10.14 Majina ya Mahali ya Kihadithi ya Walowezi wa Kizayuni na Mashujaa wa Vita vya Msalaba wa Zama za Kati za Kilatini - Palestina: Historia ya Miaka Elfu Nne | Quran Course

10.14 Majina ya Mahali ya Kihadithi ya Walowezi wa Kizayuni na Mashujaa wa Vita vya Msalaba wa Zama za Kati za Kilatini - Palestina: Historia ya Miaka Elfu Nne | Quran Course

Wapalestina hushiriki uzoefu wa pamoja na watu wengine wa asili ambao walinyimwa haki yao ya kujiamulia na simulizi yao, utamaduni wao wa kimaada uliharibiwa, na historia zao zilifutwa, kusimuliwa upya, kubuniwa upya au kupotoshwa na walowezi na wakoloni wazungu wa Ulaya. Katika kitabu chake *The Invasion of America* (1975), Francis Jennings aliangazia masimulizi ya utawala wa walowezi wazungu wa Ulaya kwa kueleza kwamba kwa vizazi vingi, wanahistoria waliandika kuhusu watu wa asili wa Amerika wakiwa na mtazamo wa ubora wa kitamaduni, mtazamo uliofuta au kupotosha historia halisi ya watu wa asili na uhusiano wao na walowezi wa Ulaya. Katika *Decolonizing Methodologies*:

The Palestinians share common experiences with other indigenous peoples who had their self-determination and narrative denied, their material culture destroyed and their histories erased, retold, reinvented or distorted by European white settlers and colonisers. In The Invasion of America (1975), Francis Jennings highlighted the hegemonic narratives of the European white settlers by pointing out that for generations historians wrote about the indigenous peoples of America from an attitude of cultural superiority that erased or distorted the actual history of the indigenous peoples and their relations with the European settlers. In Decolonizing Methodologies:

Utafiti na Watu wa Asili, mwanazuoni wa Kimaori Linda Tuhiwai Smith anasema kwamba athari za ukoloni wa walowezi wa Ulaya bado zinaendelea kuwaumiza na kuwaangamiza watu wa asili; kwamba kukataliwa kwa mitazamo ya watu wa asili kuhusu historia kulicheza nafasi kubwa katika kuthibitisha itikadi ya kikoloni, kwa sehemu kwa sababu mitazamo hiyo ilionekana kuwa si sahihi au ya kizamani, lakini hasa kwa sababu ‘ilipinga na kukataa dhamira ya ukoloni’ (Smith, L. 1999: 29). Anasema:

Research and Indigenous Peoples, Maori scholar Linda Tuhiwai Smith argues that the impact of European settler-colonisation is continuing to hurt and destroy indigenous peoples; that the negation of indigenous views of history played a crucial role in asserting colonial ideology, partly because indigenous views were regarded as incorrect or primitive, but primarily because ‘they challenged and resisted the mission of colonisation’ (Smith, L. 1999: 29). She states:

Chini ya ukoloni, watu wa asili wamepambana dhidi ya mtazamo wa Magharibi kuhusu historia, lakini pia wamekuwa washiriki wa mtazamo huo. Mara nyingi tumeruhusu "historia" zetu zisimuliwe na wengine, kisha tukajikuta kuwa wageni tunaposikia zikisimuliwa upya ... Ramani za dunia zilisisitiza nafasi yetu pembezoni mwa dunia, ingawa bado tulichukuliwa kuwa sehemu ya Himaya. Hii ilijumuisha kulazimishwa kujifunza majina mapya kwa ardhi yetu. Alama nyingine za uaminifu wetu, kama bendera, nazo zilikuwa sehemu muhimu ya mtaala wa kifalme. Mtazamo wetu kuhusu dunia ulikuwa tayari unafafanuliwa upya, huku tukitengwa kwa utaratibu katika uandishi wa historia ya ardhi yetu wenyewe.

Under colonialism indigenous peoples have struggled against a Western view of history and yet been complicit with the view. We have often allowed our ‘histories’ to be told and have then become outsiders as we heard them being retold ... Maps of the world reinforced our place on the periphery of the world, although we were still considered part of the Empire. This included having to learn new names for our lands. Other symbols of our loyalty, such as the flag, were also an integral part of the imperial curriculum. Our orientation to the world was already being redefined as we were being excluded systematically from the writing of the history of our own lands.

(Smith, L. 1999: 33)

(Smith, L. 1999: 33)

Ingawa zilidumisha baadhi ya mifumo ya kabla ya Nakba, mikakati ya Kizayuni ya majina ya mahali katika kipindi cha baada ya Nakba ilifuata uharibifu mkubwa zaidi wa kumbukumbu na kufutwa kwake, pamoja na kuwatenganisha Wapalestina na historia yao. Kwa uharibifu wa kimwili wa mamia ya vijiji na miji ya Kipalestina wakati wa na baada ya mwaka 1948, dola ya Israeli sasa ililenga kufuta kumbukumbu ya majina ya mahali ya wenyeji Wapalestina kutoka historia na jiografia.

Although continuing some of the pre-Nakba patterns, Zionist toponymic strategies in the post-Nakba period pursued more drastic memoricide and erasure and the detachment of the Palestinians from their history. With the physical destruction of hundreds of Palestinian villages and towns during and after 1948, the Israeli state now focused on the erasure of indigenous Palestinian toponymic memory from history and geography.

