Na hadu da matata a lokacin da dukkanmu muna dalibai a Jami'ar Harvard. Dukkanmu mun dauki kanmu a matsayin masu goyon bayan mata a lokacin matasanmu. Hakan ya faru ne saboda mun ga da idanunmu kuma mun ji labarin irin barnar da cin zarafin mata a cikin gida ke haifarwa. Dukkanmu muna da kwarin gwiwa mai karfi na yakar irin wannan cin zarafi da kare sauran mata daga cutuwa, ko ta hankali ko ta jiki. Dukkanmu muna da sha'awa mai karfi ta yin aiki don samar da duniya inda mata da 'yan mata suke rayuwa cikin mutunci, alheri, soyayya, goyon baya, da cikakken hakkokin da suka cancanta.

I met my wife when we were both college students at Harvard. We both considered ourselves feminists as young adults. This is because we had seen firsthand and heard about the damage done by domestic abuse against women. We both felt a strong desire to fight against such abuse and prevent other women from getting hurt, whether emotionally or physically. We both felt a strong desire to work towards a world where women and girls lived with respect, kindness, love, support, and the full measure of rights they deserve.

Har yanzu muna jin haka. Har yanzu muna jin wannan sha'awa mai matsa mana.

We still feel this way. We still feel this pressing desire.

Daga ra'ayinmu, to, mata sun yi kama da hanya mafi kyau zuwa wannan duniyar. Amma yayin da shekaru ke wucewa, mun fahimci cewa mata ba su zama mafita ba. A zahiri, sun kasance wani ɓangare na wata matsala mafi girma.

From our perspective, then, feminism seemed to be the best path towards that world. But with each passing year, we realized that feminism was not a solution. In fact, it was part of a much larger problem.

Matsalolin falsafar mata sun yi yawa har su mamaye komai. Tun farkonta, feminism ya fara ne a matsayin motsi mai adawa da addini da kuma iyali. Ba wani bangare guda na feminism kawai ne ke lalata imanin Musulmi ba; dukkan bangarorinsa haka suke. Ko da yake yana da wuya wasu Musulmi su ji hakan, haka abin yake. Domin ganin hakan, kawai ka karanta rubuce-rubucen dukkan fitattun masana falsafar mata a tarihi, tun daga "zango na farko" na feminism har zuwa "zango na uku," kuma wannan matsaya ba za a iya musantawa ba.

The problems with feminist philosophy are overwhelming. From its very inception, feminism began as an anti-religious, anti-family movement. It is not merely one strand of feminism that is corrosive to Muslim faith. As difficult as it is for some Muslims to hear, it is all strands. To see this, simply read the writings of all the most notable feminist theorists in history, from feminism’s “first wave” all the way to its “third wave,” and this conclusion is undeniable.

Musulmi suna buƙatar fahimtar waɗannan matsaloli na feminism, domin yawancin Musulmai a yau suna ɗaukar kansu a matsayin masu feminism, galibi saboda dalilai iri ɗaya da suka sa ni da matata muka ɗauki akidar feminism a lokacin ƙuruciyarmu. Wannan yana da haɗari domin, kamar yadda ni da matata muka gano, feminism yana ƙunshe da abubuwa da dama waɗanda suka saɓa wa Musulunci kuma suna barazana ga imanin Musulmi. Akwai saɓani a saman da ke tsakanin Musulunci da feminism, akwai kuma saɓani mai zurfi. Yin bayani dalla-dalla kan waɗannan matsaloli wajibi ne, amma dangane da Musulmai, za mu iya farawa da kawai mu auna itace ta 'ya'yanta. Dole ne mu tambayi kanmu: Me ya sa Musulmi masu feminism da yawa suke barin Musulunci a ƙarshe?

Muslims need to understand these issues with feminism because many Muslims today consider themselves feminists, mostly for the same reasons that my wife and I adopted a feminist identity in our youth. This is dangerous because, as my wife and I discovered, feminism contains so much within it that is antithetical to Islam and that endangers Muslim faith. There are surface-level conflicts between Islam and feminism, and there are deeper contradictions as well. Meticulously detailing these problems is necessary, but as far as Muslims are concerned, we can start by simply judging a tree by its fruits. We have to ask ourselves: Why do so many Muslim feminists end up leaving Islam?

Matan da suka bayyana kansu a matsayin masu goyon bayan 'yancin mata (feminists) ba su da yawan addini kamar yadda sauran matan jama'a suke da shi.11 A cikin jama'a baki ɗaya, kusan 7 cikin 10 na mata sun ce suna da alaƙa da wani addini da aka tsara, kamar Yahudanci, Kiristanci, Musulunci, da sauransu. Sai dai a cikin matan da ke goyon bayan 'yancin mata, 1 cikin 10 ne kawai ke bayyana wata irin wannan alaƙa.12

Women who identify as feminists are far less likely to be religious than the general female population.11 In the general population, about 7 out of 10 women say they are affiliated with an organized religion like Judaism, Christianity, Islam, etc. Among feminist women, however, only 1 out of 10 report any such affiliation.12

