Katika karne ya 18 na 19, shehena za ngano na pamba kutoka bandari ya Acre huko Palestina kwenda Italia, kusini mwa Ufaransa (Beheiry 1981: 67) na Uingereza zilisaidia kuokoa idadi inayoongezeka ya watu wa Ufaransa kutokana na njaa, na zikachochea Mapinduzi ya Viwanda ya Kiingereza pamoja na kuibuka kwa ubepari wa bidhaa barani Ulaya. Hali hii ilileta kuibuka kwa tabaka la mabepari wa kienyeji katika miji ya Palestina (huko Acre, Nazareth, Tiberias, Nablus, Jerusalem na Jaffa).

In the 18th and 19th centuries, wheat and cotton shipments from the Palestinian port of Acre to Italy, southern France (Beheiry 1981: 67) and England helped save the growing population of France from famine and fuelled the English Industrial Revolution and the rise of commodity capitalism in Europe. This brought about the rise of a local bourgeoisie in urban Palestine (in Acre, Nazareth, Tiberias, Nablus, Jerusalem and Jaffa)

na kilimo cha wakulima kilichoelekezwa katika kuuza nje kwenda Ulaya, kwa kuwa soko hilo likawa lenye faida zaidi. Hatua hii katika karne ya 18 ilibadilisha kilimo na viwanda vya Palestina kutoka uzalishaji wa kujikimu kuelekea uzalishaji kwa soko la kimataifa, na ikaleta uhusiano mpya kati ya miji (mikubwa zaidi) na miji midogo, pamoja na vijiji mia kadhaa ambako watu wengi waliishi na kufanya kazi. Biashara ya kimataifa inayoongezeka pamoja na ubepari unaokua wa Ulaya, na mahitaji yasiyoshibika ya Uingereza ya pamba kwa viwanda vyake vya nguo, pia vilileta mwanzo wa usasa wa mapema huko Palestina. Mtazamo wa kawaida kuhusu usasa katika ulimwengu wa Kiarabu unalenga siasa za wasomi wa daraja la juu (a’ayan), uvamizi wa Napoleon, au udhaifu wa dola ya Ottoman kama mchanganyiko wa sababu zilizosababisha kuanza kwa usasa katika eneo hilo (Baram 2007a: 16). Zaidi ya hayo, mtazamo wa kawaida unaotolewa na wanahistoria ni kwamba usasa wa mapema huko Palestina uliletwa kwanza na wamishonari wa Kiulaya na wachunguzi wa Biblia katika karne ya 19, au ulisambazwa na wasomi wa mijini waliopata elimu katika shule za mtindo wa Ulaya au shule zilizoendeshwa chini ya udhamini wa Ottoman. Mageuzi ya Tanzimat ya Ottoman (kihalisi ‘mipangilio upya’) – kipindi cha mageuzi makubwa ‘kutoka juu’ yaliyoanza mwaka 1839 na kumalizika na enzi ya Katiba ya Kwanza ya Ottoman ya mwaka 1876 – pamoja na athari zake huko Palestina na Mashariki ya Kiarabu kwa ujumla, ndiyo yamepewa umakini mkubwa zaidi wa kitaaluma. Hata hivyo, ushahidi mpya unapingana na mbinu za kiwasomi, za kimapenzi za Orientalism na za kibiblia katika historia ya kisasa ya Palestina. Ushahidi huu unaonyesha, kwanza, kwamba mwanzo wa usasa (modernities) ulikuwa Palestina katika karne ya 18; pili, kwamba uvamizi wa Napoleon wa Palestina na kuzingirwa kwa Akka mwaka 1799 ulifuata badala ya kuongoza utamaduni wa nyenzo wa Ulaya na bidhaa za Ulaya (ikiwa ni pamoja na nguo za Ulaya) ambazo zilipatikana kwa wingi katika sehemu kubwa ya miji na vijijini vya Palestina katika kipindi cha utawala wa al-ʿUmar na al-Jazzar (Baram 2007a, 2007b); tatu, kwamba uchumi "mpya" na zana mpya za kilimo za Palestina katikati ya karne ya 18 tayari zilikuwa zimeunganishwa kwa kiasi kikubwa ndani ya biashara ya kimataifa ya kisasa na uchumi wa kibepari wa Ulaya, ambao ulianzishwa na mapinduzi ya kiteknolojia na ya viwanda ya Uingereza.

