7.2 Palestina ya Ayyubid na Urejeshwaji wa Yerusalemu ya Kiislamu: Palestina Baada ya Vita vya Msalaba: Kudorora kwa Miji ya Pwani ya Palestina na Kuibuka kwa Vituo vya Miji vya Ndani
7.2 Ayyubid Palestine And The Re-establishment Of Islamic Jerusalem In Post-crusade Palestine: The Decline Of Palestine’s Coastal Cities And Rise Of The Interior Urban Centres
Ushindi wa Makafiri wa Kilatini (Crusaders) katika karne ya 12 ulileta kurejeshwa kwa utawala wa Waislamu huko Palestina na tena kuelekezwa upya kwa nchi hiyo. Hali hii ilidumu kwa karne saba na ilijumuisha vipindi vitatu tofauti: zama za Ayyubid (1187‒1260), Mamluk (1260‒1517) na Ottoman (1517‒1917). Kuelekezwa upya kwa Palestina kiuchumi na kisiasa kuelekea Ulaya chini ya utawala wa Dhaher al-ʿUmar katika karne ya 18, pamoja na wakati wa mageuzi ya Waottoman katika nusu ya pili ya karne ya 19, vyote vilichangia kuiingiza Palestina katika zama za kisasa.
The defeat of the Latin Crusaders in the 12th century brought about the re-establishment of Muslim rule in Palestine and once again the reorientation of the country. This lasted for seven centuries and consisted of three distinct periods: the Ayyubid (1187‒1260), Mamluk (1260‒1517) and Ottoman (1517‒1917) eras. The economic and political reorientation of Palestine towards Europe under the rule of Dhaher al-ʿUmar in the 18th century, as well as during the Ottoman reforms of the second half of the 19th century, all contributed to bringing Palestine into the modern era.
Mabadiliko ya kijiografia-kisiasa na kistratejia ya Palestina katika kipindi cha baada ya Vita vya Msalaba, yaliyoelekeza eneo hilo mbali na ukanda wa pwani ya Mediterania na kuiweka katika nafasi yake ya kistratejia kati ya eneo la al-Sham na Misri chini ya Ayyubid na Mamluk, yalikuwa na athari ya kudumu katika historia yake, utamaduni na sanaa zake, pamoja na utambulisho wake kama taasisi ya kisiasa ya kijiografia. Katika jiografia ya Kiislamu ya zama za kati, eneo la al-Sham lilijumuisha maeneo ya Syria ya leo, Filastin (pamoja na Israel), Jordan ya leo, Lebanon na kusini mwa Uturuki. Kati ya nchi mbili za leo za Misri na Syria, uhusiano wa kihistoria wa Palestina na eneo la al-Sham ulikuwa wa kudumu zaidi katika historia na ndio uliokita mizizi zaidi katika kumbukumbu ya kijamii ya Wapalestina wa kisasa.
The geo-political and strategic reorientation of Palestine in the post-Crusader period away from the Mediterranean coastal region and its strategic location under both the Ayyubids and Mamluks between the al-Sham region and Egypt had a lasting impact on its history, culture and arts as well as identity as a geo-political polity. In medieval Muslim geography, the al-Sham region consisted of the territories of present-day Syria, Filastin (Israel included), modern Jordan, Lebanon and south Turkey. Of the two present-day countries of Egypt and Syria, Palestine’s close historic links with the al-Sham region were the most enduring historically and most rooted in modern Palestinian social memory.
Kipindi muhimu cha Ayyubid huko Palestina kilianza kwa ushindi mkubwa wa Salah al-Din dhidi ya Wafaransa (Franks) katika Vita vya Hittin mwaka 1187, jambo lililokuwa kigeuzo katika historia ya Palestina. Salah al-Din alikuwa waziri wa dola ya Fatimid (Shia) huko Misri kabla ya kuimaliza utawala wa Fatimid nchini humo. Muda mfupi baadaye, ngome ya Makruseda ya Acre ilitekwa na Salah al-Din, na katika mwaka huo huo vikosi vya Ayyubid vilichukua Nazareti, Saffuriyah, Haifa, Arsuf, Kaisaria, Sabastiyah (Sebastia), Yafa, al-Ramla, Gaza, Beit Jibrin, ‘Asqalan na Yerusalemu. Sehemu kubwa ya Ufalme wa Walatini wa Yerusalemu ulianguka mikononi mwa Ayyubid mwaka 1187 au muda mfupi baadaye.
