwah (explicit kufr) regarding which you have a burhaan (proof) from Allah.” [Reported by Muslim] -He 􀀬 forbade the advisors and entourage of the ruler to be on anything other than Islam.

"Ya ku waɗanda suka yi imani! Kada ku riƙa ɗaukar (wasu) a matsayin Bitanah (masu ba da shawara, mataimaka, masu kare ku)"

“O You who believe! Take not as (your) Bitanah (advisors, helpers, protectors)

…wadanda ba su cikin addininku.” [TMQ 3:118] - Allah 􀀬 ya umarci Musulmi da su koma ga Musulunci don yanke hukunci, kuma ya hana su komawa ga Dagutu. Ya bayyana cewa wanda ya yi haka, imaninsa da'awa ce kawai, ba gaskiya ba. Ya ce: “Shin ba ka ga wadanda (munafukai) suke da’awar cewa sun yi imani da abin da aka saukar maka, da abin da aka saukar kafin ka, sannan suna son su je wurin hukunci (a cikin sabanin su) zuwa ga Dagutu (alkalai na ƙarya, da sauransu) alhali an umarce su da su ƙi shi? Amma Shaidan yana son ya ɓatar da su nesa.” [TMQ 4:60] - Allah 􀀬 ya haramta wa Musulmi su riƙi wani daban a matsayin abokai da mataimaka sai su; “Ya ku waɗanda suka yi imani! Kada ku riƙi abokai mutanen da Fushin Allah ya sauka a kansu.

those outside your religion.” [TMQ 3:118] - Allah 􀀬 ordered the Muslims to refer to Islam for judgement and He forbade them to refer to the Taghut. He 􀀬 clarified that the one who does that, his Imaan is a mere claim and not true. He 􀀬 said; “Have you seen those (hypocrites) who claim that they believe in that which has been sent down to you, and that which was sent down before you, and they wish to go for judgement (in their disputes) to the Taghut (false judges, etc.) while they have been ordered to reject it. But Shaytan wishes to lead them far astray.” [TMQ 4:60] - Allah 􀀬 has forbidden the Muslims from taking as friends and helpers anyone other than them; “O you who believe! Take not as friends the people on whom is the Wrath of Allah.

Lalle, suna cikin fid da zuciya game da Lahira, kamar yadda suke cikin fid da zuciya game da waɗanda ke cikin kabari (cewa ba za a tashe su ba a Ranar Tashin Alkiyama).” [TMQ 60:13]. Kuma Ya ce (SWT); “Ya ku waɗanda suka yi imani! Kada ku riƙi Yahudawa da Nasara a matsayin Awliya (abokai, masu kāriya); su abokai ne ga juna kawai. Kuma duk wanda ya riƙe su a matsayin Awliya daga cikinku, to lalle shi ɗaya ne daga cikinsu. Lalle Allah ba Ya shiryar da mutanen da suke Zalimun (azzalumai). Kuma za ka ga waɗanda cuta take cikin zukatansu (ta munafunci), suna gaggawa zuwa ga abotarsu, suna cewa: ‘Muna tsoron kada wata masifa ko wani bala’i ya same mu.’ Watakila Allah ya kawo nasara ko wani hukunci bisa ga nufinSa. Sa’an nan za su yi nadama saboda abin da suka ɓoye a cikin kansu.” [TMQ 5:51-52] Anan tambaya na iya tasowa cewa shugabannin yau ba Yahudawa ko Nasara ba ne. Gaskiyar ita ce suna biyayya ga Yahudawa da Nasara. Biyayyar wanda yake biyayya ga shugabanni za ta kasance ga wanda waɗannan shugabanni suke biyayya gare shi.

Surely, they are in despair of the Hereafter, just as they are in despair about those (buried) in graves (that they will not be resurrected on the Day of Resurrection).” [TMQ 60:13]. And He 􀀬 said; “O you who believe! Take not the Jews and the Christians as Awliya (friends, protectors); they are but Awliya to one another. And if any amongst you takes them as Awliya, then surely he is one of them. Verily, Allah guides not those people who are the Zalimun (unjust). And you see those in whose hearts there is a disease (of hypocrisy), they hurry to their friendship, saying: ‘We fear lest some misfortune of a disaster may befall us.’ Perhaps Allah may bring a victory or a decision according to His Will. Then they will become regretful for what they have been keeping as a secret in themselves.” [TMQ 5:51-52] Here the question may arise that the rulers today are not Jews or Christians. The truth is they are loyal to the Jews and Christians. The loyalty of the one who is loyal to the rulers, will be for the one those rulers are loyal to.

Kuma Shi (Allah) ya ce: "Kuma waɗanda suka kafirta suna goyon bayan juna; idan ba ku yi haka ba (watau..."

And He 􀀬 said; “And those who disbelieve are allies to one another, (and) if you do not do so (ie.