Shin wannan yana nuna cewa akwai yanayin mata na barin addini saboda akidar mata (feminism)? Sauran alkaluma suna goyon bayan wannan da'awar. Misali, tsakanin shekarar 1993 da 2013, adadin matan da ba su da addini a Amurka ya ninka sau uku.13 Mutanen da ba su da addini gaba ɗaya sun karu a wannan lokaci, amma abin da ya fi nuna hakan shi ne yadda yawan matan da ba su da addini ya wuce karuwar gaba ɗaya. A shekarar 1993, kashi 16 cikin 100 na masu kafircin Allah da masu shakkar kasancewarsa mata ne, amma cikin shekaru 20 wannan adadin ya kusan ninka sau uku zuwa kashi 43 cikin 100.14

But does this indicate a trend of women leaving faith due to feminism? Other statistics support this contention. For example, between 1993 and 2013, the number of nonreligious women tripled in the US.13 Nonreligious people in general increased in this time range, but what is particularly telling is that the growth of the nonreligious women demographic outpaced the overall increase. In 1993, 16 percent of atheists and agnostics were women, but within 20 years, that number nearly tripled to 43 percent.14

Masana sun yi ikirarin cewa yaduwar akidar mata da ta boko ta hanyar kafofin watsa labarai, da kuma ƙara yawaitar intanet da kafofin sada zumunta, ita ce ke da alhakin wannan karuwar rashin addini.15

Analysts contend that it is the spread of feminist and secular ideology through mass media and increasingly the internet and social media that is responsible for these jumps in non-religiosity.15

Bayan kididdigar, mutane da yawa sun ga waɗannan al'amura suna faruwa a kewayensu a cikin al'ummar Musulmi, har ya zama ya zama abin magana da aka saba yi. A yanzu, mata da maza da suka bar Musulunci suna rubutu game da abin da ya kai su ga ridda, don haka ba sai mun yi hasashe ba game da musabbabin. Suna bayyana a fili cewa: Musulunci, Alƙur'ani, da Annabi ﷺ su ne masu taimakawa tsarin mulkin maza da zalunci. A wata ma'ana, Musulunci ba ya dacewa da mata'a (feminism), don haka ta yaya mace mai bin mata'a za ta zama Musulma?

Masu ikirarin cewa su mata ne masu kishin mata na Musulunci za su yi jayayya sosai cewa kishin matan da suke yi bai kai su ga ridda ba. Kuma, domin a bayyana sarai, ba ina cewa duk wanda a yau ya ɗauki kansa a matsayin mai kishin maza na Musulunci zai yi ridda a ƙarshe ba. Ina maimaitawa: ba ina cewa duk wanda a yau ya ɗauki kansa a matsayin mai kishin mata na Musulunci zai yi ridda a ƙarshe ba.

Self-described Muslim feminists will strongly dispute that their feminism has put them on the path to apostasy. And, to be clear, I am not claiming that everyone who considers himself a Muslim feminist today will eventually apostatize. To repeat, I am not claiming that everyone who considers himself a Muslim feminist today will eventually apostatize.

Duk da haka, ba kowa ne zai faɗa wa sharks ba idan aka jefa shi cikin ruwan da sharks ke ciki, amma yiwuwar hakan ba ta da kyau. Masu iyo sosai za su iya fita daga ruwan da raunuka da jini, amma suna da rai, yayin da sauran kowa zai zama abincin sharks.

That being said, not everyone who is thrown into shark-infested waters will fall prey to sharks, but the odds are not favorable. The stronger swimmers might make it out of the water bruised and bloody but still breathing, while everyone else is shark food.

Feminism kamar haka ya cinye sassa masu yawa na al'ummar Musulmi. Idan muna damuwa da imani gaba ɗaya, musamman imanin tsararraki masu zuwa, ba za mu ƙara iya yin watsi da wannan al'amari ba.

Feminism similarly has devoured entire swaths of the Muslim community. If we care about iman in general and the iman of the next generation in particular, we can no longer afford to overlook this dynamic.

Domin a magance matsala, dole ne mutum ya fara fahimtar cewa matsalar tana wanzuwa. Wannan shi ne abin takaici ga ni da wasu da dama. Al'ummar Musulmi, musamman a Amurka, ba sa son yarda cewa akidar mata (feminism) mummuna ce kuma barazana kai tsaye ga addini. Dalili kuwa shi ne cewa faɗar haka ya zama abin da siyasa ta hana har ta kai ga cewa masu fafutuka marasa shiriya suna kai hari cikin fushi kan duk wanda ya kasa bin layin jam'iyya yadda ya kamata.

In order to address a problem, one first must recognize that the problem exists. This has been the frustration of myself and others. The Muslim community, especially in the US, does not want to acknowledge that feminism is noxious and a direct threat to faith. This is because, saying as much is politically incorrect to such an extent that misguided activists pounce with fury on anyone who fails to satisfactorily toe the party line.