Kutoweka kimwili kwa Palestina mwaka 1948, kufutwa kwa uhalisia wa kidemografia na kisiasa wa Palestina ya kihistoria, na kufutwa kwa Wapalestina katika historia kulijikita katika masuala fulani muhimu, ambayo muhimu zaidi ni mvutano kati ya 'kukataa' na 'kuthibitisha' (Said 1980; Abu-Lughod et al. 1991). Kufutwa kwa Palestina ya kihistoria katika ramani na katika ramani za kijiografia hakukulenga tu kuimarisha taifa lililoundwa hivi karibuni, bali pia kuimarisha hadithi ya 'mnyororo usiokatika' kati ya siku za 'Waisraeli wa Biblia' na taifa la kisasa la Israeli. Akitoa maoni juu ya ukimya wa kimfumo wa zamani wa Kipalestina, mwanahistoria Ilan Pappe, katika kitabu chake The Ethnic Cleaning of Palestine, anatumia dhana ya mauaji ya kitamaduni ya kumbukumbu, ambapo anaonyesha juhudi za kimfumo za kitaaluma, kisiasa na kijeshi baada ya mwaka 1948 katika Israeli za kuondoa uarabu katika ardhi ya Kipalestina, majina yake, nafasi zake, maeneo yake ya kidini, vijiji vyake, miji yake na mandhari ya miji yake, pamoja na makaburi yake, mashamba yake, na mashamba ya mizeituni na michungwa, pamoja na tunda liitwalo Saber (mmea wa cactus), tende za mwituni zilizo na miiba zinazojulikana sana zikilimwa katika vijiji vya Kiarabu na kupandwa katika bustani za Kiarabu nchini Palestina. Pappe anaiwazia palimpsest ya kimafumbo inayofanya kazi hapa, yaani kufutwa kwa historia ya watu mmoja ili kuandika juu yake ile ya watu mwingine; kupunguzwa kwa tabaka nyingi kuwa tabaka moja (Pappe 2006: 225–234).

The physical disappearance of Palestine in 1948, the deletion of the demographic and political realities of historic Palestine and the erasure of Palestinians from history centred on certain key issues, the most important of which is the contest between a ‘denial’ and an ‘affirmation’ (Said 1980; Abu-Lughod et al. 1991). The deletion of historic Palestine from maps and cartography was not only designed to strengthen the newly created state but also to consolidate the myth of the ‘unbroken link’ between the days of the ‘biblical Israelites’ and the modern Israeli state. Commenting on the systematic silencing of the Palestinian past, historian Ilan Pappe, in The Ethnic Cleaning of Palestine, deploys the doctrine of cultural memoricide, where he highlights the systematic scholarly, political and military attempt in post-1948 Israel to de-Arabise the Palestinian terrain, its names, spaces, religious sites, its villages, towns and cityscapes, and its cemeteries, fields, and olive and orange groves, and the fruit called Saber (cactus), the prickly pears famously grown in and around Arab villages and cultivated in Arab gardens in Palestine. Pappe conceives of a metaphorical palimpsest at work here, the erasure of the history of one people in order to write that of another people over it; the reduction of many layers to a single layer (Pappe 2006: 225–234).

Katika kipindi cha baada ya Nakba, baadhi ya vipengele vya mkakati wa Israeli wa kubadilisha majina vilifuata kwa karibu mazoea ya kabla ya 1948 ya kujitwalia majina ya kijiografia ya Kiarabu ya Kipalestina na kuiga. Majina ya kihistoria ya Kiarabu ya maeneo ya kijiografia yalibadilishwa na majina ya Kibiblia au ya Talmudi yaliyoibuliwa, pamoja na majina mapya ya Kiebrania yaliyobuniwa, baadhi yake yakifanana kwa mbali na majina ya Kibiblia.

In the post-Nakba period, some of the features of the Israeli renaming strategy closely followed pre-1948 practices of appropriation of Palestinian Arabic toponyms and mimicry. The historic Arabic names of geographical sites were replaced by evoked biblical or Talmudic names and newly coined Hebrew names, some of which vaguely resembled biblical names.

Imeshadhihirika tayari kwamba ubadilishaji wa majina ya mahali pa Kiarabu na kubadilishwa kwa majina ya maeneo ya kijiografia ya Palestina kulifuata kwa kiasi kikubwa miongozo iliyopendekezwa katika karne ya 19 na Edward Robinson (1841; Robinson et al.

It has already been shown that the replacement of Arabic places and the renaming of Palestine’s geographical sites followed roughly the guidelines suggested in the 19th century by Edward Robinson (1841; Robinson et al.