The important Ayyubid period in Palestine began with Salah al-Din’s spectacular victory over the Frankish at the Battle of Hittin in 1187, a turning point in the history of Palestine. Salah al-Din had been the vizier of the (Shiite) Fatimid state in Egypt before he brought an end to Fatimid rule in the country. Shortly afterwards the Crusader stronghold of Acre was captured by Salah al-Din and in the same year the Ayyubid forces took Nazareth, Saffuriyah, Haifa, Arsuf, Caesarea, Sabastiyah (Sebastia), Jaffa, al-Ramla, Gaza, Beit Jibrin, ‘Asqalan and Jerusalem. Most of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem fell to the Ayyubids in or shortly after 1187.
Hata hivyo, Wanajeshi wa Msalaba waliendelea kuwa tishio kubwa kwa kurejesha udhibiti wa sehemu ya ukanda wa pwani ya Palestina katika miaka ya 1190, na enklave ya Wafaranja katika mji wa pwani wa Acre iliendelea kuwepo hadi mwaka 1291.
However, the Crusaders continued to pose a major threat by regaining control of parts of Palestine’s coastline in the 1190s and the Frankish enclave in the coastal city of Acre lasted until 1291.
Ndani ya kipindi kifupi cha utawala wao, chini ya karne moja, Ayyubids walileta kipindi chenye nguvu cha maua makubwa ya kitamaduni katika elimu (za shule na vyuo) na maendeleo ya kiteknolojia yenye asili ya kipekee, yenye pande nyingi na yaliyo mashuhuri, nchini na katika eneo lote (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 512, 520). Maendeleo katika sayansi, uhandisi na tiba, elimu na usanifu majengo yaliyoanzishwa katika ulimwengu wa Kiarabu na Kiislamu, kuanzia Andalus hadi Misri na kuanzia Palestina na Asia ya Kati, baadaye yalinakiliwa na Wakristo wa Kilatini wa Vita vya Msalaba na kutafsiriwa Ulaya, au yalichochea maendeleo zaidi wakati wa Renaissance iliyofuata. Maendeleo muhimu zaidi ilikuwa kuondolewa kwa utawala wa kikoloni wa Ulaya na Wafaranki juu ya Yerusalemu na kurejeshwa kwa utawala wa Waislamu katika mji mtukufu. Waislamu na Wayahudi wa mji huo walikuwa wamechinjwa au kufukuzwa na Wakristo wa Kilatini wa Vita vya Msalaba, na maeneo matakatifu ya Kiislamu katika Haram al-Sharif yalikuwa yametiwa unajisi au kugeuzwa kuwa mahekalu na ofisi za Kikristo. Tofauti kati ya mwenendo wa watawala wa Ayyubid na wa Wafaranki haiwezi kusisitizwa kupita kiasi. Kurejeshwa kwa Yerusalemu ya Kiislamu kuliwawezesha Wayahudi na Waislamu kurudi mjini, na kuruhusu Wakristo kufika na kuabudu katika maeneo yao matakatifu. Pia, na jambo lenye umuhimu mkubwa, chini ya Ayyubids al-Quds ilichukua nafasi ya kudumu ya al-Ramla kama mji mkuu wa kisiasa, kiutawala na kitamaduni wa Palestina, pamoja na kuwa mji mkuu wa kidini wa dola yote ya Ayyubid. Mapema katika kazi hii nilipendekeza nadharia ya miji mikuu miwili, ya kiutawala-kilimwengu dhidi ya ya kidini (‘miji mikuu miwili’), iliyojitokeza Palestina chini ya Warumi, Wabyzantine na Waarabu Waislamu. Hili lilidhihirishwa katika mifano ya Caesarea-Palaestina dhidi ya Aelia Capitolina chini ya Warumi na Wabyzantine, na al-Ramla dhidi ya Iliya-al-Quds katika karne tatu za kwanza za Uislamu Palestina.
Within less than a century during their relatively short tenure, the Ayyubids ushered in a dynamic period of great cultural flowering of learning (of schools and colleges) and highly original, multi-faceted and marked technological developments in the country and throughout the region (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 512, 520); developments in science, engineering and medicine, education and architecture pioneered in the Arab and Muslim world, from the Andalus to Egypt and from Palestine and Central Asia, were later either copied by the Latin Crusaders and translated in Europe or inspired further developments during the later Renaissance. The most crucial development was the removal of the European colonial and Frankish domination of Jerusalem and the restoration of Muslim rule in the holy city. The Muslims and Jews of the city had been slaughtered or driven out by the Latin Crusaders and the Muslim holy places on the Haram al-Sharif had been desecrated or converted into Christian temples and offices. The contrast between the behaviour of the Ayyubid and Frankish rulers can hardly be overstated. The re-establishment of Islamic Jerusalem allowed Jews and Muslims to return to the city and permitted Christian access to and worship at their holy places. Also, crucially, under the Ayyubids al-Quds permanently replaced al-Ramla as the political, administrative and cultural capital of Palestine as well as the religious capital of the whole Ayyubid state. Earlier in this work I suggested the theory of a secular-administrative versus religious capital (‘double capitals’) evolving in Palestine under the Romans, Byzantines and Muslim Arabs. This was illustrated in the cases of Caesarea-Palaestina versus Aelia Capitolina under the Romans and Byzantines and al-Ramla versus Iliya-al-Quds during the first three centuries of Islam in Palestine.