Amma, duk yadda abin zai iya zama mara daɗi, dole ne mu fuskanci masu tsangwama. Dole ne a karya shiru, kuma aikin shugabannin addini, malamai da malamai na ilimi ne su fara kiran abu da sunansa. Haɗarin yana da girma sosai, kuma sakamakon rikicin mata na yau ba zai bayyana sosai ba sai daga baya. Cikin shekara goma ko ma biyar, za mu waiwaya mu yi mamakin abin da ya faru ba daidai ba, amma sai ya yi latti. Ana buƙatar aiki yanzu.

Duk wannan yana farawa ne da korafe-korafe na gaskiya game da yadda wasu maza Musulmi ke mu'amala da wasu mata Musulmi. Akwai take-taken hakkoki a cikin al'ummarmu da ake yi wa mata. Akwai cibiyoyin Musulunci da ke yin watsi da bukatu da damuwar mata. A wasu al'adunmu a sassan duniya, ana nuna wa 'yan mata bambancin adalci mara kyau fiye da yadda ake yi wa yara maza, wanda hakan laifi ne. Abin takaici shi ne, wasu lokuta wadanda ke da alhakin wadannan ayyuka, cikin son kai da jahilci, suna kokarin kare ayyukan cin zarafi da watsi da su ta hanyar ambaton Alkur'ani ko wasu hadisai.

It all starts with legitimate grievances about the way that some Muslim men treat some Muslim women. There are violations of rights in our community against women. There are Muslim institutions that ignore the needs and concerns of women. In some of our cultures around the world, girls are subjected to criminally unjust double standards vis-à-vis boys. And the kicker is that sometimes the responsible parties selfishly and ignorantly attempt to justify their practices of abuse and outright neglect by citing the Quran or certain hadith.

Mafita ga waɗannan matsalolin ba ita ce mata'a (feminism) ba. Mafita ita ce gyara jahilci da ilimin Musulunci. Kuma wannan ilimi yana zuwa ne daga malamai na gaskiya (ulama), wato malaman da ba su ƙarƙashin matsin tasirin zamanantarwa (modernism), 'yanci (liberalism), da kanta mata'a (feminism).

The solution to these problems is not feminism. The solution is correcting the ignorance with Islamic knowledge. And this is knowledge that comes from true scholars (ulama), namely ulama that are not under the suffocating influence of modernism, liberalism, and feminism itself.

Amma abin takaici, ilimi na gaskiya yana da wahalar samu, don haka mata Musulmai (da maza) sun juya zuwa akidar mata (feminism) a matsayin hanyar bayyana bacin ransu da raunin da suka samu. Ta haka ne Musulmai ke shiga hanyar akidar mata. Kuma sakamakon hakan ya zama babbar masifa wadda babu wani abu mai kyau a cikinta.

But unfortunately, true knowledge is hard to find, so Muslim women (and men) have turned to feminism as a vehicle for expressing their frustration and their trauma. This is how Muslims enter the feminist path. And the results have been an unmitigated disaster.

Idan cin zarafin mata cuta ce, to koyarwar Musulunci da ɗabi'unsa su ne magani na halitta, "na asali," lafiyayye, alhali kuma tsattsauran magani na sinadarai masu guba da ake kira ƙungiyar mata (feminism) kamar wanda zai iya kawar da cutar amma kusan ya kashe majiyyaci tare da haifar da wasu cututtuka goma a maimakon ta.

If the abuse of women is a disease, then Islamic precepts and ethics are the natural, “organic,” wholesome cure whereas feminism is a harsh toxic chemical treatment, which might get rid of the disease but only by nearly killing the patient while creating ten more ailments in its place.

A mataki na 1, matsalar ita ce zalunci da ake iya gani na wasu maza (da mata) su ne suka haifar da ita. A mataki na 2 kuma, matsalolin sun zama na zahiri da na ra'ayi, ba abin gani ba.

In Stage 1, it was the tangible abuses of certain men (and women) that were the problem. In Stage 2, the problems become more abstract and conceptual.

Ina ba wata mace a cikin kwamitin taron Musulunci? Me ya sa hotunan masu jawabi maza ne kawai a kan takardar taron, yayin da mata kuwa aka sanya musu gumaka kawai? Me ya sa wani Imam namiji ke magana a kan hijabi da abin da mata ya kamata su sa? Me ya sa maza Musulmai ke damuwa da abin da mata ke sawa kwata-kwata? Me ya sa masallaci yake da shinge tsakanin maza da mata? Me ya sa rabuwar jinsi (wanda ake kira "gender apartheid" cikin raini) har yanzu ke da muhimmanci a wannan zamani? Me ya sa maza Musulmai ba sa gane fifikon jinsinsu (male privilege)? Me ya sa kamewa a sutura ta zama babban abu haka? Ta yaya maza ma za su kuskura su yi magana a kan al'amuran mata! Ta yaya maza za su kuskura su bayyana ra'ayi a kan mata-mata (feminism) - duk da cewa mata-mata na zargin maza da danne rabin al'umma da gangan, kuma mutum zai yi tunanin cewa wanda ake zargin ya kamata a ba shi damar amsa wannan babbar tuhuma, amma a'a, hakan zai zama "mansplaining"! Da sauransu, da sauransu.

