Ƙwace dukiyar jama'a ta hanyar mayar da ita mallakar gwamnati (nationalisation) na ɗaya daga cikin hanyoyin tsarin Jari-hujja, wato canja mallakar mutum ɗaya zuwa mallakar Gwamnati, idan Gwamnati ta ga akwai buƙatar jama'a da ta ga ya zama wajibi a mallaki wannan dukiya (ta hanyar Gwamnati), wadda asalin mallakar mutane ce. Gwamnati ba ta wajaba ta aiwatar da ƙwace ba; a maimakon haka, tana da 'yancin ƙwacewa idan ta so, ko kuma ta bar dukiyar yadda take ba tare da ƙwace ba. Wannan hali ya bambanta da na dukiyar jama'a da dukiyar Gwamnati, waɗanda bisa dokokin Musulunci, suna dacewa da yanayin dukiyar da siffarta, kuma haka yake, ba tare da la'akari da ra'ayin Gwamnati ba. Saboda haka, dole ne a duba hakikanin dukiyar; idan Musulmai duka suna da haƙƙi a cikinta, to dukiyar Gwamnati ce kuma ya kamata ta mallake ta. Amma idan Musulmai duka ba su da haƙƙi a cikinta, to tana ci gaba da zama mallakar mutum ɗaya, wadda Gwamnati ba ta kamata ta mallake ta ba. Idan kuma dukiyar tana cikin abubuwan amfanin al'umma ko ma'adanai, ko yanayinta bai barin mallakar mutum ɗaya ba, to ta zama dukiyar jama'a ta halitta, kuma Gwamnati ba za ta iya riƙe ta a matsayin mallakar mutum ɗaya ba. Idan irin wannan dukiya ba ta cikin rukunin dukiyar jama'a ba, to dole ta ci gaba da zama mallakar mutum ɗaya, Gwamnati kuma ba ta da 'yancin ƙwace ta gaba ɗaya, haka kuma ba za ta iya mallakar ta ba da son ransa, sai dai idan shi mai dukiyar ya amince ya sayar wa Gwamnati kamar yadda zai sayar wa kowane mutum, Gwamnati kuma ta saye ta daga gare shi kamar yadda kowane mutum zai saya. Saboda haka, Gwamnati ba za ta iya mallakar dukiyar mutane da ƙarfi ba, a ƙarƙashin uzurin maslahar jama'a, ko da ta biya farashinta; wannan saboda dole ne a girmama dukiyar mutane a kuma kare ta, kuma babu wanda aka yarda ya yi zalunci a kanta, ko da kuwa Gwamnati ce. Idan wannan ya faru, wannan zalunci zai cancanci a kai shi kotu, inda mai mallakar zai iya gabatar da korafinsa ga Mahkamat al-Mathalim (kotun ayyukan zalunci), domin a warware korafin nasa (kuma a cire aikin zalunci). Wannan saboda Khalifa ba shi da hakkin ya dauki wani abu da yake karkashin ikon kowa, sai dai bisa wani sanannen kuma tabbataccen hakki. Haka kuma Dawla ba ta da ikon ajiye wani bangare na dukiyar jama'a ko ta Dawla a hannun wani mutum da sunan maslahar jama'a, saboda Shari'a ta riga ta tsara maslahar wadannan dukiyoyi lokacin da ta bayyana dukiyar jama'a, dukiyar Dawla, da dukiyar da take mallakin mutum daya.

Nationalisation is one of the practices of the Capitalist system, which is the transferral of individual property to State property, if the State viewed that there was a public interest which required the ownership of this property (by the State), which is originally owned by individuals. The State is not obliged to undertake nationalisation; rather it is free to nationalise if it chose to, or to leave the property as it was without nationalisation. This behaviour is different from that regarding the public property and State property, which are according to the rules of Islam, consistent with the nature of the property and its description, and it is so, irrespective of the view of the State. Thus the reality of the property has to be examined; if there was a right of all Muslims in it, then it would be a State property and she should own it. But if all the Muslims had no right in it, then it remains an individual property, which the State should not own. And if the property is of the community utilities or of the minerals, or its nature does not allow its individual ownership, then it becomes naturally a public property and the State cannot keep it as an individual property. If such property was not of the category of public property, then it has to remain as an individual property, and the State absolutely cannot nationalise it, nor can it own it against the will of its owner, unless He accepted to sell it to the State as He would sell to any individual, and the State bought it from Him as any individual would buy it. Thus the State cannot own the properties of individuals by force, under the pretence of the public interest, even if it paid its price; this is because the individual’s properties have to be respected and protected, and no one is allowed to commit aggression with regards to them even if it was the State. If this took place, the aggression would be considered eligible to be a subject of complaint, which the individual owner could submit to the Mahkamat al- Mathalim (court of unjust acts), allowing his complaint to be settled (and the unjust act removed). This is because the Khalifah has no right to take anything that is under the authority of anybody, except by a known and confirmed right. The State also cannot keep any part of the public or State properties in the hand of an individual under the pretence of the public interest, because the interest of the properties has been determined by the Shar’a when it identified the public property, State property and the individually-owned property.

Don haka, a bayyane yake cewa dukiyar da aka mallaka ta hanyar kwace mallakar al'umma (nationalisation) ba a ɗaukarta a matsayin dukiyar jama'a ba, kuma ba a ɗaukarta a matsayin dukiyar Gwamnati ba, ko kuma tana cikin hukunce-hukuncen Allah; a maimakon haka, tana ɗaya daga cikin gyare-gyaren tsarin jari-hujja.

Thus, it becomes clear that property owned by nationalisation is not considered to be of the public property, nor of the State property, or is it of the divine rules; it is rather one of the patches of the capitalist system.