Tangu mwaka 1860 hadi kuendelea, shauku ya kubuni akiolojia ya Biblia na jiografia ya Maandiko ilibadilisha majina ya mahali ya Kiarabu ya Palestina, maeneo ya kijiografia ya Palestina na mandhari ya Palestina kuwa vitu vya kuigwa na kufichwa kwa Uzayuni (Yacobi 2009: 115). Kuanzia karne ya 19 na katika kipindi chote cha nusu ya kwanza ya karne ya 20, mawazo ya kikoloni ya Magharibi, michoro ya mandhari ya Biblia, ndoto na masimulizi ya safari za kigeni, elimu ya Biblia ya Kiorientalist, akiolojia ya Nchi Takatifu, ramani na jiografia ya Maandiko vilikuwa muhimu kwa mafanikio ya mradi wa kikoloni wa Magharibi katika Mashariki ya Kati. Vilirejesha “Nchi za Biblia”, vikabuni upya kabila la Kiebrania la kizamani lisilo na historia, huku wakati huo huo vikinyamazisha historia ya Kipalestina na kuondoa Uarabu katika majina ya mahali pa Kipalestina (Masalha 2007; Whitelam 1996; Long 1997, 2003).

1860). The obsession with biblical archaeology and scriptural geography transformed Palestinian Arabic place names, Palestinian geographical sites and the Palestinian landscape into subjects of Zionist mimicry and camouflaging (Yacobi 2009: 115). From the 19th century and throughout the first half of the 20th century Western colonialist imagination, biblical landscape painting, fantasy and exotic travel accounts, Orientalist biblical scholarship, Holy Land archaeology, cartography and scriptural geography have been critical to the success of the Western colonial enterprise in the Middle East, recreating the ‘Biblelands’, reinventing ahistorical-primordial Hebrew ethnicity, while at the same time silencing Palestinian history and de-Arabising Palestinian toponomy (Masalha 2007; Whitelam 1996; Long 1997, 2003).

Sekta ya Israeli ya Biblia, pamoja na miradi yake ya kubadilisha majina kuwa ya Kiebrania, ilikuwa imejikita katika mapokeo haya ya kikoloni yaliyotajirishwa sana na kufadhiliwa kwa fedha nyingi mno.

Israel’s biblical industry, with its Hebrew renaming projects, was embedded in this richly endowed and massively financed colonial tradition.

Mwanahistoria wa Israel Ilan Pappe anasema:

Israeli historian Ilan Pappe remarks:

[Katika miaka ya 1948–1949 ardhi ilibadilika kupita kiasi kutambulika.] Mashambani, moyo wa vijijini vya Palestina, pamoja na vijiji vyake vyenye rangi nyingi na vya kupendeza, viliharibiwa. Nusu ya vijiji viliangamizwa, vikasawazishwa na mitambo ya kubomoa ya Israeli ambayo ilikuwa ikifanya kazi tangu Agosti 1948, wakati serikali ilipoamua kuvigeuza kuwa ardhi ya kulima au kujenga makazi mapya ya Kiyahudi juu ya mabaki yake.

[In 1948–1949 the land] changed beyond recognition. The countryside, the rural heart of Palestine, with its colourful and picturesque villages, was ruined. Half the villages had been destroyed, flattened by Israeli bulldozers which had been at work since August 1948 when the government had decided to either turn them into cultivated land or to build new Jewish settlements on their remains.

Kamati ya kutaja majina ilizipa makazi mapya matoleo ya Kiebrania ya majina asilia ya Kiarabu: Lubya ikawa Lavi, na Safuria [Saffuriyah] ikawa Zipori [Tzipori] … David Ben-Gurion alieleza kuwa hili lilifanywa kama sehemu ya juhudi za kuzuia madai ya baadaye kuhusu vijiji hivyo.

A naming committee granted the new settlements Hebraized [sic] versions of the original Arab names: Lubya became Lavi, and Safuria [Saffuriyah] Zipori [Tzipori] … David Ben-Gurion explained that this was done as part of an attempt to prevent future claim to the villages.

Pia iliungwa mkono na wanaakiolojia wa Israel, ambao walikuwa wameidhinisha majina hayo kwa lengo la kurudisha ramani kwenye kitu kinachofanana na 'Israel ya kale'. (Pappe 2004: 138–139)

It was also supported by the Israeli archaeologists, who had authorized the names as returning the map to something resembling ‘ancient Israel’. (Pappe 2004: 138–139)