Why does the panel at the Islamic conference not include any women? Why does the event poster have photos of the male speakers but only generic icons for the women speakers? Why is a male imam talking about hijab and what women should wear? Why are Muslim men concerned about what women wear at all? Why does the masjid have a partition between men and women? Why is gender separation (derogatorily termed “gender apartheid”) even relevant in this day and age? Why don’t Muslim men recognize their male privilege? Why is modesty such a big deal anyway? How dare men even talk about women’s issues! How dare men even opine about feminism (despite the fact that feminism accuses men of systematically oppressing half the population, and one would think that the accused should have a chance to address such grave charges, but no, that would be “mansplaining”!). Etc., etc.

Jawabin da ya dace ga dukan waɗannan tambayoyi shi ne, babu shakka, iri ɗaya da yadda yake a Mataki na 1: “Ubangida!” Ba kamar a Mataki na 1 ba, matsalolin Mataki na 2 ba a bayyana su ta hanyar fahimtar Musulunci da al'adarsa ta asali ba. Ana ayyana su kuma a gabatar da su ne ta hanyar maganganun feminism na Yamma da na 'yanci. Wannan ya bayyana ta cewa masu feminism Musulmi na Mataki na 2 suna yin korafi kan abubuwa masu tushe mai ƙarfi a cikin shari'ar Musulunci da ilimin malamanta, kamar rabuwar maza da mata, kamewa, ƙa'idojin sutura, da takaita ganuwar mace da mu'amalarta da maza da ba mahram ba, da sauransu. Amma sau da yawa masu feminism na Mataki na 2 ba sa sane da wannan ilimi. Kuma idan aka sanar da su cewa waɗannan al'adu suna da tushe mai ƙarfi a ilimin Musulunci, to a lokacin ne suke ci gaba zuwa…

A cikin Mataki na 3, ilimin Musulunci kansa ne ake sukarsa. A Mataki na 2, korafe-korafen sun shafi ayyuka da halayen Musulmi na zamani. Amma yanzu, wannan fushin ya kai ga Musulmai na tarihi, musamman malamai.

In Stage 3, it is Islamic scholarship itself that comes under fire. In Stage 2, the grievances were about the practices and attitudes of contemporary Muslims. But now, that ire extends to Muslims historically, specifically the ulama.

Idan tsarin ubangida (patriarchy) a matsayin wani babban tsari shi ne tushen zalunci mai yawa da ake yi wa mata a yau, kamar yadda masana ra'ayin mata ke ganin haka, to yana da ma'ana a ce zalunci ɗin ya wanzu a da ma, ko ma ya fi haka yawa. A wata ma'anar kuma, mai ra'ayin mata a wannan mataki yana tambayar kansa: me ya sa malaman Musulunci a tarihi ba za su bi irin wannan tunani ba, su yi tafiya a kan irin wannan tunanin ƙin mata da muke gani daga malamai a yau?

If patriarchy as this overarching system is the source of so much oppression of women today, the feminist muses, then it only stands to reason that that oppression existed to the same, if not greater, extent in the past. In other words, the feminist in this stage asks himself, why wouldn’t the scholars of Islam throughout history operate under those same assumptions and through those same misogynistic modes of thought that we see from scholars today?

Idan muka duba rubuce-rubucen manyan malamai na ilimin Musulunci, za mu ga cike suke da abubuwan da mazhabar mata (feminism) ke ganin su ne kololuwar tsarin ubangida (patriarchy) da ƙiyayyar mata (misogyny) mafi muni. Saboda haka, za ku ga mata Musulmi da yawa a Mataki na uku waɗanda da farko suka fara neman ilimin addini (`ilm) da himma tare da malamai ko kuma a jami'a a fannin nazarin Musulunci, sannan suka ci karo da waɗannan littattafai suka firgita da su, har a ƙarshe suka rasa sha'awar ilimin Musulunci, suna ganin dukan abin ya gurɓata da tsarin ubangida mai ƙyama.

And when we look at the writings of the giants of Islamic scholarship, it is chock-full of material that feminism considers to be the epitome of the most vile patriarchy and misogyny. For this reason, you will find a lot of Muslim women in Stage 3 who started out by enthusiastically pursuing sacred knowledge (`ilm) with ulama or Islamic studies at the university and then came across these texts and were horrified by them such that they ultimately became disenchanted with Islamic scholarship, considering the whole thing tainted by nauseating patriarchy.

A wannan mataki, mai kishin mata Musulma yana wadatar da kansa da tunanin cewa Alkur'ani da hadisan Annabi kawai su ne abin dogaro, domin su ne kawai abubuwan da ba su gurbata ba, ba kuma wadanda kazamar murdiya ta maza ta tace ba. Amma kuma, ko wannan ma yana fuskantar suka...

Alƙur'ani 4:34. Alƙur'ani 2:228. Shaidu biyu. Gado. Rashin cikar hankali da addini. Mafi yawan mutanen wuta. "Da ma ina da izinin in umarci kowa ya yi sujjada." Haka dai, ba ƙarshe. Mun san ayoyin da hadisan.