as well as a peasant economy directed towards export to Europe, as this became the more lucrative market. This move during the 18th century transformed Palestinian agriculture and industry from subsistence towards production for the international market, and brought about a new relationship between (larger) cities and towns, and the hundreds of villages where most people lived and worked. This increasing international trade with the growing capitalism of Europe, and the insatiable British demand for cotton for its mills, also ushered in early modernities in Palestine. The conventional wisdom about modernity in the Arab world focus on the elite notable (a’ayan) politics, the Napoleonic invasion or the Ottoman state’s weaknesses as a mix of factors behind the start of modernisation in the region (Baram 2007a: 16). Furthermore, the conventional wisdom advanced by historians is that early modernities in Palestine were first imported by European missionaries and biblical explorers in the 19th century or disseminated by urban elites educated in European-style schools or schools which operated under Ottoman patronage. The Ottoman Tanzimat (literally ‘reorganisations’) – a period of major reforms ‘from above’ that began in 1839 and ended with the Ottoman First Constitutional era of 1876 – and their impact on Palestine and the wider Arab East have been given most scholarly attention. Yet the new evidence contradicts elitist, romantic Orientalist and biblicist approaches to modern Palestinian history. This evidence shows, first, that the start of modernities was in 18th century Palestine; second, that the Napoleonic invasion of Palestine and siege of Acre in 1799 followed rather than led the European material culture and commodities (including European textiles) which became widely available in much of urban and rural Palestine throughout the rules of al-ʿUmar and al-Jazzar (Baram 2007a, 2007b); third, that the ‘new’ economy and new agricultural tools of Palestine in the mid-18th century had already been significantly integrated within the modern international trade and European capitalist economy which had been ushered in by the British technological and industrial revolutions.

Ingawa mapinduzi ya uchapishaji na ya elimu barani Ulaya hayakuifikia Palestina hadi mwishoni mwa karne ya 19, Mapinduzi ya Viwanda ya Uingereza ya karne ya 18 na kuibuka kwa ubepari wa Ulaya viliathiri uchumi wa Palestina moja kwa moja na kwa kina. Nguvu hizi mpya pia zilichangia kuelekeza upya Palestina kuelekea Ulaya na kuundwa kwa uchumi mpya wa kisiasa na dola mpya katikati ya karne ya 18 huko Palestina, dola iliyokuwa huru kwa vitendo kutoka kwa Dola ya Ottoman iliyokuwa dhaifu, na iliyoongozwa na kiongozi wa Kipalestina Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaydani (1689–1775). Wazaydani, wakiwa wenyeji wa Safad, wangekuwa wamezifahamu mila za kienyeji na kumbukumbu za kijamii za mkoa wa Safad chini ya Wamamluki: ‘Ufalme wa Safad’ ( مملكة صفد ). Wakiungwa mkono na jeshi la kisasa lenye weledi pamoja na wakulima wengi wa Kipalestina, wao walisimama kidete dhidi ya jeshi la Ottoman na kulishinda, na wakaunda dola iliyofanikiwa kuweka mamlaka yake na uhuru wake wa kivitendo juu ya sehemu kubwa ya Palestina ya kisasa, ingawa ilichukiwa na wasomi wengi wa mijini wa Palestina wa Nablus na Yerusalemu.

Although the European printing and educational revolutions did not catch up with Palestine until the late 19th century, the English Industrial Revolution of the 18th century and rise of European capitalism impacted on the economy of Palestine directly and profoundly. These new forces also contributed to the reorientation of Palestine towards Europe and creation of a new political economy and statehood in mid-18th century Palestine, a statehood that was effectively independent of the weakened Ottoman Empire, and which was headed by Palestinian leader Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaydani (1689–1775). Natives of Safad, the Zaydanis would have been familiar with the local traditions and social memories of the province of Safad under the Mamluks: ‘Kingdom of Safad’ ( مملكة صفد ). Backed by a professional modern army and most of the Palestinian peasantry, the latter stood up to and defeated the Ottoman army and created a statehood which managed to impose its power and practical sovereignty on much of modern Palestine, despite being resented by many of the Palestinian urban elites of Nablus and Jerusalem.

