Leo katika ulimwengu wa Kiarabu kuna nchi nyingi ambazo kwa jina ni huru kabisa, lakini si zote zilizo huru kwa kweli linapokuja suala la sera za nje. Kwa upande mwingine, dola ya al-ʿUmar huko Palestina ilikuwa huru kwa uhalisia na kwa maana halisi, ingawa kwa jina bado ilikuwa sehemu ya Dola ya Kiothmani.

Today there are many formally sovereign states in the Arab world, but not all of them are genuinely sovereign or independent when it comes to foreign policy. By contrast, al-ʿUmar’s state in Palestine was sovereign in substance and reality, while nominally still part of the Ottoman Empire.

Hata hivyo, dola ya al-ʿUmar ilitambuliwa rasmi na Waottoman kuwa Emirate inayojitawala, na katika kilele chake mwaka 1774 (mwaka mmoja kabla ya kuuawa kwake nje ya Acre) eneo lake lilienea kutoka kusini mwa Lebanon kando ya pwani nzima ya Palestina hadi Gaza, na lilijumuisha baadhi ya maeneo ya kaskazini mwa Transjordan.

However, al-ʿUmar’s state was formally recognised by the Ottomans as an autonomous Emirate and at its peak in 1774 (a year before he was killed outside Acre) its territory extended from south Lebanon along the entire Palestinian coast to Gaza and included some regions in northern Transjordan.

Pia alizingira mji wa Nablus mara mbili (Doumani 1995: 42).

He also twice laid siege to the city of Nablus (Doumani 1995: 42).

Makao makuu ya utawala wake yalihamia magharibi, kutoka mji wake mkuu wa kwanza wa Tiberias hadi ’Araabah katikati ya Galilaya, kisha hadi Nazareti, kisha hadi Deir Hanna, na hatimaye hadi mji wa bandari wa Akka mnamo mwaka 1746. Mwanzoni mwa karne ya 16, Tiberias ilikuwa imekuwa mji wa kimbilio kwa Waarabu-Wayahudi walionusurika kutoka Andalusia katika Mahakama ya Kihispania ya Kuwatesa Wazushi. Wahamiaji hawa Wayahudi wenye ujuzi hatimaye walichangia pande zote mbili: upanuzi wa tasnia ya hariri ya mji huo na ukuaji wa nafasi ya Tiberias kama kituo cha biashara kati ya Dameski na Hijaz.

The headquarters of his administration shifted westwards, from his first capital in Tiberias to ‘Araabah in central Galilee, then to Nazareth, then to Deir Hanna and finally to the port city of Acre in 1746. In the early 16th century Tiberias had become a city of refuge for Andalusian Arab-Jewish survivors of the Spanish Inquisition. These skilled Jewish migrants eventually contributed both to the expansion of the town’s silk industry and the growth of Tiberias’ role as a trade centre between Damascus and the Hijaz.

Al-‘Umar aliupanua na kuimarisha Tiberia zaidi, lakini sasa Akka ndiyo ilikuwa mji mkuu wa Galilaya na kitovu cha biashara yake yenye faida ya kimataifa na Ulaya. Akka ilibaki kuwa kitovu cha utawala wake kwa karibu miongo mitatu, na baadaye ikawa mji mkuu wa utawala mwingine unaojitegemea huko Palestina, ule wa Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar (‘Mchinjaji’), ambaye aliishi katika jumba lililojengwa na al-‘Umar kwa muda wa miongo mingine miwili, kuanzia mwaka 1776 hadi 1804. Utawala wa al-‘Umar ulionyesha tena utegemezi wa pamoja unaoendelea kati ya miji mikuu na mazingira yake ya vijijini huko Palestina, jambo ambalo limeendelea kuwa sifa ya historia ya Palestina, ya zamani, ya kati na ya kisasa. Kwa Emirate yake yenye makao Galilaya, au dawlah qutriyyah, al-‘Umar alijulikana kimataifa katika karne ya 18 kama ‘Mfalme wa Galilaya’ (Nasrallah 2015: x).

Al-‘Umar expanded and fortified Tiberias further, but now Acre was the capital of the Galilee and the centre of his lucrative international trade with Europe. Acre remained the centre of his regime for nearly three decades and subsequently became the capital of another autonomous regime in Palestine, that of Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar (the ‘Butcher’), who lived in the palace built by al-ʿUmar for another two decades from 1776 until 1804. Al-ʿUmar’s regime would demonstrate once again the continuing interdependence of urban centres with their rural contexts in Palestine – a continuing feature of the history of Palestine, ancient, medieval and modern. With his Galilee- based Emirate or dawlah qutriyyah, al-ʿUmar became internationally known in the 18th century as ‘King of Galilee’ (Nasrallah 2015: x).

Katikati ya karne ya 18, utawala wa Waothmani uliodhoofika sana ulilazimika kukubaliana na hali mpya ya nguvu huko Palestina, nchi ambayo ilibaki kuwa sehemu ya Dola ya Waothmani kwa jina tu. Mwaka 1768 mamlaka za Waothmani zililazimika kujikuta katika hali ya kudhalilisha ya kulazimika kuutambua utawala wa al-ʿUmar huko Palestina, kama vile Waothmani walivyolazimika kuutambua Emirate ya Mlima Lebanon na utawala wa Emir Fakhr-al-Din II karne moja kabla. Waothmani walimpa al-ʿUmar cheo cha ‘Sheikh wa Acre, Emir wa Nazareth, Tiberias, Safed, na Sheikh wa Galilaya yote’ (Philipp 2015).