Makazi ya Kiyahudi yalianzishwa katika ardhi ya vijiji vya Kipalestina vilivyoondolewa wakazi na kuharibiwa. Katika visa vingi makazi haya yalichukua majina ya vijiji vya awali vya Kipalestina na kuyapotosha kuwa majina yanayosikika kama ya Kiebrania. Kitendo hiki kikubwa cha kujimilikisha urithi wa Wapalestina kilitoa msaada kwa dai la wakoloni Wayahudi wa Ulaya kwamba wanawakilisha watu wa asili wanaorejea nchini mwao baada ya uhamisho wa miaka 2000. Kwa mfano, makazi ya Kiyahudi yaliyochukua nafasi ya kijiji kikubwa na tajiri cha Beit Dajan (ambacho kwa Kifilisti maana yake ni 'Nyumba ya Dagoni'; kilikuwa na wakazi 5000 mwaka 1948) yaliitwa Beit Dagon; yalianzishwa mwaka 1948; Kibbutz Sa'sa' ilijengwa juu ya kijiji cha Sa'sa'; moshav ya ushirika ya 'Amka ilijengwa katika ardhi ya kijiji cha 'Amqa (Wakim 2001a, 2001b; Boqa'i 2005: 73). Al-Kabri katika Galilaya ilibadilishwa jina na kuwa Kabri; kijiji cha al-Bassa kilibadilishwa jina na kuwa Batzat; kijiji cha al-Mujaydil (karibu na Nazareti) kilibadilishwa jina na kuwa Migdal Haemek (Mnara wa Bonde). Katika eneo la Tiberia pekee kulikuwa na vijiji ishirini na saba vya Kiarabu kabla ya mwaka 1948; vijiji ishirini na vitano kati yake, vikiwemo Dalhamiya, Abu Shusha, Kafr Sabt, Lubya, al-Shajara, al-Majdal na Hittin, viliharibiwa na Israeli. Jina Hittin – mahali ambapo Saladin (kwa Kiarabu: Salah al-Din) alishinda kwa njia maarufu majeshi ya Kikristo ya Vita Vitakatifu katika Vita vya Hattin mwaka 1187, na kusababisha kuzingirwa na kushindwa kwa Vita Vitakatifu vilivyodhibiti Yerusalemu – lilibadilishwa kuwa Kfar Hittim (Kijiji cha Ngano), jina linalosikika kama la Kiebrania. Mwaka 2008 Mamlaka ya Ardhi ya Israeli, inayosimamia mali za wakimbizi wa Kipalestina, ilitoa baadhi ya ardhi ya kijiji hicho kwa mradi mpya wa maendeleo: hoteli ya gofu ya kibinafsi yenye thamani ya dola milioni 150, ambayo ilipangwa kuwa na uwanja wa gofu wa mashimo kumi na manane, ulioundwa na Mmarekani Robert Trent Jones Jr. Karibu na hapo, barabara ya kwenda Tiberia ilipewa jina la Menachem Begin Boulevard; pau nzito za chuma ziliwekwa juu ya lango la msikiti ulioharibika wa Hittin, na ngazi zilizoelekea kwenye mnara wake zilizibwa.

Jewish settlements were established on the land of the depopulated and destroyed Palestinian villages. In many cases these settlements took the names of the original Palestinian villages and distorted them into Hebrewsounding names. This massive appropriation of Palestinian heritage provided support for the European Jewish colonisers’ claim to represent an indigenous people returning to its homeland after 2000 years of exile. For instance, the Jewish settlement that replaced the large and wealthy village of Beit Dajan (the Philistine ‘House of Dagon’; with 5000 inhabitants in 1948) was named Beit Dagon; founded in 1948; Kibbutz Sa’sa’ was built on Sa’sa’ village; the cooperative moshav of ‘Amka on the land of ‘Amqa village (Wakim 2001a, 2001b; Boqa’i 2005: 73). Al-Kabri in the Galilee was renamed Kabri; al-Bassa village was renamed Batzat; al-Mujaydil village (near Nazareth) was renamed Migdal Haemek (Tower of the Valley). In the region of Tiberias alone there were twenty-seven Arab villages in the pre-1948 period; twenty-five of them, including Dalhamiya, Abu Shusha, Kafr Sabt, Lubya, al-Shajara, al-Majdal and Hittin, were destroyed by Israel. The name Hittin – where Saladin (in Arabic: Salah al-Din) famously defeated the Latin Crusaders in the Battle of Hattin in 1187, leading to the siege and defeat of the Crusaders who controlled Jerusalem – was changed to the Hebrew-sounding Kfar Hittim (Village of Wheat). In 2008 the Israel Land Authority, which controls Palestinian refugee property, gave some of the village’s land to a new development project: a $150 million private golf resort, which was to have an eighteen-hole championship golf course, designed by the American Robert Trent Jones Jr. Nearby, the road to Tiberias was named the Menachem Begin Boulevard; heavy iron bars were placed over the entrance to Hittin’s ruined mosque, and the staircase leading to its minaret was blocked (Levy 2004).

Katika Marj Ibn ‘Amer (Bonde la Yezreeli) Kibbutz Ein Dor (Chemchemi ya Dor)

In Marj Ibn ‘Amer (the Jezreel Valley) Kibbutz Ein Dor (Dor Spring)

kilianzishwa mwaka 1948 na wanachama wa harakati ya vijana ya kisoshalisti ya Kizayuni ya Hashomer Hatza'ir (baadaye Mapam) pamoja na walowezi kutoka Hungaria na Marekani. Kilianzishwa kwenye ardhi ya kijiji cha Indur, ambacho kilikuwa kimeondolewa wakazi na kuharibiwa, kilichopo kilomita 10 kusini-mashariki mwa Nazareti.

was founded in 1948 by members of the socialist Zionist Hashomer Hatza’ir (later Mapam) youth movement and settlers from Hungary and the United States. It was founded on the land of the depopulated and destroyed village of Indur, located 10 kilometres south-east of Nazareth.

Ikiwa jina la Kiarabu lilihifadhi jina la kale la Indur, mji wa Wakanaani, bado si wazi. Baada ya mwaka 1948, wakazi wengi walikuwa wakimbizi wa ndani nchini Israeli ('waliopo lakini hawapo', kwa mujibu wa sheria ya Israeli) na wakapata uraia wa Israeli, lakini hawakuruhusiwa kurudi Indur. Kwa mujibu wa desturi ya kawaida ya Wazayuni ya kutoa majina ya Biblia kwa maeneo na jamii za kisasa, walowezi wasioamini Mungu wa Hashomer Hatza'ir walilichukua jina la Kiarabu, wakidai kwamba Ein Dor lilipewa jina kutokana na kijiji kilichotajwa katika kitabu cha Samweli (28:3‒19). Hata hivyo, si hakika hata kidogo kwamba eneo la kibbutz liko karibu na mahali ambapo 'kijiji cha Biblia' kilisimama. Jumba la makumbusho ya kiakiolojia katika kibbutz lina mabaki ya kabla ya historia yaliyopatikana katika eneo hilo.