Dhana ya mamlaka rasmi (uhuru wa kisiasa, sovereignty) imepitia mabadiliko makubwa katika zama za kisasa, kutoka kuwa ilitokana kihistoria na mtawala mwenyewe (mtu au mfalme) hadi kuunganishwa na dhana ya kimaeneo ya taifa la kisasa. Hata hivyo, dola, nguvu na uhalali bado ni msingi mkuu wa wazo la mamlaka. Katika karne ya 18, mamlaka halisi ya utawala wa al-ʿUmar haikutokana na dhana yoyote ya kisasa ya taifa, bali ilitokana na uwezo wa utawala wa al-ʿUmar kuweka nguvu halali katika sehemu kubwa ya Palestina.

The concept of formal sovereignty has undergone radical transformation in the modern era, from being historically derived from the sovereign (person or ruler) to being linked to the territorial concept of the modern nation-state. However, state, power and legitimacy remain central to the notion of sovereignty. In the 18th century the practical sovereignty of al-ʿUmar’s regime was not derived from any modern notion of the nationstate, but from the ability of al-ʿUmar’s regime to impose legitimate power on much of Palestine.

Kutokana na matukio haya makubwa huko Palestina, mtazamo wa historia "kutoka chini" na "kutoka ndani" unaweza kueleza kwa sehemu kuibuka kwa Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaydani na usasa wa mwanzo huko Palestina, badala ya nadharia za usasa zinazolenga wasomi wa kitamaduni wa miji mikuu katika karne ya 18 na 19, au shughuli za wamishonari wa Ulaya katika Palestina ya marehemu ya Kiothmani, shughuli ambazo zililenga miji ya Palestina ambako wengi wa Wakristo wa Palestina waliishi. Kwa hakika, al-ʿUmar anaweza kwa urahisi kutambuliwa kama baba mwanzilishi wa usasa wa mwanzo wa Palestina na ufufuaji wa kijamii, na kama mtu mwenye ushawishi mkubwa zaidi katika mwanzo wa mwelekeo mpya wa kisasa wa Palestina kuelekea eneo la Mediterania. Katika karne ya 18, sehemu kubwa ya wakazi wa Palestina (wengi wao Waislamu) walikuwa wakulima walioishi katika vijiji au miji midogo, huku kukiwa na vituo vichache vikubwa vya biashara mijini. Neno la "kisasa" katika Palestina ya karne ya 18 lilikuwa *jadid* (mpya) au *tajdid* (ufufuaji, uvumbuzi), na lilianzia katika miji hii midogo na vijiji vya Galilaya. Uongozi wenye nguvu wa kienyeji katika Galilaya ya karne ya 18 na usasa vilijidhihirisha kwa namna mbalimbali:

In view of these dramatic developments in Palestine, a history ‘from below’ and ‘from within’ approach can partly explain the rise of Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaydani and early modernities in Palestine rather than theories of modernities which focus on metropolitan cultural elites in the 18th and 19th centuries or European missionary activities in late Ottoman Palestine, activities which centred on urban Palestine where the majority of the Palestinian Christians resided. Indeed al-ʿUmar can easily qualify as the founding father of early Palestinian modernities and social renewal, and the single most influential figure in the beginning of the modern reorientation of Palestine towards the Mediterranean region. In the 18th century the majority of the Palestinian population (predominantly Muslim) were peasants who lived in villages or small towns, with a few large urban trading centres. The term for ‘modern’ in 18th century Palestine was jadid (new) or tajdid (renewal, innovation), and it began in these small towns and villages of the Galilee. Powerful local leadership in 18th century Galilee and modernities manifested themselves in a variety of ways:

• Kuibuka kwa utawala mpya unaojitegemea wenye makao yake Palestina chini ya Dhaher al-ʿUmar na Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar (1720–1804), utawala uliojitegemea mbali na mamlaka ya Ottoman na mbali na wasomi wa mijini.

• The emergence of a new Palestine-based autonomous rule under both Dhaher al-ʿUmar and Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar (1720–1804), a rule independent of both the Ottoman authorities and urban elites.

Ubunifu mpya wa kilimo na kiteknolojia huko Palestina ambao ulinufaisha wakulima wengi wa Kipalestina ulianza katika karne ya 18 – ukitangulia na kutabiri kuibuka kwa 'utaifa' wa kibepari wa mijini wa Kipalestina kwa angalau karne moja – na uliathiri sana uzalishaji wa kilimo wa Palestina. Ukuaji mkubwa wa usafirishaji wa mazao ya kilimo ya Palestina na bidhaa za mijini kwenda nje ya nchi na kikanda ulionekana katika usafirishaji wa pamba, mafuta ya mzeituni, ngano na sabuni za Palestina.