In the mid-18th century the deeply weakened Ottoman regime had to come to terms with the new power realities in Palestine, a country which remained only nominally part of the Ottoman Empire. In 1768 the Ottoman authorities were forced into a humiliating position of having to recognise al-ʿUmar’s regime in Palestine in the way the Ottomans had been forced to recognise the emirate of Mount Lebanon and the regime of Emir Fakhr-al-Din II a century earlier. The Ottomans granted al-ʿUmar the title of ‘Sheikh of Acre, Emir of Nazareth, Tiberias, Safed, and Sheikh of all Galilee’ (Philipp 2015).

Sera za kiuchumi za Al-ʿUmar, zilizowanufaisha wakulima wa Kipalestina, mikakati yake ya kijeshi na muungano wake wa kikanda na kimataifa (pamoja na Maamiri wa Kidruze wenye mamlaka ya kujitawala wa Mlima Lebanon, Misri ya Wamamluk na Urusi) zilichochewa kwa sehemu na mapambano yake dhidi ya Dola ya Ottoman, na kwa sehemu na udhibiti wake wa mauzo ya pamba na mafuta ya zeituni yaliyostawi kwenda Ulaya, hasa pamba ghafi kwenda Uingereza baada ya Mapinduzi yake ya Viwanda, pamoja na mahitaji yanayoongezeka ya sekta ya nguo ya Uingereza kwa pamba ghafi kutoka Palestina na Mashariki ya Karibu. Kupanda kwake madarakani katika karne ya 18 kulisaidiwa na ukuaji mkubwa wa kilimo cha pamba huko Palestina na usafirishaji wa zao hili la biashara kwenda Ufaransa na Uingereza. Matumizi ya pamba kutengenezea kitambaa yanajulikana kurudi nyuma hadi nyakati za kabla ya historia, na pamba ililimwa katika Misri ya Kale na Uajemi, na pia ilijulikana kwa Waarabu tangu zama za kale. Kwa karne nyingi tangu Zama za Kati, Palestina na Galilaya zilikuwa eneo kubwa la kilimo cha pamba (Quataert 2002: 27; Le Strange 1890: 16‒19; 2014: 18‒19; al-Maqdisi 1994). Tayari katika karne ya 10 BK, mwanahistoria Mpalestina al-Maqdisi alitoa maoni kwamba pamba ilikuwa mojawapo ya mazao muhimu ya kilimo ya Palestina (alinukuliwa katika Le Strange 2014: 18‒19; pia Le Strange 1890: 16‒19; al-Maqdisi 1994).

Al-ʿUmar’s economic policies, which benefited the Palestinian peasantry, his military strategies and regional and international alliances (with the autonomous Druze Emirs of Mount Lebanon, Mamluk Egypt and Russia) were partly dictated by his struggle with the Ottoman Empire and partly by his monopolisation of the flourishing cotton and olive oil exports to Europe, especially raw cotton to England following its Industrial Revolution and the expanding British textile industry’s demand for raw cotton from Palestine and the Near East. Al-ʿUmar’s rise to power in the 18th century was facilitated by the considerable growth of cotton cultivation in Palestine and the export of this cash crop to France and England. The use of cotton for fabric is known to date back to prehistoric times and cotton had been cultivated in ancient Egypt and Persia, and it was also known to the Arabs since Antiquity. For many centuries since the Middle Ages Palestine and the Galilee had been a major area of cotton cultivation (Quataert 2002: 27; Le Strange 1890: 16‒19; 2014: 18‒19; al-Maqdisi 1994). Already in the 10th century AD Palestinian historian al-Maqdisi commented on the fact that cotton was one of the key agricultural products of Palestine (cited in Le Strange 2014: 18‒19; also Le Strange 1890: 16‒19; al-Maqdisi 1994).

Biashara kubwa ya pamba na biashara ya kimataifa na Palestina na al-Sham ziliendelea wakati wa utawala wa Mamluk, lakini zilistawi zaidi katika Palestina ya mwishoni mwa utawala wa Ottoman, hasa katika karne ya 18. Leo Suq al-Qattanin ('Soko la Wafanyabiashara wa Pamba'), pia linalojulikana kama Suq ya Amir Tankaz al-Nasiri, mtawala wa Mamluk wa Palestina na Syria, katika Mji Mkongwe wa Jerusalem, ni ushahidi mkubwa wa kimajengo na wa jina la mahali, wa historia ndefu na umuhimu wa tasnia hii ya pamba ya Palestina. Suq al-Qattanin iko upande wa magharibi wa Haram al-Sharif. Soko hili lilijengwa mwaka 1336–1337 AD na lina baadhi ya usanifu wa Kiislamu wa kupendeza zaidi na wa thamani zaidi huko Jerusalem. Katikati ya Suq kuna sahihi ya mmoja wa mafundi waliofanya kazi katika ujenzi wake. Imeandikwa kwa maandishi ya Kiarabu ya naskhi, maandishi hayo yanasomeka: 'Mungu amrehemu, kazi ya Muhammad bin Ahmad bin 'Alish. Suq ina milango miwili, mmoja upande wa magharibi na mwingine upande wa mashariki, inayoitwa Bab al-Qattanin ('Lango la Wafanyabiashara wa Pamba'), ambalo hufunguka upande wa magharibi wa Haram. Suq al-Qattanin inachukuliwa kuwa mojawapo ya masoko ya kati yaliyo kamili na mazuri zaidi, sio tu katika Palestina, bali katika Mashariki ya Karibu yote (Burgoyne 1987; Burgoyne and Abu al-Hajj 1979: 128–129).3