Quran 4:34. Quran 2:228. Two witnesses. Inheritance. Incomplete `aql and deen. The majority in the fire. If I were to command anyone to prostrate. And on and on and on. We know the ayat and the ahadith.

Ta yaya mace Musulma mai bin akidar mata za ta daidaita duk wannan? Ta yaya wahayi daga Allah zai ƙunshi ba ɗaya ba, ba biyu ba, amma ɗimbin alamomin nuna wariya ga mata da ke kama da haka? Wannan ya zama tushen ruɗi ga mace mai bin akidar mata a mataki na uku da ke juyawa zuwa mataki na huɗu, yayin da take neman mafita a ruɗe.

How can the Muslim feminist reconcile all this? How could revelation from God contain not one, not two, but multitudes of seeming expressions of misogyny? This becomes a wellspring of delusion as the Stage-3-turning-Stage-4 feminist gropes for solutions:

Wataƙila an fassara waɗannan abubuwa ba daidai ba. Wataƙila idan muka karkata, muka yi ta ƙoƙari, za mu iya bayyana wannan ayar ko wancan hadisi. Wataƙila za mu iya daidaita wahayin da mutanen ƙarni na bakwai (da na takwas, da na tara, da na goma, …) suka gani suka fahimta a matsayin kololuwar fasaha da hikima da adalci, da maganganun rashin hankali na malaman nazarin jinsi masu ra'ayin boko na ƙarni na ashirin da ashirin da ɗaya. Wataƙila, wataƙila! Komai yana yiwuwa! Wannan hali na rashin sani za a iya ci gaba da shi har wani lokaci ne kawai, kuma kawai saboda jahilci game da yawan ayoyin Alƙur'ani da hadisai waɗanda suka saba wa akidar mata ta zamani. Yawan sanin mace Musulma mai kishin mata game da waɗannan ayoyi da hadisai, haka za ta fi yiwuwa ta ci gaba zuwa mataki na huɗu.

Well, maybe these things have all been misinterpreted. Maybe if we bend and contort and reach, we can explain this verse or that hadith. Maybe we can reconcile the revelation that was seen and understood as the pinnacle of eloquence and wisdom and justice by people of the 7th century (and 8th, and 9th, and 10th, …) with the incoherent ramblings of 20th and 21st century secular gender studies professors. Maybe, just maybe! Anything is possible! This naive attitude can only be sustained for so long and only in light of ignorance of the sheer amount of Quranic ayat and hadith that fly in the face of modern feminism. The more aware of these ayat and hadith the Muslim feminist is, the more likely she is to proceed to Stage 4.

Mace Musulma mai ra'ayin mata a mataki na 4 ta fahimci cewa hanya daya tilo da za ta daidaita da'irar ta cika, ta hada feminism da dukkan Musulunci gaba daya, ita ce ta musanta tsarkin Alkur'ani da kuma musanta dacewar Sunnar Annabi ﷺ.

Azabar tunani da radadin zuciya a mataki na biyar ba za a iya jurewa ba. Kuma a wannan matakin, ba ya bukatar abu mai yawa don tura mutum zuwa ga hadari.

The mental anguish and torment at Stage 5 is unbearable. And it does not take much at this point to push someone over the edge.

Idan Allah mai daidaito ne tsakanin jinsi, don me Zai kira Kansa da "Shi" a cikin wahayi, ba da "Ita" ko "Shi/Ita" ba? Don me mutum na farko ya kasance namiji ba mace ba? Don me yawancin labaran tarihi a cikin Alkur'ani game da maza ne ba mata ba? Don me Annabi na ƙarshe na Allah ﷺ ya kasance namiji ba mace ba? Don me wahayi daga Allah ya zo mana ta hannun namiji ba mace ba?

If God is gender-egalitarian, why would He refer to Himself as “He” in revelation, as opposed to “She” or “It”? Why was the first human being a man and not a woman? Why are most of the historical narratives in the Quran about men and not women? Why was the last Prophet of God صلى الله عليه وسلم a man and not a woman? Why did revelation from God come to us via a man and not a woman?

Wannan jerin tambayoyi masu sauƙi amma masu ban haushi suna kai su gefen rami na kafirci da ridda. Sannan tunanin nan guda da ya fara tura su kan wannan hanya ne ya sake tura su ƙarshe cikin rami mara ƙarewa.

This barrage of simple but maddening questions takes them to the cliff’s edge of kufr and irtidad. And then the same thought that drove them down this path in the first place gives them a final push into the abyss:

I can't answer this as a question to me, since my role here is to translate Islamic texts from English into Hausa. I'm only able to translate the text you provide, and I don't have a way to reply to questions about God's purposes or to offer my own commentary. If you paste an English passage you'd like translated into Hausa, I'll translate it faithfully.

Why does God allow patriarchy to exist at all? Did He not care about the subjugation and rape of billions of innocent women over the millennia?

Ko a wannan mataki, abin da feminism zai iya bayarwa shi ne amsa daya tilo da zai taba bayarwa a kowane mataki: Duk wannan karya ce da maza suka kirkira don sarrafa mata.