• New agricultural and technological innovations in Palestine which benefited the majority of Palestinian peasantry began in the 18th century – preceding and anticipating the rise of local urban Palestinian bourgeois ‘nationalism’ by at least a century – and deeply affected the agricultural production of Palestine. The considerable growth of international and regional export of Palestinian agricultural produce and urban products was shown in the export of Palestinian cotton, olive oil, wheat and soap.

Udhibiti wa serikali ya Palestina juu ya biashara ya kuuza nje pamba, ngano na mafuta ya zeituni kwenda Ulaya, pamoja na usafirishaji wa mazao na bidhaa za Palestina katika masoko ya kimataifa na ya kikanda, ulizalisha mtaji mpya uliohitajika sana kwa uwekezaji nchini humo.

• Palestinian state monopoly on the flourishing cotton, wheat and olive oil export to Europe and the international and regional export of Palestinian produce and products generated much-needed new capital for investment in the country.

• Upanuzi wa miji midogo na vijiji pamoja na ujenzi wa maeneo mapya ya mijini huko Palestina katika nusu ya pili ya karne ya 18, na mwanzo wa utofautishaji kati ya "maeneo ya zamani" na "maeneo mapya" (al-ʿImarah al-Jadidah), ulibainishwa na waandishi kadhaa.

• The expansions of small towns and villages and construction of ‘new’ urban spaces in Palestine in the second half of the 18th century and the beginning of a distinction between the ‘old spaces’ and ‘new spaces’ (al-ʿImarah al-Jadidah) was noted by several authors.

Kwa kuiga mfano wa Emirate jirani na inayojitegemea ya Mlima Lebanon (1516‒1841), uongozi madhubuti wa al-ʿUmar, uungwaji mkono wa watu wengi wa wakulima wa Kipalestina, na mahusiano ya kibiashara ya kimataifa na Wafaransa na Waingereza, vyote kwa pamoja vilileta kuundwa kwa dawlah qutriyyah huko Palestina, dola mpya iliyoongozwa na kujengwa juu ya nguvu ya wenyeji, ambayo mamlaka yake yalienea kutoka Lebanon hadi Gaza, na ambayo mji mkuu wake wa kisasa ulikuwa Acre. Dawlah qutriyyah hii ya Kipalestina iligeuza Acre kutoka kijiji kidogo kuwa kituo cha mji mkubwa chenye ngome na utajiri. Kwa sehemu kubwa ya karne ya 18 na mwanzoni mwa karne ya 19, Acre, kwa vitendo na kwa kila maana halisi, ilifanya kazi kama mji mkuu wa pili wa Palestina ya kisasa. Uagizaji wa pamba wa Kifaransa kutoka Palestina na uagizaji sawa wa Kiingereza baada ya Mapinduzi ya Viwanda na kuibuka kwa teknolojia mpya za Kiingereza, pamoja na mahitaji yao yasiyoshibika ya pamba, pamoja na biashara mpya ya kikanda na kimataifa ya pamba, mafuta ya zeituni, hariri na nguo, vyote vilisaidia kubadilisha kilimo cha Palestina na maeneo ya mijini katika sehemu kubwa ya nchi. Maeneo mapya ya mijini na mitaa mipya viliundwa katika miji muhimu kama Acre na Nablus, na kufanya miji hii kuwa si tu vituo vikubwa na tajiri zaidi nchini Palestina bali pia miongoni mwa miji mikubwa ya al-Sham (Doumani 1995; Philipp 2001). Bandari iliyopanuliwa ya Acre (pamoja na bandari ndogo ya Jaffa) ilibaki lango kuu la kimataifa kuingia na kutoka Palestina kwa sehemu kubwa ya karne ya 18 na 19. Baada ya kupungua kwa tasnia ya pamba ya Palestina, Acre ya pwani na Nablus, pamoja na al-Quds/Jerusalem, zilibaki miji mitatu muhimu zaidi ya "kisasa" nchini Palestina, na zilikuwa kitovu cha mpangilio mpya wa utawala wa Ottoman nchini humo katika miaka ya 1870, kama tutakavyoona hapa chini. Mutasarrifate ya Jerusalem Tukufu na Sanjaks za Acre na Nablus zilikuwa msingi wa mabadiliko mapya ya kimtazamo (ya taratibu) katika kufikiria upya Palestina ya mwishoni mwa enzi ya Ottoman. Mapinduzi ya viwanda ya Uingereza pia yalichangia kwa njia isiyo ya moja kwa moja katika kuibuka kwa "dola" ya kwanza ya kisasa yenye kitovu Galilaya nchini Palestina katika nusu ya pili ya karne ya 18.