Sizeable cotton cultivation and international trade with Palestine and al-Sham continued in the course of the Mamluk period but flourished in late Ottoman Palestine, especially in the 18th century. Today Suq al-Qattanin (‘Market of the Cotton Merchants’) – also known as Suq of Amir Tankaz al-Nasiri, the Mamluk ruler of Palestine and Syria – in the Old City of Jerusalem is a monumental and toponymic testament to the long history and significance of this Palestinian cotton industry. Suq al-Qattanin is located on the west side of the Haram al-Sharif. The market dates from 1336–1337 AD and contains some of the most exquisite and richest Islamic architecture in Jerusalem. In the middle of the Suq there is the signature of one of the craftsmen who worked on its construction. Written in Arabic naskhi script, the inscription reads: ‘May God have mercy on him, the work of Muhammad bin Ahmad bin ‘Alish. The Suq has two entrances, one to the west and the other to the east, called Bab al-Qattanin (‘Gate of the Cotton Merchants’), which opens on to the west side of the Haram. Suq al-Qattanin is considered to be one of the most complete and beautiful medieval suqs not only in Palestine, but in the whole of the Near East (Burgoyne 1987; Burgoyne and Abu al-Hajj 1979: 128–129).3

Tangu wakati wa Vita vya Msalaba, Levant na kaskazini mwa Palestina vilikuwa vikitoa bidhaa za nguo kwa masoko ya kikanda na ya Ulaya kupitia miji ya bandari kama Acre. Kilimo cha pamba huko Palestina kiliendelea katika kipindi chote cha Dola ya Ottoman, lakini kilikua kwa kasi kubwa katika karne ya 18 chini ya uongozi madhubuti wa al-ʿUmar, ambaye alijihusisha na bidhaa yenye faida kubwa zaidi duniniwakati ule: pamba. Kupanda kwa al-ʿUmar kulilingana na kupanda kwa mahitaji ya Kifaransa na Kiingereza ya pamba ghafi baada ya Mapinduzi ya Viwanda katika karne ya 18. Ubepari wa Kiingereza na viwanda vya utengenezaji vya Lancashire viliiwezesha Uingereza kuibuka kama msafirishaji mkuu wa nguo zilizotengenezwa. Kuanzia mwishoni mwa karne ya 18 na kuendelea, jiji la Kiingereza la Manchester lilipata jina la utani ‘Cottonpolis’ kutokana na utawala wa tasnia ya pamba ndani ya jiji hilo, na nafasi ya Manchester katikati ya biashara ya pamba ya kikanda na kimataifa. Bila shaka, kuunganishwa kwa Palestina katika masoko ya kisasa ya Ulaya na mfumo wa kibepari wa kimataifa unaotawaliwa na Uingereza, pamoja na uingizaji wa nguo kutoka Lancashire hadi Palestina, kulileta changamoto kubwa kwa nguo zilizotengenezwa ndani ya Palestina (Doumani 1995).

From the time of the Crusades the Levant and north Palestine had supplied both regional and European textile markets via port cities such as Acre. The cultivation of cotton in Palestine was maintained throughout the Ottoman period but grew dramatically in the 18th century under the effective leadership of al-ʿUmar, who got involved in the world’s most profitable commodity at the time: cotton. Al-‘Umar’s rise coincided with the rise of French and British demand for raw cotton following the Industrial Revolution in the 18th century. British capitalism and the manufacturing industries of Lancashire enabled Britain to emerge as the leading exporter of manufactured textiles. From the late 18th century onwards, the British city of Manchester acquired the nickname ‘Cottonpolis’ due to the cotton industry’s predominance within the city, and Manchester’s role at the heart of the regional and international cotton trade. Of course, the incorporation of Palestine into the modern European markets and British-dominated global capitalist system and import of textiles from Lancashire to Palestine posed a major challenge to the locally produced textiles in Palestine (Doumani 1995).

Utawala wa Al-ʿUmar ulikuwa wa uumbaji wa kisasa. Utawala wake ulinufaika kwa wingi kutokana na usafirishaji wa pamba na mafuta ya zeituni kwenda nje ya nchi, na utawala wake uliimarisha na kupanua biashara hii yenye faida kubwa na Ulaya. Kufikia katikati ya karne ya 18, biashara ya kikanda na kimataifa ya pamba na nguo iliifanya mji wake mkuu wa Acre na mji wa Kipalestina wa Nablus kuwa miji mikubwa zaidi na yenye ustawi mkubwa zaidi nchini, na miongoni mwa miji mikubwa zaidi ya al-Sham (Doumani 1995; Philipp 2001). Licha ya maendeleo makubwa ya kiteknolojia barani Ulaya katika karne ya 19 na kupungua baadaye kwa uchumi wa pamba wa Galilaya (Heyd 1942), hata katikati ya karne ya 19 Balozi wa Uingereza mjini Jerusalem, James Finn, alikumbuka safari zake katika Palestina ya kati na pembetatu ya Nablus‒Jenin‒Tulkarem, na kubainisha kwamba mashamba ya pamba aliyoyatembelea yalikuwa ‘safi na yenye mpangilio mzuri sana’ (Kamel 2015). Kwa kweli, kutokana na sera za Al-ʿUmar, kwa zaidi ya karne moja kati ya miaka ya 1730 na 1860, pamba iliendelea kuwa bidhaa kuu ya kuuzwa nje kutoka Palestina kwenda Ulaya.