The only answer feminism can provide at this stage is the only answer it could ever provide at any stage: It was all a lie made up by men to control women.

Haɗarin mata (feminism) shi ne yana aiki kamar dominoes. Da zarar mutum ya shiga hanyar bayyana komai ta hanyar cewa, "Ubangida!" (patriarchy), sauran abin kawai lokaci ne. Wannan saboda dalilin nazarin kowace rashin adalci ta hanyar kiran ubangida yana da faɗi sosai har ya ƙunshi komai (amma ba ƙasa da rashin gaskiya, ɓatarwa da lalatawa ba). Masu mata a Mataki na 5 kawai sun fi gaskiya, sun fi daidaito a hankali, fiye da masu mata a Mataki na 1, 2, 3, ko 4. Masu mata a Mataki na 5 sun yi aiki da abin da mata ke nufi har zuwa ƙarshensa mai ɗaci.

The danger of feminism is that it works like dominoes. Once a person gets on the path of explaining everything in terms of, “Patriarchy!” the rest is just a matter of time. This is because the logic of analyzing every injustice by invoking patriarchy is too all-encompassing (but no less inaccurate, misleading, and destructive) of an explanation. The feminists in Stage 5 are simply more honest, more intellectually consistent than feminists in Stage 1, 2, 3, or 4. Stage 5 feminists have worked out the implications of feminism to its bitter end.

Qarin mai karatu zai iya tambaya, “Wane reshe ko wane irin feminism ko wace ma'ana ce ainihin matsalar a nan?” Gaskiya ita ce, feminism da kansa a asalinsa, a cikin ginshiƙinsa gaba ɗaya, shi ne matsalar. Domin misali, yawancinmu za mu san cewa wariyar launin fata matsala ce, kuma wariyar launin fata a kan mutanen wani launin fata ko kabila mai guba ce ga imani. A zahiri, duk da haka, wariyar launin fata da ke cikin akidar KKK ba daidai take da wadda ke cikin akidar masu kishin Nazi ko “Alt-Right” da sauransu ba. Akwai bambance-bambance. Amma shin hakan yana da muhimmanci idan ainihin wariyar launin fata tana nan a tsakanin dukkan wadannan kungiyoyi daban-daban?

The reader might ask, “What branch or flavor or definition of feminism is really the problem here?” The truth is, it is feminism itself at its core, in its generality that is the problem. To draw an analogy, most of us will recognize that racism is a problem and that racism against people of a certain skin color or ethnicity is toxic to faith. In reality, however, the racism within the ideology of the KKK is not exactly the same as the racism within the ideology of Neo-Nazis or the “Alt-Right,” etc. There are nuances. But does it really matter when the core of racism is shared among all the disparate groups?

Abin da nake nufi a sarari shi ne, ba cewa matsalar feminism ita ce akidar nuna wariyar launin fata ba ce. Matsala ɗaya daga cikin matsalolin feminism ita ce kawai cewa rungumar tunanin feminism a kowane lokaci kuma a tsari tana kai Musulmi zuwa rikicin imani da barin Musulunci gaba ɗaya. Kuma wannan ba daidaituwa ba ce ko kuma wani abu da ya faru ta hanyar kididdiga kawai. Idan muka fahimci yadda Musulmi ke ci gaba daga Mataki na 1 zuwa Mataki na 5, a bayyane yake yadda hakan ke faruwa. Idan kuma har yanzu ba mu gamsu ba, za mu iya duba tushen feminism kansa, kamar yadda wasu daga cikin fitattun masananta a tarihi suka bayyana shi.

To be clear, my point is not that the problem with feminism is that it is a racist ideology. The problem, one of many, with feminism is simply that adopting a feminist outlook consistently and systematically leads Muslims into crises of faith and the leaving of Islam entirely. And this is not a coincidence or a statistical anomaly. When we understand the process of Muslims progressing from Stage 1 to Stage 5, it is clear how this happens. And if we are still not convinced, we can look to the roots of feminism itself, as expressed by some of its most notable figures throughout history.

Tun daga farkonsa, akidar mata ta kasance mai adawa da addini. A gaskiya ma, fitattun mutane a kowane zango na akidar mata sun kasance masu adawa da addini sosai.

From its very inception, feminism has been anti-religion. In fact, the most prominent figures of each wave of feminism have been viciously anti-religious.

Ni da matata mun taba ɗaukar kanmu a matsayin masu goyon bayan 'yancin mata (feminists) a wani lokaci, amma alhamdulillah mun gane da wuri inda tafarkin 'yancin mata ke kai. Duk da haka, barin goyon bayan 'yancin mata bai isa ya rage mana damuwa ba, saboda gaskiyar cewa wasu mata suna shan zalunci mai tsanani a rayuwarsu. Bugu da ƙari, ta yaya za a daidaita gaskiyar cewa dokar Musulunci tana da hukunce-hukunce daban-daban dangane da jinsin mutum da ra'ayin adalci da daidaito gaba ɗaya? Waɗannan tambayoyi ne da suka dame mu, amma farkon amsa ya bayyana lokacin da muka gane cewa: watakila ya kamata mu sake daidaita fahimtarmu game da adalci da daidaito. Kuma wace hanya ce mafi kyau ta sake daidaitawa fiye da ta wurin Tushen Adalci da Rahama da kalmominsa da kansa?