Inspired by the model of the neighbouring and autonomous Emirate of Mount Lebanon (1516‒1841), al-ʿUmar’s effective leadership, popular backing by much of the Palestinian peasantry and international trading relations with the French and British all brought about the creation of a dawlah qutriyyah in Palestine, a new state driven by and based on an indigenous agency, whose authority extended from Lebanon to Gaza, and whose modern capital was Acre. This Palestinian dawlah qutriyyah transformed Acre from a small village into a fortified and rich urban metropolitan centre. Throughout much of the 18th and early 19th centuries Acre, effectively and to all practical purposes, functioned as the second capital of modern Palestine. French cotton imports from Palestine and similar British imports following the Industrial Revolution and the rise of ‘new’ British technologies, with their insatiable demand for cotton, together with the new regional and international trade in cotton, olive oil, silk and textiles, all helped transform Palestinian agriculture and urban spaces in much of the country. New urban spaces and neighbourhoods were created in key cities such as Acre and Nablus, making these cities not only into the biggest and wealthiest centres in Palestine but also among the largest cities of al-Sham (Doumani 1995; Philipp 2001). The newly expanded port of Acre (together with the smaller port of Jaffa) remained the main international gateway to and from Palestine throughout much of the 18th and 19th centuries. After the decline of the Palestine cotton industry, coastal Acre and Nablus, together with al-Quds/Jerusalem, were still the three most important ‘new’ urban centres in Palestine and were central to the Ottoman administrative reorganisation of the country in the 1870s, as we shall see below, the Mutasarrifate of Noble Jerusalem and the Sanjaks of Acre and Nablus were central to the new (evolutionary) paradigm shift in the reconceptualisation of late Ottoman Palestine. The British industrial revolution also contributed indirectly to the emergence of the first modern Galilee-based ‘state’ in Palestine in the second half of the 18th century.

Ulaya katika karne yote ya 18 mtazamo wa Palestina kama "nchi" tofauti, iliyo mbali na Syria, ulienea sana, na wingi wa ramani za Ulaya za 'Palaestina/Palestina' zilizotengenezwa katika karne hiyo ulionyesha mtazamo huu unaokua kuhusu Palestina. Mwaka 1747, katika London Modern Gazetteer (uk. 65), Thomas Salmon, mwandishi wa jiografia wa Kiingereza na mwandishi wa Modern History, or the Present State of all Nations (1744–1746) – iliyotoa 'mtazamo mfupi wa mataifa mbalimbali ya dunia' – alieleza Palestina kama ifuatavyo:

In Europe throughout the 18th century the perception of Palestine as a distinct ‘country’, separate from Syria, was widespread and the plethora of European maps of ‘Palaestina/Palestina’ produced in that century reflected this growing perception of Palestine. In 1747, in the London Modern Gazetteer (p. 65), Thomas Salmon, an English geography writer and author of Modern History, or the Present State of all Nations (1744–1746) – which provided ‘a short view of the several nations of the world’ – described Palestine as follows:

PALESTINA, sehemu ya Uturuki ya Asia, iko kati ya digrii 36 na 38

PALESTINE, a part of Asiatic Turkey, is sit.[uated] between 36 and 38

digrii za E. Lon.[gitude] na kati ya digrii 31 na 34 za N. Lat.

degrees of E. Lon.[gitude] and between 31 and 34 degrees of N. Lat.