Al-ʿUmar’s rule was of modern creation. His administration grew rich on foreign export of cotton and olive oil and his rule consolidated and expanded this lucrative trade with Europe and by the mid-18th century regional and global trade in cotton and textiles made his capital city of Acre and the Palestinian city of Nablus the biggest and the most prosperous cities in the country and among the largest cities of al-Sham (Doumani 1995; Philipp 2001). Despite the massive technological developments in Europe in the 19th century and subsequent decline of the cotton economy of the Galilee (Heyd 1942), even in the mid-19th century the British Consul in Jerusalem James Finn would recall his journeys in central Palestine and the Nablus‒Jenin‒Tulkarem triangle, and note that the cotton plantations he visited were ‘beautifully clean and orderly’ (Kamel 2015). In fact, as a consequence of al-ʿUmar’s policies, for over a century between the 1730s and 1860s cotton would remain the main export from Palestine to Europe.

Kabla ya mwaka 1852 Palestina ilisafirisha pamba yake hasa kwenda eneo la al-Sham, Italia, Ufaransa, na kwa kiasi kidogo zaidi Uingereza. Mwaka 1859 kitabu cha jiografia cha Uingereza kiliripoti kwamba: Tumbaku, dengu, mizeituni, pamba na hariri vinazalishwa kwa wingi katika pashalik hii [‘sehemu ya Palestina’] ya Akka … Bidhaa pekee zinazotengenezwa ni vitambaa vya hariri na pamba. Hali ya wilaya hii inafaa sana kwa biashara. Mauzo ya nje kutoka Akka na Beirut, bandari zake kuu, ni sufu, pamba, hariri, tumbaku, gamu, matunda yaliyokaushwa, nyongo za mti wa mwaloni, mzizi wa madder, na ngozi. Biashara ya kuuza nje hufanywa hasa na Ufaransa na Italia … Pashalik hii ni ya uumbaji wa kisasa. Mwaka 1749 ilikuwa sehemu ya pashalik ya Saida au Sidoni, wakati Dhahir, mwana wa Omar, sheikh wa Kiarabu, alipovamia Akka na kufanikiwa kuitiisha pashalik yote kwa utawala wake.4

Before 1852 Palestine exported its cotton mainly to the al-Sham region, Italy, France and, to a lesser extent, England. In 1859 it was reported by a British geographical gazetteer that Tobacco, lent[ils], olives, cotton and silk, are extensively produced in this pash.[lik of Acre] [‘a part of Palestine’] … The only manufactures are silk and cotton fabrics. The situation of this district is highly favourable to commerce. The exports from Acre and Beirut, its principal ports, are wool, cotton, silk, tobacco, gums, dried fruits, gallnuts, madder-root, and skins. The export trade is principally carried on with France and Italy … This pash.[lik] is of modern creation. In 1749 it formed part of the pash.[lik] of Saida or Sidon, when Dhahir, son of Omar, an Arab Sheikh, having invaded Acre, succeeded in subduing the whole pash.[lik] to his way.4

Hata hivyo, baada ya mwaka 1870 pamba ilipoteza nafasi yake ya kuongoza kama zao kuu la biashara lililosafirishwa kwenda Ulaya, na nafasi hiyo ikachukuliwa na machungwa ya Palestina (machungwa maarufu ya Jaffa). Wakinufaika na ubunifu mpya wa kilimo na mbinu mpya za kupandikiza miti, sekta ya machungwa ya Waarabu wa Palestina ikawa zao namba moja lililosafirishwa kwenda Ulaya katika robo ya mwisho ya karne ya 19 (Lucas 2003: 21‒22). Katika nusu ya pili ya karne ya 19, mashine za kisasa za kusokota pamba pia ziliingizwa Palestina, na sekta ndogo ya kusokota pamba iliendelea hadi karne ya 20.

However, after 1870 cotton lost its leading role as the key cash crop shipped to Europe, being replaced by the oranges of Palestine (the iconic Jaffa oranges). Benefiting from new agricultural innovations and new tree grafting techniques, the Palestine Arab citrus industry became the number one produce exported to Europe throughout the last quarter of the 19th century (Lucas 2003: 21‒22). During the second half of the 19th century modern cotton-spinning machinery was also imported into Palestine and a small-scale cotton-spinning industry continued into the 20th century.

Kwa kushangaza, katika karne ya 18 ubora wa mbegu za pamba za Palestina na Levant ulisababisha kupelekwa kwake kwenye ardhi ya makoloni ya Amerika Kaskazini. Lakini tofauti na ukoloni wa walowezi wa Amerika Kaskazini, ambapo kulima na kuvuna pamba kulikuwa kazi kuu ya watumwa, mashamba ya pamba ya Palestina yalilimwa na wakulima wa kawaida.