Whether or not the Arabic name preserved the ancient Indur, a Canaanite city, is not clear. After 1948 many of the inhabitants became internal refugees in Israel (‘present absentees’, according to Israeli law) and acquired Israeli citizenship, but were not allowed to return to Indur. In accordance with the common Zionist practice of bestowing biblical names on modern sites and communities, the atheist settlers of Hashomer Hatza’ir appropriated the Arabic name, claiming that Ein Dor was named after a village mentioned in Samuel (28:3‒19). However, it is by no means certain that the kibbutz’s location is anywhere near to where the ‘biblical village’ stood. An archaeological museum at the kibbutz contains prehistoric findings from the area.

Pakati pa nchi, mji wa kale wa Kipalestina wa Beit Jibrin, uliokuwa ukistawi zamani, uliopo kilomita 20 kaskazini-magharibi mwa mji wa al-Khalil, uliharibiwa na jeshi la Israel mwaka 1948. Jina la kiaramu la mji huo lilikuwa Beth Gabra, lenye maana ya 'nyumba ya watu (imara)'; kwa Kiarabu Beir Jibrin pia lina maana ya 'nyumba ya wenye nguvu', labda likiakisi jina lake la awali la Kiaramu; kibbutz yenye sauti ya Kiebrania ya Beit Guvrin (Nyumba ya Watu), iliyopewa jina kwa mapokeo ya Talmud, ilianzishwa kwenye ardhi ya Beit Jibrin mwaka 1949, na askari walioondoka Palmah na jeshi la Israel. Leo mabaki ya Kibyzantini na ya Kicrusader yamesalia na yanalindwa kama eneo la kiakiolojia chini ya jina la Kiebrania la Beit Guvrin; urithi wa Kiislamu wa Kiarabu wa eneo hilo umepuuzwa kabisa.

In the centre of the country the once thriving ancient Palestinian town of Beit Jibrin, 20 kilometres north-west of the city of al-Khalil, was destroyed by the Israeli army in 1948. The city’s Aramaic name was Beth Gabra, which translates as the ‘house of [strong] men’; in Arabic Beir Jibrin also means ‘house of the powerful’, possibly reflecting its original Aramaic name; the Hebrew-sounding kibbutz of Beit Guvrin (House of Men), named after a Talmudic tradition, was established on Beit Jibrin’s lands in 1949, by soldiers who left the Palmah and Israeli army. Today Byzantine and Crusader remains survive and are protected as an archaeological site under the Hebrew name of Beit Guvrin; the Arab Islamic heritage of the site is completely ignored.

Miaka hamsini na sita baada ya Nakba, mwezi Machi 2004, mwandishi wa habari Mwisraeli Gideon Levy aliandika: ‘Kumbukumbu ya pamoja ya Kizayuni ipo katika mandhari yetu ya kitamaduni na ya kimwili, lakini gharama kubwa waliyolipa Wapalestina – katika maisha, katika uharibifu wa vijiji mia kadhaa, na katika hali ngumu inayoendelea ya wakimbizi wa Kipalestina – haipati kutambuliwa kwa kiasi kidogo sana kwa umma’ (Levy 2004).

Fifty-six years after the Nakba, in March 2004, Israeli journalist Gideon Levy wrote: ‘The Zionist collective memory exists in both our cultural and physical landscape, yet the heavy price paid by the Palestinians – in lives, in the destruction of hundreds of villages, and in the continuing plight of the Palestinian refugees – receives little public recognition’ (Levy 2004).

Levy anaongeza:

Levy adds:

Angalia mmea huu wa mtini wa kuchoma (prickly pear). Unafunika rundo la mawe. Rundo hili la mawe lilikuwa wakati mmoja nyumba, au kibanda, au zizi la kondoo, au shule, au ukuta wa mawe. Ilikuwa hivyo hadi miaka 56 iliyopita, takriban kizazi na nusu – si muda mrefu uliopita. Mtini huo ulitenganisha nyumba na viwanja vya watu mmoja na mwingine, ukiwa ua hai, ambao sasa pia ndio ukumbusho pekee wa maisha yaliyokuwepo hapa zamani. Pia angalia msitu wa miberoshi unaozunguka mtini huo. Chini yake kulikuwa na kijiji zamani. Nyumba zake zote 405 ziliharibiwa kwa siku moja mwaka 1948, na wakazi wake 2,350 walitawanywa kila mahali. Hakuna aliyewahi kutuambia kuhusu hili. Miberoshi ilipandwa mara baada ya hapo na Mfuko wa Taifa wa Kiyahudi (JNF), ambao sisi tulichangia katika utoto wetu, kila Ijumaa, ili kufunika magofu, kufunika uwezekano wa kurudi, na labda pia aibu kidogo na hatia. (Levy 2004)