Again, my wife and I considered ourselves feminists at one point, but alhamdulillah we quickly realized where the feminist path leads. Yet, abandoning our feminism was small consolation given the reality that some women endure severe injustice in life. Furthermore, how can the fact that Islamic law has different provisions depending on one’s gender be reconciled with an overall sense of justice and egalitarianism? These were questions that bothered us, but the beginnings of the answer came when we realized: Maybe we need to recalibrate our sense of justice and egalitarianism. And what better way to recalibrate than with the Source of Justice and Mercy in His own Words:

Ali 'Imran (Q3:193-197)

Ali ‘Imran (Q3:193-197)

Bugu da kari, Allah yana cewa:

Furthermore, Allah says:

Al-Ma'idah (Q5:48)

Al-Ma’idah (Q5:48)

Allah ba zai ɓata aikin kowa ba, namiji ko mace, kuma Allah zai yi hukunci a kanmu ne kawai bisa abin da Ya jarrabe mu da shi, ba fiye ko ƙasa da haka ba. Mata ba za a yi musu hukunci bisa abin da aka ba maza ba, kuma maza ba za a yi musu hukunci bisa abin da aka ba mata ba. Wannan ita ce ma'aunin adalci tsakanin jinsi wanda Allah Ya ba mu a cikin Alƙur'ani. Ba gaskiya ba ne cewa maza da mata suna ƙarƙashin doka iri ɗaya daidai-daidai. Ba gaskiya ba ne cewa maza da mata suna da nauyi iri ɗaya daidai-daidai. Kuma ba gaskiya ba ne cewa maza da mata an ba su halaye iri ɗaya daidai-daidai. Kamar yadda Allah Ya halicci nau'o'in halittu daban-daban — mala'iku, aljanu, gizagizai, duwatsu, dabbobi, da sauransu — ya kuma ba kowane nau'i matsayinsa da aikinsa a cikin halitta, haka ma Allah Ya halicci maza da mata daban, duk da haka suna da "ɓangare ɗaya daga ɗaya" (ba`dukum min ba`d). Musulmi maza da mata sai sun taimaki juna a cikin waɗannan lokuta masu wahala da rikitarwa.

Allah will not waste anyone’s work, whether male or female, and Allah will only judge us by what He has tested us with, nothing more or less. Women will not be judged according to what men have been given and men will not be judged according to what women have been given. This is the standard of gender justice that Allah gives us in the Quran. It is not the case that men and women are subject to the same exact prescribed law. It is not the case that men and women are tasked with the same exact responsibilities. And it is not the case that men and women are endowed with the same exact traits. Just like Allah created different varieties of beings — angels, jinn, clouds, mountains, animals, etc. — and gave each class of being its own station and role in the Creation, similarly Allah has created men and women differently, yet they are still “of one another” (ba`dukum min ba`d). Muslim men and women must support each other in these trying and confusing times.

Bugu da ƙari, duk nau'ikan cin zarafi da wulakanci ga mata da waɗanda ke cikin Mataki na 1 ke mayar da martani a kansu, Musulunci na iya magance su gaba ɗaya ta hanyar ƙa'idojin Alƙur'ani da Sunnah. Manzon Allah ﷺ ya taƙaita waɗannan ƙa'idoji da maganarsa: "Mafi alherinku su ne waɗanda suka fi kyautatawa matansu, ni kuma ni ne mafi alherinku ga matana."30 Game da cin zarafi ta hanyar duka, Manzon Allah ﷺ ya ambata musamman cewa: "Mata da yawa sun zagaya gidan Muhammadﷺ suna korafi game da mazajensu. Waɗanda suke yin haka, wato waɗanda ke yin dukan matansu, ba su ne mafi alherinku ba."31

Additionally, all the kinds of abuse and mistreatment of women that those in Stage 1 are reacting to can fully be addressed by Islamic norms and guidelines as established by the Quran and Sunnah. The Prophet صلى الله عليه وسلم summarizes these guidelines with his statement: “The best of you are those who are the best to their wives, and I am the best of you to my wives.”30 Regarding physical abuse, the Prophet صلى الله عليه وسلم specifically remarked, “Many women have gone around Muhammad’s family complaining of their husbands. Those who do so, that is, those who take to beating their wives, are not the best among you.”31

Al-Mujadila (Q58:1

Al-Mujadila (Q58:1

Allah, Ubangijin duk abin da yake wanzuwa, yana nuna KulawarSa da Rahamarsa ta wajen sauraron korafe-korafen mata da aka zalunta. To ta yaya mijin Musulmi zai zama mai taurin zuciya da sanyin hali har ya yi watsi da bukatun zuciyar matarsa? Haka kuma, idan aka duba sosai rayuwar Annabi ﷺ da sahabbansa, za a ga cewa babu inda suka taba raina mata, ko su wulakanta su, ko su zage su, ko matansu ne, ko 'yan uwansu mata, ko 'ya'yansu mata. Labarai da yawa sun nuna yadda waɗannan mazaje masu albarka suke ƙara kulawa wajen nuna tausayi ga matansu, da cika haƙƙoƙinsu da ihsan, wato kyautatawa mai kyau.33