Interestingly, in the 18th century the high quality of Palestinian and Levantine cotton seeds led to its transferral to the soils of the colonies of North America. But unlike the settler-colonialism of North America, in which cultivating and harvesting cotton became the leading occupation of slaves, the Palestine cotton plantations were cultivated by ordinary farmers.

Hata hivyo, uzalishaji wa pamba ya kanton katika eneo la Levant wakati wa mwishoni mwa karne ya kumi na nane ulizidi, kwa kiasi cha karibu mara thelathini, ule wa koloni za Marekani’ (Quataert 2002: 27). Mji uliopanuka wa Acre ukawa mji wa kwanza wa 'kisasa' wa Kipalestina katika karne ya kumi na nane kuathiriwa moja kwa moja na biashara mpya ya nje, Mapinduzi ya Viwanda ya Uingereza, na mahitaji ya Uingereza ya pamba ghafi.

Yet ‘still, canton production in the Levant during the late eighteenth century exceeded, by a factor of nearly thirty, that in the American colonies’ (Quataert 2002: 27). The expanded port city of Acre became the first ‘modern’ Palestinian city in the 18th century to be directly affected by the new foreign trade, the British Industrial Revolution and England’s demand for raw cotton.

Kwa karne moja kati ya mwaka 1730 na 1831, usafirishaji wa mazao ya biashara yenye faida kubwa – kwanza pamba na baadaye nafaka – uliifanya Akka kuwa kituo kikubwa zaidi cha biashara na nguvu za kisiasa kwenye pwani ya Palestina/Lebanon. Mji huo pia ulianza kuchukua nafasi katika siasa za kimataifa katika robo ya mwisho ya karne ya 18 (Philipp 2001: 3). Kwanza chini ya al-ʿUmar na baadaye chini ya al-Jazzar – mtawala aliyekuwa na makao yake Akka kuanzia mwaka 1776 hadi kifo chake mwaka 1804:

For a century between 1730 and 1831 the export of highly profitable cash crops – first cotton and then grain – made Acre the largest centre of trade and political power on the Palestinian/Lebanese coast. The city also began to play a role in international politics in the last quarter of the 18th century (Philipp 2001: 3). First under al-ʿUmar and later under al-Jazzar – the Acrebased ruler from 1776 until his death in 1804:

[Kisasa] Acre ilikuwa ufunguo wa eneo la kwanza katika Mashariki ya Mediterania lililounganishwa na uchumi wa kisasa ... mji imara wenye wakazi kama 25,000 [ambao] ulihusiana kwa karibu na mahitaji yanayoongezeka kila mara ya pamba barani Ulaya.

[Modern] Acre was the key to the first region in the eastern Mediterranean that was tied into modern economy ... an important fortified city of perhaps 25,000 inhabitants [which] was closely connected with the ever-rising demand for cotton in Europe.

(Philipp 2001: 1)

(Philipp 2001: 1)

Chini ya athari za biashara ya kimataifa wakati wa utawala wa al-ʿUmar na al-Jazzar:

Under the impact of international trade during the rule of both al-ʿUmar and al-Jazzar:

Ndani ya kipindi kifupi sana, Acre ya kisasa ilistawi na kuwa mji wenye misikiti kadhaa ... nyumba za wageni za misafara (caravanserai) ... mabafu ya umma na masoko. Pia ilijivunia kuta zenye ngome na mfereji wa maji (aqueduct) ili kuhakikisha usambazaji wake wa maji. Vijiji vya Galilaya vilivyo ndani zaidi ya nchi viliendeleza sehemu kubwa ya kile ambacho kingekuja kuwa msingi wa uchumi wa kilimo wa Palestina.

[W]ithin a very short period of time, [modern] Acre bloomed into a city possessing several mosques ... caravansaries ... [public] baths and markets. It also boasted fortified walls and an aqueduct to ensure its water supply. The [Galilee] villages further inland developed most of what was to become the basis of Palestine’s agricultural economy.

(Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 520)

(Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 520)

Ya kisasa, na labda ishara kubwa zaidi ya utamaduni wa Palestina ya mwanzo wa kisasa ni Msikiti Mweupe wa Acre ya kisasa, unaojulikana sana kama Msikiti wa al-Jazzar, ambao ukawa ishara yenye nguvu zaidi ya mji mkuu wa kisasa wa kaskazini mwa Palestina. Ulijengwa mwaka 1781, miaka kumi na minane kabla ya uvamizi wa Napoleon wa Palestina, na uliathiriwa kiusanifu na misikiti mikubwa ya Kiottoman ya Istanbul. Jina lake (Msikiti Mweupe) lilikumbusha Msikiti Mweupe maarufu wa al-Ramla, mji mkuu wa Jund Filastin, mkoa wa Palestina katika kipindi chote cha mwanzo wa Uislamu. Eneo la Msikiti Mweupe lilijumuisha chuo cha elimu ya theolojia ya Kiislamu, chuo cha kwanza cha aina yake Palestina. Kikiigwa mfano wa chuo cha al-Azhar cha Cairo, na kikitofautiana na madrasa za jadi za zama za kati za Yerusalemu, eneo la msikiti na chuo lilikuwa na malazi ya wanafunzi, mahakama ya Kiislamu na maktaba kubwa ya umma, yote yakigharamiwa na kodi za ndani za Palestina na biashara iliyostawi ya kikanda na kimataifa ya pamba na mazao mengine ya biashara ya Palestina. Likiwa linatazama kwa fahari Bahari ya Mediterania ya Mashariki, Msikiti wa al-Jazzar pia ulikuwa tamko la mwelekeo mpya wa Palestina ya kisasa kuelekea Ulaya, chini ya athari za sera za biashara za kimataifa na miradi mikubwa ya ujenzi iliyofuatiliwa na viongozi wawili wenye nguvu, al-ʿUmar na al-Jazzar.