[itude], inayopakana na mlima Libanoni, unaoitenganisha na Shamu, upande wa Kaskazini; na mlima Hermoni, unaoitenganisha na Arabia Deserta, upande wa Mashariki; na milima ya Seir na jangwa la Arabia Petraea, upande wa Kusini; na Bahari ya Mediterania upande wa Magharibi, kiasi kwamba inaonekana ilikuwa imelindwa vizuri sana dhidi ya uvamizi wa kigeni ... Kwa ujumla ni nchi yenye rutuba, inayozalisha nafaka nyingi, divai na mafuta mahali inapolimwa.2

[itude], bounded by the mount Libanus, which divides it from Syria, on the N.[orth], by mount Hermon, which separates it from Arabia Deserta, on the E.[ast], by the mountains of Seir, and the deserts of Arabia Petraea, on the S.[outh], and by the Mediterranean Sea on the W.[est], so that it seems to have been extremely well secured against foreign invasions ... It is generally a fruitful country, producing plenty of corns, wine, and oil where it is cultivated.2

Muhimu zaidi, mamlaka ya kisiasa na uhuru halisi wa kiutendaji huko Galilaya katika karne ya 18 haukuwa matokeo ya mfumo wa mlinzi na mteja wa viongozi wa mijini wa kifalme, wala haukutokana na mamlaka kuu ya Waothmani. Kwa kweli ulikua "kutoka ndani" na "kutoka chini", na kwa kupinga na kupambana kijeshi kwa vitendo dhidi ya Dola ya Waothmani. Uliungwa mkono na wakulima wengi wa Kipalestina, na ulichukiwa na baadhi ya wasomi wa mijini waliokuwa wakiungwa mkono na Waothmani. Kadiri nguvu za Waothmani zilivyopungua kwa kasi, na maendeleo mapya ya kiteknolojia na kibiashara barani Ulaya pamoja na harakati ya wenyeji wa Palestina ya kujitawala yalijitokeza kutoka ndani ya mashambani mwa Galilaya katikati ya karne ya 18. Mambo kadhaa yalichangia maendeleo haya makubwa.

Crucially, political power and practical sovereignty in the Galilee in the 18th century was not the outcome of the imperial patron‒client system of the urban leadership, nor did it derive from the central Ottoman authorities; in fact it evolved ‘from within’ and ‘from below’, and in defiance and actual military resistance to the Ottoman Empire. It was backed by many Palestinian peasants and resented by some of the Ottoman-backed urban elites. With the sharp decline of the Ottoman power, new technological and commercial developments in Europe and indigenous Palestinian struggle for autonomy emerged from within the Galilee countryside in the mid-18th century. Several factors contributed to this radical development.

Moja kati ya hizi ilisababishwa na:

One of these was due to:

hadhi ya pekee ya Acre. Kisiasa, ilikuwa eneo lililojitenga – linalojitawala kwa kiasi kikubwa, ikiwa si kikamilifu kujitegemea, kutoka kwenye kituo cha himaya na PALESTINE: A FOUR THOUSAND YEAR HISTORY 224

[new A]cre’s exceptional status. Politically, it was an enclave – semiautonomous, if not completely independent of the center of empire and PALESTINE: A FOUR THOUSAND YEAR HISTORY 224

utawala wake. Hili lilianza wakati mkuu wa eneo, Daher al-ʿUmar, alipojiweka kama mtawala huru katika mji huo. Utawala wake wa kujitangazia ulipanuliwa na kufasiriwa kwa upeo mpana zaidi na mrithi wake, Jazzar Pasha. (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 519‒520)

its administration. This began when a local chieftain, Daher al-ʿUmar, established himself as an independent ruler in the city. His self-declared sovereignty was expanded and interpreted on an even broader scale by his successor, Jazzar Pasha. (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 519‒520)

Kuibuka kwa kushangaza kwa jiji na mkoa wa Akka katika zama za kisasa kiliwakilisha, zaidi ya kitu kingine chochote, mabadiliko makubwa ya mwelekeo wa Palestina kuelekea Ulaya katika karne ya 18. Mabadiliko haya, tofauti na mabadiliko ya awali ya nchi hiyo yaliyofanywa na nasaba za kifalme, zikiwemo za Waroma, Umayyad na Ayyubid/Mamluk, yaliongozwa na kiongozi mwenye nguvu kutoka Palestina yenyewe. Kwa hakika, Akka ilikuwa mji mkuu wa Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaydani kwa takriban miaka thelathini, kuanzia mwaka 1746 hadi 1775, na ikawa moja ya miji miwili yenye nguvu zaidi ya biashara huko Palestina; mji mwingine ulikuwa Nablus.

The astonishing modern rise of the city and province of Acre represented more than anything else the dramatic reorientation of Palestine towards Europe in the 18th century – a reorientation which, unlike previous reorientations of the country by imperial dynasties including the Roman, Umayyad and Ayyubid/Mamluk, was engineered by a powerful indigenous Palestinian leader. Indeed, Acre became the capital of Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaydani for nearly thirty years, from 1746 to 1775, and one of two most powerful trading cities in Palestine; the other one was Nablus.