…za su zama abokan gaba guda, a matsayin tubali ɗaya mai haɗin kai da Khilafah ɗaya), za a sami Fitina (yaƙe-yaƙe, fagage) da zalunci a bayan ƙasa, da babbar ɓarna da lalacewa (bayyanar shirka).” [TMQ 8:73] Abin lura a nan shi ne, manufar hana haɗa kai da Yahudawa da Nasara ba ita ce a yi biyayya ga wanin su ba. Abin da ake nufi shi ne an haramta yin biyayya ga duk wani abu ko duk wani mutum da ya saɓa wa Musulunci. Haramcin nuna biyayya gare su yana buƙatar mutum ya nisanci su, ta fuskar ra'ayoyi da halaye, kuma kada ya karɓi wani abu daga gare su, muddin tushen abin an kafa shi a kan kafirci. Ya ce Ya ﷻ, a harshen Ibrahim: “Lalle mu, mun barranta daga gare ku da abin da kuke bautawa baicin Allah, mun kafirce muku, kuma an fara tsakaninmu da ku, gaba da ƙiyayya har abada - sai kun yi imani…” [TMQ 60:4] Walaa’ (biyayya da soyayya) ya kamata ya kasance ga Allah, ga Manzonsa da mumunai. Ya ce Ya ﷻ: “Kuma wanda ya riƙi Allah da Manzonsa da waɗanda suka yi imani a matsayin majiɓinta, to lalle jam'iyyar Allah ita ce mai rinjaye.” [TMQ 5:56] Wata tambaya da za ta iya tasowa a nan ita ce, cewa karɓar shiga cikin mulki ba yana nufin mu zama masu biyayya gare su ba. Mu kawai muna nuna biyayya bisa tsarin misali (muna nuna ƙasƙantar da kai har sai mun sami tasiri).

become allies, as one united block with one Khilafah), there will be Fitnah (wars, battles) and oppression on earth, and a great mischief and corruption (appearance of polytheism).” [TMQ 8:73] Here it is worth mentioning that the intention from not allying oneself with the Jews and Christians is not that one should be loyal to other than them. Rather what is intended is that it is forbidden to be loyal to anything and anyone that contradicts Islam. The prohibition of showing loyalty to them necessitates that one detaches oneself from them, in terms of ideas and behaviour, and doesn’t accept any matter from them, as long as their basis is established on kufr. He 􀀬 said, on the tongue of Ibraheem; “Verily, we are free from you and whatever you worship besides Allah, we have rejected you, and there has started between us and you, hostility and hatred for ever, - until you believe…” [TMQ 60:4] The walaa’ (loyalty) should be for Allah, His Messenger and the believers. He 􀀬 said; “And whosoever takes Allah, His Messenger and those who have believed as Protectors, then the party of Allah will be the victorious.” [TMQ 5:56] Another question that may arise here is that by accepting to participate in ruling we do not mean to be loyal to them. We only show loyalty following the model (we show our submissiveness until we gain influence)

amma zukatanmu sun ƙi abin da suke yi. Gaskiya ita ce, al'amarin biyayya yana tattare da gabobin jiki (aiki) da zuciya tare. Wajibi ne a gare mu mu ƙi abin da shugaba yake yi da hannu, da harshe, da zuciya, idan yana mulki da wani abu banda abin da Allah ﷻ ya saukar. Mafi ƙarancin abin da mutum zai iya yi shi ne ƙin yarda da zuciya, kuma babu imani bayan wannan, kamar yadda al-Mustafa ﷺ ya bayyana.

but our hearts reject what they do. The truth is that loyalty is a matter in which the organs (action) and heart share. We are obliged to reject by hand, tongue and heart what the ruler does, when he rules by other than what Allah 􀀬 has revealed. The least one can do is to reject with the heart and there is no Imaan after this, as informed by al-Mustafah 􀁕.

Waɗanda suke ɗaukar matsayin mafi raunin imani, ayyukansu da maganganunsu bai kamata su yarda ko goyon bayan mulkin da ba na Musulunci ba. Waɗanda suke yin hakan, suna sabawa Allah 􀀬 kuma suna aikata zunubi, koda zukatansu sun ƙi shi. Ana tuhumarsu da kafirci idan zukatansu sun amince da shi. Mafi ƙanƙanta da za a iya faɗa game da wanda ya shiga cikin mulkin da ba abin da Allah 􀀬 ya saukar ba, shi ne cewa fasiqi ne (mai ketare iyaka), zalimi (azzalumi) kuma ‘aasi (mai sabawa) ga Allah 􀀬.

Those who take the position of the weaskest of Imaan, their actions and statements should not agree or support the rule by non-Islam. Those who do that, they are disobeying Allah 􀀬 and committing sin, even if their hearts reject it. They are accused with kufr if their hearts approve it. The least that one can say about the one who participates in ruling by other than what Allah 􀀬 has revealed, is that he is a Faasiq (transgressor), Zaalim (oppressor) and ‘aasi (disobedient) to Allah 􀀬.