Of modern creation, and perhaps the most monumental symbol of the culture of early modern Palestine is the White Mosque of modern Acre, famously known as al-Jazzar Mosque, which became the most powerful symbol of the modern capital of northern Palestine. Constructed in 1781, eighteen years before the Napoleonic invasion of Palestine, and influenced architecturally by the grand Ottoman mosques of Istanbul, its namesake (the White Mosque) evoked memories of the famous White Mosque of al-Ramla, the capital of Jund Filastin, the province of Palestine throughout early Islam. The compound of the White Mosque included an Islamic theological academy, the first college of its kind in Palestine. Modelled on the al-Azhar university college of Cairo, and departing from the traditional medieval Islamic schools (madrasahs) of Jerusalem, the mosque/college compound contained student lodging, an Islamic court and a major public library, all paid for by Palestinian local taxes and by the flourishing regional and international trade in cotton and other cash crops of Palestine. Spectacularly overlooking the Eastern Mediterranean Sea, al-Jazzar Mosque was also a statement of the reorientation of modern Palestine towards Europe under the impact of the international trade policies and the monumental building programmes pursued by the two powerful leaders, al-ʿUmar and al-Jazzar.

Kuhimiza biashara ya nje, kukuza ubunifu wa kilimo wa kienyeji na kuuza nje mazao ya biashara yenye faida kama pamba, nafaka na mafuta ya mizeituni kwenda Ulaya, mambo ambayo yalianza chini ya al-ʿUmar mnamo miaka ya 1730, yaliendelea hadi 1830. Urithi wa biashara hii ya nje ulichochea maendeleo ya chungwa la Shamouti (ambalo lilijulikana kimataifa kama chungwa la Jaffa). Lilibuniwa na wakulima wa Kipalestina katikati ya karne ya 19. Machungwa ya Shamouti yalikuwa aina karibu isiyo na mbegu, yenye ganda gumu lililolifanya lifae hasa kwa usafirishaji wa kimataifa (Issawi 2006: 127; Gerber 1982). Kama ilivyokuwa kwa usafirishaji wa pamba na nafaka ya Palestina katika karne ya 18 na 19, sehemu kubwa ya zao la machungwa ya Shamouti ilisafirishwa kwenda Ufaransa na Uingereza kuanzia katikati ya karne ya 19 na kuendelea.

The encouragement of foreign trade, promotion of local agricultural innovations and export of profitable cash crops such as cotton, grain and olive oil to Europe, which began under al-ʿUmar in the 1730s, continued until 1830 and the legacy of this foreign trade stimulated the development in the Shamouti orange (which became internationally known as the Jaffa orange). Developed by Palestinian farmers in the mid-19th century, Shamouti oranges were an almost seedless variety of oranges with a tough skin that made them particularly suitable for international export (Issawi 2006: 127; Gerber 1982). Like the export of Palestine cotton and grain in the 18th and 19th centuries, much of the Shamouti orange crop was exported to France and England from the mid-19th century onwards.

Dola yenye nguvu ya al-ʿUmar ilianzisha enzi mpya yenye nguvu huko Palestina, baada ya kipindi kirefu cha kupuuzwa kwa Waothmani, kudorora, na unyonyaji uliokithiri wa wakulima wa Kipalestina, wakati ambapo Palestina iligeuzwa kuwa nchi ya mpakani na eneo lililosahaulika la himaya. Katika kipindi hiki kipya cha kidynastia chini ya al-ʿUmar, Galilaya na sehemu kubwa ya Palestina zilipata ukusanyaji wa kodi wenye ufanisi na wa haki, upanuzi wa miji, na maendeleo ya kiuchumi. Majengo mengi ya umma, ngome, maboma, maghala, na khans (nyumba za wasafiri na misafara)

Al-ʿUmar’s powerful state ushered in a new dynamic era in Palestine, after a long period of Ottoman neglect, stagnation and rampant exploitation of the Palestinian peasantry, during which Palestine was turned into a frontier country and an imperial backwater. In this new dynastic period under al-ʿUmar, the Galilee and large parts of Palestine experienced effective and fair taxation, urban expansion and economic development. Many public buildings, fortresses, fortifications, warehouses, khans (caravanserais)

– kati ya hayo, lile lenye ufundi mzuri zaidi ni Khan al-Tujjar ya Acre; leo eneo hilo liko katikati ya sera za Israeli za kuifanya Kiyahudi mji wa Kiarabu, na maeneo mengi ya ibada yalijengwa katika himaya yake yote. Mengi ya maeneo na makaburi haya bado yanaonekana leo katika Galilaya yote. Dola ya Al-ʿUmar ilifuata sera jumuishi za kidini na iliwahimiza wachache wa kidini (Wakristo, Wayahudi na Washia) kushiriki katika utawala wake, fedha na uchumi. Dola na usasa wa mapema katika Palestina ya karne ya 18 vilikuwa vimeunganishwa:

– the most spectacular of which is the exquisitely-built Khan al-Tujjar of Acre; today the site is at the centre of Israeli Judaisation policies in the Arab city – and numerous places of worship were built throughout his domain. Many of these sites and monuments can still be seen today throughout the Galilee. Al-ʿUmar’s state pursued religiously inclusive policies and encouraged the involvement of religious minorities (Christians, Jews and Shi’ites) in his administration, finance and economy. Statehood and early modernities in 18th century Palestine were intertwined:

Chini ya uongozi wa Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaidani (1730‒75), dola imara na yenye kulinda ilianzishwa kaskazini mwa Palestina, iliyoendeleza maendeleo. Usalama ulihakikishwa kwa uzalishaji wa kilimo, hasa ngano na pamba kwa ajili ya kuuza nje, hasa kwenda Ufaransa ambayo mawakala wake waliishi katika mji mkuu wa Zaidani na bandari ya Acre.

Under the leadership of Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaidani (1730‒75), a powerful and protective state was formed in northern Palestine that fostered development. Security was ensured for agricultural production, mainly wheat and cotton for export, particularly to France whose agents resided in the Zaidani capital and port of Acre.

Wakulima na wachache wa kidini walilindwa, na hivyo walikuwa na maslahi katika mafanikio ya dola. Mwaka 1764‒65, al-ʿUmar alianzisha mji mpya [Haifa] na kuuimarisha kwa kuta. (Seikaly 2002b: 97)

Peasants and religious minorities were protected and thus had a stake in the success of the state. In 1764‒65, al-ʿUmar established a new town [Haifa] and secured it with walls. (Seikaly 2002b: 97)

Utulivu wa kisiasa na mfumo mzuri na wa haki wa kodi uliowekwa na al-ʿUmar kaskazini mwa Palestina, pamoja na upanuzi na mabadiliko ya miji ya kihistoria kama Akka, Tiberias na Safad, pia ulisababisha kuanzishwa kwa Haifa ya 'kisasa' na mabadiliko ya Nazareti kutoka kijiji kidogo kuwa mji mkubwa katika Palestina. Haifa ya kisasa, au 'Haifa mpya' (Haifa al-Jadidah), ilianzishwa na al-ʿUmar mwaka 1764‒1765. Hili lilifanyika kwa kuwahamisha wakazi 250 wa eneo hilo hadi kijiji chenye ngome cha Haifa, kilomita 2.4 upande wa mashariki wa kijiji cha zamani.5 Kijiji hiki kipya/cha kisasa cha Waarabu wa Kipalestina kilikuwa kiini cha mji wa kisasa wa Haifa (Yazbak 1998), leo mji wa tatu kwa ukubwa nchini Israel. Kijiji hicho kipya awali kiliitwa kwa Kiarabu al-ʿImarah al-Jadidah ('Ujenzi Mpya'), neno lililotumika kwa majengo ya kisasa katika Palestina karne ya 18. Wakazi wa Kipalestina kwanza waliita kijiji hicho Haifa Mpya na baadaye Haifa tu. Kijiji hiki kipya cha Waarabu kilikua mji wa Waarabu ambao katika karne ya 20 ulikua mji wa kisasa wa Haifa (Seikaly 2002a, 2002b; Sharon 2013: 262; Mariti 1792: 318). Vivyo hivyo, enzi 'mpya' ya dola ya al-ʿUmar iliashiria mwanzo wa historia ya kisasa ya Palestina.

The political stability and effective and fair taxation system provided by al-ʿUmar in northern Palestine and the expansion and transformation of historic urban centres such Acre, Tiberias and Safad also led to the founding of ‘modern’ Haifa’ and the transformation of Nazareth from a small village into a major town in Palestine. Modern Haifa, or the ‘new Haifa’ (Haifa al-Jadidah), was founded by al-ʿUmar in 1764‒1765. This was done by moving the 250 local inhabitants to the fortified village of Haifa 2.4 kilometres to the east of the old hamlet.5 This ‘new/modern’ Palestinian Arab village became the nucleus of the modern town of Haifa (Yazbak 1998), today the third largest city in Israel. The new village was originally named in Arabic al-ʿImarah al-Jadidah (‘the New Construction’), a term applied to modern buildings in Palestine in the 18th century. Local Palestinians first called the village New Haifa and later simply Haifa. This new Arab village grew into an Arab town which in the 20th century developed into the modern city of Haifa (Seikaly 2002a, 2002b; Sharon 2013: 262; Mariti 1792: 318). In a similar vein, the ‘new’ era of al-ʿUmar’s state symbolised the beginning of the modern history of Palestine.

Uchumi mpya wa kilimo na biashara ya nje ya Palestina ulisababisha kubadilika kwa Nazareti – al-Nasirah kwa Kiarabu, ikihifadhi miisho ya ‘kike’ ya kawaida katika majina mengi ya mahali ya Kiarabu ya Palestina ya Galilaya – kutoka kijiji kidogo na kuwa mji mkubwa chini ya utawala wa al-ʿUmar, kwa kuwahimiza watu kuhamia humo. ‘Mji mpya’ wa Nazareti ulicheza nafasi muhimu za kiuchumi, kidini na kimkakati chini ya utawala wa al-ʿUmar.