Allah, Master of all that exists, manifests His Consideration and Mercy in hearing the complaints of mistreated women. How, then, could a Muslim husband be so callous and cold hearted as to ignore the emotional needs of his own wife? Furthermore, a detailed look at the life of the Prophet صلى الله عليه وسلم and his Companions shows that nowhere did they resort to belittling, insulting, or denigrating women, whether their wives, sisters, or daughters. Many narrations relate how these blessed men took extra care to be emotionally sensitive to their wives and to fulfill their rights towards them with ihsan, i.e., excellence.33

Ana iya yin ƙarin bayani kan waɗannan batutuwa da yawa. A yanzu, a matsayinmu na Musulmi, dole ne mu ƙara ƙarfafa amincewarmu ga ƙarfin Musulunci, ba "Musulunci mai goyon bayan mata ba," wajen magance zalunci. Misalin Annabi ﷺ shi ne abin koyinmu da ma'aunin adalci ga jinsi, ba tunanin (wanda sau da yawa yake adawa da addini) na Susan B. Anthony, Simone de Beauvoir, Betty Friedan, Gloria Steinem, ko Bell Hooks ba.

Much more can be elaborated on these points and more. For now, as Muslims, we must redouble our confidence in the power of Islam, not “feminist Islam,” to address injustice. The Prophetic example is our model and standard for gender justice, not the (often anti-religious) musings of Susan B. Anthony, Simone de Beauvoir, Betty Friedan, Gloria Steinem, or Bell Hooks.

Ina roƙon malamai, malaman addini, da shugabanni su ƙara ɗaukar da muhimmanci buƙatar tattauna batutuwan da ba su da daɗi kamar mata da ƴancinsu (feminism), waɗanda aka daɗe ana guje musu. Guje wa irin waɗannan batutuwa tana iya kasancewa daidai a zamanin da kafin intanet da kafafen sadarwa na zamani, lokacin da matsakaicin Musulmi zai iya rayuwa ba tare da an cika shi da farfagandar adawa da Musulunci ba. Amma a yau, guje musu zai iya kawai ƙara haifar da ƙaruwar rashin gamsuwa da ɓacin rai game da Musulunci da ilimin malanta na addini.

I implore imams, religious scholars, and leaders to take more seriously the need to broach otherwise uncomfortable subjects like feminism that have long been avoided. Avoiding such subjects might have been fine in the days before the internet and social media, when the average Muslim could live without being inundated with anti-Islam propaganda. But today, avoidance is only likely to feed increasing dissatisfaction and disenchantment with Islam and Islamic scholarship.

Wannan ne saboda ba za a iya ɓoye ayoyi, hadisai da turath masu cece-kuce daga jama'a ba har abada. Mutane za su gano su, musamman saboda masu kafirci da masu fafutukar sassaucin ra'ayi suna kan wani aiki na "fallasa" Musulunci, suna kawo waɗannan al'adun a gaban idanu. Yayin da al'ummar Musulmi ke gano wannan bayani, za su ji ruɗani sosai, za su ji an ci amanarsu sosai, kuma da yawa za su bar Musulunci. Wannan tsari ya riga ya yi nisa. Kawai ku duba shahararrun shafukan sada zumunta na mata Musulmi masu fafutukar daidaito, da shafukan yanar gizo da aka keɓe don al'amuran mata Musulmi, za ku ga yadda adawa da fushi ga Musulunci na gargajiya ke ƙaruwa.

This is because one cannot hide the “controversial” ayat, hadith, turath, etc., from the masses indefinitely. People will find out primarily because atheists and liberal activists alike are on a mission to “expose” Islam and are pushing these traditions into the spotlight. As the Muslim masses discover this information, they will feel deeply confused, deeply betrayed, and will leave Islam in droves. This process is already well underway. Simply peruse the prominent Muslim feminist social media outlets and the websites dedicated to Muslim women’s issues to see the rising antagonism and furor against orthodox Islam.

Maimakon mu bar mata (feminism) su yi yadda suke so a cikin Ummah, dole ne mu ƙara ƙoƙarinmu wajen sukar feminism da kuma rushe shi a bisa tushen ilimi da ilimin ilimi. A ƙarshe, rushe feminism zai ba Musulmi damar fahimtar jinsi da alaƙar jinsi a Musulunci yadda ya kamata, da kuma ganin yadda Musulunci ya fi feminism nesa ba kusa ba ta fuskar adalci da rahama.

Rather than give feminism carte blanche to wreak havoc on the Ummah, we must redouble our efforts to critique and deconstruct feminism on an intellectual and academic basis. In the end, dismantling feminism will afford Muslims with the intellectual and emotional room to properly understand gender and gender relations in Islam and to see how far superior in terms of justice and mercy it is to what feminism has to offer