Haishangazi, Akka pia ilibaki kuwa mji mkuu wa mrithi wa al-ʿUmar, Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar, Gavana wa Pashalik ya Ottoman – kwa kweli, "mkoa" – wa Akka kuanzia 1776 hadi kifo chake mnamo 1804. Utawala wa Akka uliendelea hadi mwanzoni mwa karne ya 19. Baada ya kifo cha al-Jazzar, Magavana wa Ottoman wa Akka, Suleiman Pasha al-ʿAdil (d. 1819)

Not surprising, Acre also remained the capital of al-ʿUmar’s successor, Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar, Governor of the Ottoman Pashalik – in reality, a ‘province’ – of Acre from 1776 until his death in 1804. The dominance of Acre continued well into the early 19th century. After the death of al-Jazzar the Ottoman Governors of Acre, Suleiman Pasha al-‘Adil (d. 1819)

na 'Abdullah Pasha (d. 1831) alitawala sehemu kubwa ya Palestina, Lebanon na Dameski kutoka mji mkuu wao wa Palestina, Akka.

and ‘Abdullah Pasha (d. 1831) ruled much of Palestine and Lebanon and Damascus from their Palestinian capital of Acre.

Mabadiliko makubwa ya Palestina ya kisasa kuelekea eneo la Mediterania/Ulaya na kupanda kwa kasi kwa mji wa kisasa wa Akka katika karne ya 18 vilianza kwa kuibuka na mafanikio ya kijeshi ya al-ʿUmar huko Galilaya, aliyeungwa mkono na wakulima wa Kipalestina. Kupatikana kwa madaraka ya kujitegemea Palestina na wakulima hao kulichochewa na maendeleo ya kimapinduzi ya kiteknolojia na kiviwanda barani Ulaya. Mji wa bandari wa pwani wa Akka ulikuwa ngome maarufu ya Vita vya Msalaba. Katika karne zilizofuata Vita vya Msalaba, mji huo ulikuwa umesahaulika, na wakati wa ushindi wa Waottoman, Akka ya zamani ilikuwa imegeuka kuwa kijiji kidogo cha wavuvi (Philipp 2001: 1). Chini ya Wamamluk na katika kipindi chote cha mapema cha Waottoman, mji wa Safad ulichukua nafasi ya Akka ya zamani kama mji mkuu wa utawala wa Galilaya. Hata hivyo, katikati ya karne ya 18, Akka ya kisasa ilikuwa ya kwanza miongoni mwa maeneo makuu kando ya pwani ya Mediterania ya Palestina kurejesha kwa haraka kazi yake kama mji mpya, wenye nguvu na mkubwa wa bandari, baada ya kupungua kwa kasi kwa miji ya pwani katika kipindi cha baada ya Vita vya Msalaba chini ya Waayyubi na Wamamluk (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 520; Philipp 2001: 1). Lakini kufikia mwaka 1785, Akka ya kisasa ilikuwa imekuwa mojawapo ya miji mikubwa zaidi Palestina na mji wa tatu kwa ukubwa katika al-Sham, baada ya Dameski na Aleppo (Philipp 2001: 1).

The spectacular reorientation of modern Palestine towards the Mediterranean region/Europe and the dramatic rise of modern Acre in the 18th century began with the emergence and military successes of al-ʿUmar in Galilee, backed by the Palestinian peasantry. The latter’s achievement of autonomous power in Palestine was spurred by revolutionary technological and industrial developments in Europe. The coastal port city of Acre had been a famous Crusade stronghold. In the centuries following the Crusades the city had slipped into oblivion and by the time of the Ottoman conquest old Acre had become a small fishing village (Philipp 2001: 1). Under the Mamluks and throughout the early Ottoman period the town of Safad replaced old Acre as the administrative capital of the Galilee. Yet in the middle of the 18th century modern Acre was the first of the major sites along Palestine’s Mediterranean coast that quickly renewed its function as a ‘new’, dynamic, major port city following the sharp decline of the coastal cities in the post-Crusader period under both the Ayyubids and Mamluks (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 520; Philipp 2001: 1). But by 1785 modern Acre had become one of the largest cities in Palestine and the third largest city in al-Sham, after Damascus and Aleppo (Philipp 2001: 1).