Look at this prickly pear plant. It’s covering a mound of stones. This mound of stones was once a house, or a shed, or a sheep pen, or a school, or a stone fence. Once – until 56 years ago, a generation and a half ago – not that long ago. The cactus separated the houses and one lot from another, a living fence that is now also the only monument to the life that once was here. Take a look at the grove of pines around the prickly pear as well. Beneath it there was once a village. All of its 405 houses were destroyed in one day in 1948 and its 2,350 inhabitants scattered all over. No one ever told us about this. The pines were planted right afterward by the Jewish National Fund (JNF), to which we contributed in our childhood, every Friday, in order to cover the ruins, to cover the possibility of return and maybe also a little of the shame and the guilt. (Levy 2004)

Utafiti mkubwa wa mwaka 1992 uliofanywa na timu ya watafiti wa uwanjani na wasomi wa Kipalestina chini ya uongozi wa mwanahistoria wa Kipalestina Walid Khalidi unaeleza uharibifu wa vijiji mia kadhaa vilivyokuwa ndani ya mipaka ya 1949

A monumental 1992 study by a team of Palestinian field researchers and academics under the direction of Palestinian historian Walid Khalidi details the destruction of hundreds of villages falling inside the 1949

mistari ya mapatano ya kusimamisha mapigano. Utafiti huu unatoa mazingira ya kukaliwa na kuachwa bila watu kwa kila kijiji, pamoja na maelezo ya kile kinachobaki. Timu ya Khalidi ilitembelea maeneo yote isipokuwa kumi na manne, ikaandaa ripoti kamili na kupiga picha. Kati ya vijiji 418 vilivyoachwa bila watu ambavyo vilirekodiwa na Walid Khalidi (1992), 293 (asilimia 70) viliharibiwa kabisa, na tisini (asilimia 22) viliharibiwa kwa kiasi kikubwa. Saba vilinusurika, ikiwemo ‘Ayn Karim (magharibi mwa Yerusalemu), lakini vilichukuliwa na walowezi wa Kiisraeli. Baadhi ya vijiji na mitaa ya Kiarabu vya kupendeza vimehifadhiwa kwa kiasi kikubwa na kufanywa vya kisasa na vya kifahari. Hata hivyo, havina Wapalestina (baadhi ya wakazi wa zamani ni wakimbizi wa ndani nchini Israeli), na vimetangazwa kuwa ‘makoloni ya kisanii’ ya Kiyahudi (Benvenisti 1986: 25; Masalha 2005, 2012). Ingawa msafiri mwenye macho ya uchunguzi bado anaweza kuona baadhi ya ushahidi wa vijiji vya Kipalestina vilivyoharibiwa, kwa jumla kinachobaki ni mkusanyiko wa mawe na vifusi. Lakini taifa jipya pia lilijitwalia mali zisizohamishika, zikiwemo maeneo ya makazi ya mijini, miundombinu ya usafiri, vituo vya polisi, reli, shule, maktaba, makanisa na misikiti, pamoja na vitabu, mikusanyiko ya kumbukumbu na picha, na mali binafsi, zikiwemo fedha, samani, picha za kuchora na zulia (Khalidi, W. 1992).

armistice lines. The study gives the circumstances of each village’s occupation and depopulation, and a description of what remains. Khalidi’s team visited all except fourteen sites, made comprehensive reports and took photographs. Of the 418 depopulated villages documented by Walid Khalidi (1992), 293 (70 per cent) were totally destroyed and ninety (22 per cent) were largely destroyed. Seven survived, including ‘Ayn Karim (west of Jerusalem), but were taken over by Israeli settlers. A few of the quaint Arab villages and neighbourhoods have actually been largely preserved and gentrified. But they are empty of Palestinians (some of the former residents are internal refugees in Israel) and are designated as Jewish ‘artistic colonies’ (Benvenisti 1986: 25; Masalha 2005, 2012). While an observant traveller can still see some evidence of the destroyed Palestinian villages, in the main all that is left is a scattering of stones and rubble. But the new state also appropriated for itself both immovable assets, including urban residential quarters, transport infrastructure, police stations, railways, schools, libraries, churches and mosques, as well as books, archival and photo collections, and personal possessions, including silver, furniture, pictures and carpets (Khalidi, W. 1992).

"Katika maeneo mengi ya tovuti za JNF", Pappe – ambaye anachambua maeneo kadhaa yaliyotajwa na tovuti ya JNF, ikiwemo Msitu wa Jerusalem – anabainisha:

‘In many of the JNF sites’, Pappe – who analyses several sites mentioned by the JNF website, including the Jerusalem Forest – observes:

Bustani – bustani za matunda ambazo wakulima Wapalestina walikuwa wakipanda kuzunguka nyumba zao za shambani – zinaonekana kama moja ya mafumbo mengi ambayo JNF huwaahidi mgeni mwenye ari ya kujitosa. Mabaki haya yanayoonekana wazi ya vijiji vya Kipalestina yanatajwa kama sehemu ya asili yenyewe na siri zake za ajabu. Katika mojawapo ya maeneo hayo, matuta yanayopatikana karibu kila mahali hapo yanatajwa kama uumbaji wa kujivunia wa JNF. Baadhi yake kwa kweli zilijengwa upya juu ya zile za awali, na zinarudi nyuma kwa karne nyingi kabla ya kutwaliwa kwa Kizayuni. Hivyo, bustani za Kipalestina zinahusishwa na asili, na historia ya Palestina inasafirishwa hadi zamani za Biblia na Talmud. Hii ndiyo hatima ya mojawapo ya vijiji vinavyojulikana zaidi, Ayn al-Zeitun, ambacho kilitoweka wakati wa Mei 1948, ambapo wakazi wengi wake waliuawa kikatili. (Pappe 2006: 230)

bustans – the fruit gardens Palestinian farmers would plant around their farm houses –appear as one of many mysteries the JNF promises the adventurous visitor. These clearly visible remnants of Palestinian villages are referred to as an inherent part of nature and her wonderful secrets. At one of the sites, it actually refers to the terraces you can find almost everywhere there as the proud creation of the JNF. Some of these were in fact rebuilt over the original ones, and go back centuries before the Zionist takeover. Thus, Palestinian bustans are attributed to nature and Palestine’s history transported back to a Biblical and Talmudic past. Such is the fate of one of the best known villages, Ayn al-Zeitun, which was emptied in May 1948, during which many of its inhabitants were massacred. (Pappe 2006: 230)

Mwaka 1948 ‘Ayn Zaytun ilikuwa kijiji cha wakulima Waislamu kabisa, chenye watu 1000, kikilima mizeituni, nafaka na matunda, hasa zabibu; jina la kijiji lilikuwa neno la Kiarabu lenye maana ya ‘Chemchemi ya Mizeituni’. Mwaka 1992 mwanahistoria Mpalestina Walid Khalidi alieleza eneo hilo kama ifuatavyo:

In 1948 ‘Ayn Zaytun was an entirely Muslim farming community of 1000, cultivating olives, grain and fruit, especially grapes; the village name was the Arabic for ‘Spring of Olives’; In 1992 Palestinian historian Walid Khalidi described the site as follows:

Magofu ya nyumba zilizoharibiwa za mawe yametawanyika kote katika eneo hilo, ambalo vinginevyo limefunikwa na miti ya mizeituni na michongoma [cacti]. Nyumba chache zilizoachwa bado zipo, baadhi zikiwa na milango yenye matao ya duara na madirisha marefu yenye miundo mbalimbali ya matao. Katika mojawapo ya nyumba zilizosalia, jiwe laini lililo juu ya tao la mlango limechorwa maandishi ya kalligrafia ya Kiarabu, kipengele cha usanifu wa Kipalestina. Kisima na chemchemi ya kijiji pia bado vipo. (Khalidi, W. 1992: 437)

The rubble of destroyed stone houses is scattered throughout the site, which is otherwise overgrown with olive trees and cactuses [cacti]. A few deserted houses remain, some with round arched entrances and tall windows with various arched designs. In one of the remaining houses, the smooth stone above the entrance arch is inscribed with Arabic calligraphy, a fixture of Palestinian architecture. The well and the village spring also remain. (Khalidi, W. 1992: 437)

Leo, msikiti wa mawe wa zamani, ambao sehemu zake bado zimesimama, hautajwi kwenye tovuti ya JNF. Mwaka 2004 msikiti huo uligeuzwa kuwa shamba la maziwa; mmiliki Myahudi aliondoa jiwe lililoonyesha tarehe ya kuanzishwa kwa msikiti huo na kufunika kuta kwa maandishi ya Kiebrania yaliyochorwa ukutani (Pappe 2006: 217). Misikiti mingine iliyokuwa ya vijiji vilivyoharibiwa iligeuzwa kuwa migahawa, kama ilivyokuwa kwa mji wa Kipalestina wa Al‑Majdal (‘Asqalan ya kihistoria) na kijiji cha Kipalestina cha Qaysariah (Caesarea‑Palaestina ya kihistoria; kwa sasa ni Mbuga ya Burudani ya Akiolojia ya Caesarea yenye mabaki ya Warumi na Wakrusadi, ambayo ni sehemu ya Sekta ya Urithi ya Kikoloni ya Walowezi wa Kiisraeli); duka katika kesi ya Beersheba; sehemu ya kituo cha watalii katika kesi ya al‑Zeeb; na baa/mgahawa (uliopewa jina la ‘Bonanza’) pamoja na kivutio cha watalii katika kesi ya ‘Ayn Hawd (Pappe 2006: 217; Khalidi, W. 1992: 151).

Today the old stone mosque, parts of which are still standing, is not mentioned by the JNF website. In 2004 the mosque was turned into a milk farm; the Jewish owner removed the stone that indicated the founding date of the mosque and covered the walls with Hebrew graffiti (Pappe 2006: 217). Other mosques belonging to destroyed villages were turned into restaurants, in the case of the Palestinian town Al‑Majdal (historic ‘Asqalan) and the Palestinian village of Qaysariah (historic Caesarea- Palaestina; currently the archaeological, Roman–Crusader Theme Park of Caesarea which is part of the Israeli settler-colonial Heritage Industry); a shop in the case of Beersheba; part of a tourist resort in the case of al‑Zeeb; a bar/restaurant (called ‘Bonanza’) and a tourist site in the case of ‘Ayn Hawd (Pappe 2006: 217; Khalidi, W. 1992: 151).