The new agricultural economy and foreign trade of Palestine led to the transformation of Nazareth – al-Nasirah in Arabic, retaining the ‘feminine’ endings common to many Palestinian Arabic toponyms of Galilee – by al-ʿUmar’s state from a small hamlet into a large town by encouraging immigration to it. The ‘new town’ of Nazareth played important economic, religious and strategic roles under al-ʿUmar’s rule.

Mji mkuu wa nne wa al-ʿUmar ulikuwa Nazareti, na kwa kusudi hilo aliagiza ujengwe jengo jipya la serikali lililojulikana kama Saraya (‘Ikulu’). Jengo hili la kihistoria lilijengwa karibu mwaka 1740, na baadaye katika karne ya 19 lilitumika kama makazi ya Gavana wa Kiothmani wa Nazareti na wilaya yake ndogo, kisha likawa makao makuu ya manispaa ya mji huo hadi mwaka 1991. Wakati akitumia Nazareti kuimarisha udhibiti wake juu ya ardhi yenye rutuba kubwa ya kilimo ya katikati ya Galilaya (Yazbak 1998: 15) na Marj Ibn ‘Amer, ghala tajiri la nafaka la Palestina, al-ʿUmar alihimiza uvumilivu wa kidini na kuwalinda jamii za Kikristo mjini humo, ambazo pia alizitumia kuimarisha uhusiano wake wa kimataifa na Ufaransa (Emmett 1995:

Al-ʿUmar’s fourth capital was Nazareth and for this purpose he commissioned the construction of a new government house known as the Saraya (the ‘Palace’). This historic building was constructed around 1740 and later in the 19th century served as the residence of the local Ottoman Governor of Nazareth and its subdistrict and subsequently as the city’s municipal headquarters until 1991. While using Nazareth to secure his control over the hugely fertile agricultural lands of central Galilee (Yazbak 1998: 15) and Marj Ibn ‘Amer, the rich granary of Palestine, al-ʿUmar encouraged religious toleration and protected the Christian communities in the town, which he also used to strengthen his international ties with France (Emmett 1995:

22). Al-ʿUmar pia aliwahimiza Wafransisko kununua ardhi na kujenga kanisa huko Nazareti mwaka 1730, na aliiwezesha jumuiya ya Kigiriki ya Othodoksi kujenga Kanisa la Mtakatifu Gabrieli mwaka 1767 (Emmett 1995: 220).

22). Al-ʿUmar also encouraged the Franciscans to purchase land and build a church in Nazareth in 1730, and enabled the Greek Orthodox community to build St Gabriel Church in 1767 (Emmett 1995: 220).

Likianzia kama soko la kibiashara kwa wakazi wa vijijini vinavyoizunguka chini ya Dhaher al-ʿUmar, leo Nazareti ndio mji mkubwa zaidi wa Kipalestina ndani ya Israeli na ndio mji mkuu wa Wapalestina wanaoishi ndani ya Israeli. Leo wazao wa al-ʿUmar bado wanaishi Galilaya na Nazareti na wanajulikana kama ‘Dhawahri’, kwa kumkumbuka Dhaher – pamoja na familia za Kiislamu za Fahoum, Zu’bi na ‘Onalla, ambazo zilikuwa sehemu ya wasomi wa jadi wa Kiislamu wa mijini wenye umiliki wa ardhi huko Nazareti. Wasomi hao walianza kuinuka chini ya utawala wa al-ʿUmar na waliendelea kutawala siasa za mji huo katika kipindi chote cha mwishoni mwa Dola ya Ottoman na kipindi cha Mamlaka ya Uingereza, na chini ya Israeli tangu mwaka 1948 (Srouji 2003: 187).

Beginning as a market town for the surrounding countryside under Dhaher al-ʿUmar, today Nazareth is the largest Palestinian city in Israel and the capital of the Palestinians inside Israel. Today the descendants of al-ʿUmar still live in Galilee and Nazareth and are known as the ‘Dhawahri’, in memory of Dhaher – along with the Fahoums, Zu’bis and ‘Onallas, the Muslim families which constituted part of Nazareth’s urban traditional Muslim land-owning elite which first rose under al-ʿUmar’s rule and continued to dominate the city’s politics throughout the late Ottoman and British Mandatory periods and under Israel since 1948 (Srouji 2003: 187).

Mifumo ya kisasa ya kijiografia-kisiasa ya Palestina mara nyingi huhusishwa na kipindi cha marehemu cha Dola ya Ottoman au na Palestina ya karne ya 19, na viungo halisi vya kihistoria kati ya "utaifa" wa Kipalestina uliojengwa na al-ʿUmar na dhana za kisasa za Palestina ni tata. Hata hivyo, katika historia, mpaka kati ya ukweli na hadithi, au kati ya hadithi na uhalisia, mara nyingi huwa hafifu. Utawala uliokuwa huru kiutendaji huko Palestina ulidumu takriban nusu karne, kuanzia mwishoni mwa miaka ya 1720 hadi 1775, muda mrefu zaidi kuliko kipindi cha Mamlaka ya Uingereza huko Palestina.

Modern geo-political representations of Palestine are often located in the late Ottoman period or in 19th century Palestine and the actual historical links between the Palestinian ‘statehood’ created by al-ʿUmar and the modern conceptions of Palestine are complex. However, in history the line between fact and fiction or myth and reality is often blurred. The practically independent statehood in Palestine lasted nearly half a century from the late 1720s until 1775, far longer than the British Mandatory period in Palestine.