Katika Galilaya ya Mashariki, Lavi, karibu na Tiberia, kibbutz ya kidini iliyoanzishwa mwaka 1949 kwenye ardhi yenye rutuba ya kijiji cha Kipalestina cha Lubya, ambacho wakazi wake waliondolewa mwaka 1948 na vikosi vya Haganah, ni mfano mwingine wa Israeli kujitwalia majina ya maeneo ya Kipalestina. Kila mtu anaweza kuona kwamba chanzo cha jina la Kiebrania Lavi ni kijiji cha Kipalestina cha Lubya; hata hivyo, Wazayuni walidai kwamba Lavi linatokana na kijiji cha kale cha Kiyahudi kilichokuwepo wakati wa Mishna na Talmud. Lakini kujitwalia jina la mahali la Kipalestina na kuchagua jina jipya la Kiebrania Lavi (Simba)

In Eastern Galilee, Lavi, near Tiberias, a religious kibbutz founded in 1949 on the fertile lands of the Palestinian village of Lubya, depopulated during 1948 by the Haganah forces, is another example of the appropriation of Palestinian place names by Israel. Anyone can tell that the source of the Hebraicised name Lavi is the Palestinian village Lubya; the Zionists, however, claimed that Lavi comes from the ancient Jewish village that existed in the days of the Mishana and Talmud. Yet the appropriation of the Palestinian toponym and choice of the new Hebrew name Lavi (Lion)

– badala ya Levi, jina la ukoo la kale la Kiyahudi, na Mlawi, mshiriki wa ukuhani – kilionyesha ujenzi wa utambulisho wa wakoloni Wayahudi wa Ulaya, ‘Wayahudi Wapya’, pamoja na uhusiano mpya wa Uzayuni na maumbile, jiografia ya kisiasa, na uanaume mgumu (Massad 2006: 38). Zaidi ya hayo, huko Lubya JNF iliweka bango lililosema: ‘Msitu wa Afrika Kusini. Maegesho. Kwa Kumbukumbu ya Hans Riesenfeld, Rhodesia, Zimbabwe’. Msitu wa Afrika Kusini na ‘eneo la maegesho la Rhodesia’ viliundwa juu ya magofu ya Lubya, ambayo hakuna alama yoyote ya kuwepo kwake iliyobaki.

– rather than Levi, the ancient Jewish last name, and a Levite member of the priesthood – reflected the self-identity construction of the European Jewish colonists, the ‘New Jews’, and Zionism’s new relationship to nature, political geography and tough masculinity (Massad 2006: 38). Moreover, at Lubya the JNF put up a sign: ‘South Africa Forest. Parking. In Memory of Hans Riesenfeld, Rhodesia, Zimbabwe’. The South Africa Forest and the ‘Rhodesia parking area’ were created atop the ruins of Lubya, of whose existence not a trace was left.

Akitoa maoni kuhusu uboreshaji wa makazi (gentrification) wa vijiji kadhaa vya zamani vya Kipalestina (kama 'Ayn Karim) na mitaa (kama ile ya Lydda na Safad) na mabadiliko yake kuwa mazingira ya kujengwa ya Kiyahudi, mbunifu wa Kiisraeli Haim Yacobi, wa Chuo Kikuu cha Ben-Gurion, anaandika:

Commenting on the gentrification of several former Palestinian villages (like ‘Ayn Karim) and neighbourhoods (like those of Lydda and Safad) and their transformation into Jewish built environments, Israeli architect Haim Yacobi, of Ben-Gurion University, writes:

Mandhari ya Palestina ni somo la kuigiza, ambacho kupitia kwake hufanyika uzawa wa kiishara wa walowezi [wa Kizayuni]. Kama katika miradi mingine ya kitaifa yenye msingi wa kujiona kuwa bora kuliko wengine, aina hii ya kuiga inaweza kuelezwa kama "uraibu wa akiolojia", ambao hutumia mabaki ya kihistoria kuthibitisha hisia ya kuwa mali ya mahali fulani ... Uraibu wa akiolojia na historia, pamoja na kuzichukulia kama ukweli usiopingika, unaonekana wazi katika maandishi yaliyoambatana na usanifu na ujenzi wa vijiji na mitaa ya Kiarabu iliyofanyiwa uboreshaji.

The Palestinian landscape is a subject of mimicry through which a symbolic indigenisation of the [Zionist] settlers takes place. As in other ethnocentric national projects, such mimicry may be described as ‘an obsession with archeology’, which makes use of historical remains to prove a sense of belonging ... The obsession with archeology and history, as well as with treating them as undisputable truths, is clearly evident in the texts that accompanied the design and construction of the gentrified Arab villages and neighborhoods.

Katika mchakato huu, mandhari ya asili hung'olewa kutoka katika muktadha wake wa kisiasa na kihistoria, hufafanuliwa upya kama ya kienyeji, na kupandwa tena kupitia tendo la mara mbili la kuiga katika maeneo ya 'jenga nyumba yako mwenyewe'. (Yacobi 2009: 115)

In this process, the indigenous landscape is uprooted from its political and historical context, redefined as local and replanted through a double act of mimicry into the ‘build your own home’ sites. (Yacobi 2009: 115)