Mgawanyo huu kati ya miji mikuu ya kiutawala na ya kidini ya Palestina ulikomeshwa chini ya Ayyubids. Mamluks, Ottomans na Waingereza walifuata mapokeo ya Ayyubids. Hadhi ya Yerusalemu kama jiji kuu na mji mkuu wa Palestina ilidumu kwa karne saba zilizofuata.
This separation between administrative and religious capitals of Palestine was discontinued under the Ayyubids. And the Mamluks, Ottomans and British followed the Ayyubid tradition. The status of Jerusalem as the foremost and capital city of Palestine was to last for the next seven centuries.
Zaidi ya hayo, Waayyubi walianzisha enzi mpya ya shughuli za kiakili na ustawi wa kiuchumi huko Palestina na katika nchi zote walizotawala.
The Ayyubids, furthermore, ushered in a new era of intellectual activity and economic prosperity in Palestine and in all the countries they ruled.
Madrasa (shule za Kiislamu) zilikuwepo Yerusalemu tangu kipindi cha mwanzo cha Uislamu (Gil, M. 1997). Hata hivyo, madrasa za mwanzo kabisa Yerusalemu baada ya kipindi cha Wafaranki zilijengwa na Ayyubids (Galor and Bloedhorn 2013: 216). Madrasa na udhamini uliotolewa na Ayyubids ulisababisha ufufuo wa shughuli za elimu, biashara, usanifu majengo na sanaa si tu Yerusalemu bali pia katika vituo vingine vya mijini vya Palestina (Hillenbrand and Auld 2009). Idadi kubwa ya ribats (nyumba za kulala wageni kwa mahujaji Waislamu) zilijengwa wakati wa vipindi vya Ayyubids na Mamluk (Galor and Bloedhorn 2013: 213). Kipindi cha Wakrusadi kiliathiri hasa vituo vya mijini vya Palestina; kilikuwa ‘tukio tu katika maisha ya sehemu kubwa ya maeneo ya vijijini ya nyuma ambayo yalirejea haraka katika hali ya kawaida kwa kumalizika kwa utawala wa Kikristo’ na kuja kwa Ayyubids (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 514). Kipindi hicho pia kiliwekwa alama na mchakato wa Ayyubids wa kuimarisha utawala wa Waislamu wa Sunni chini ya utawala wao, kwa kuanzisha madrasa nyingi, nyumba za sufi (zawiyas), ribats, mabafu ya umma, masoko na caravanserais (khans) katika miji mikuu, hasa Yerusalemu.
Islamic madrasahs (schools) had existed in Jerusalem since the early Islamic period (Gil, M. 1997). However, the earliest madrasahs in Jerusalem after the Frankish period were built by the Ayyubids (Galor and Bloedhorn 2013: 216). The madrasahs and patronage provided by the Ayyubids led to resurgence in educational, commercial, architectural and artistic activity not only in Jerusalem but in other urban centres of Palestine (Hillenbrand and Auld 2009). A substantial number of ribats (hospices for Muslim pilgrims) were built during the Ayyubid and Mamluk periods (Galor and Bloedhorn 2013: 213). The Crusader period had affected mainly the urban centres of Palestine; it was ‘merely an episode in the life of much of the [rural] hinterland which quickly returned to normal conditions with the end of Christian domination’ and the advent of the Ayyubids (Rosen- Ayalon 1998: 514). The period was also marked by an Ayyubid process of reinforcing Sunni Muslim domination under their rule by setting up numerous madrasahs, sufi lodges (zawiyas), ribats, public baths, markets and caravanserais (khans) in the main cities, especially in Jerusalem.
Baada ya muda, takriban robo ya taasisi zote na majengo ya kibiashara huko Yerusalemu yalikuwa ni mali ya waqfu za Kiislamu, na hati za kumbukumbu za Kiotomani zinaonyesha kwamba hali hii ilikuwa bado dhahiri katika kipindi cha marehemu cha Kiotomani.2 Majengo ya kihistoria yaliyosalia huko Yerusalemu na sehemu nyingine za Palestina yanashuhudia uhai na ustawi wa kipindi cha Ayyubi huko Palestina.
Over time, nearly a quarter of all institutions and commercial properties in Jerusalem belonged to Islamic waqf endowments and Ottoman deed records show this situation was still evident in the late Ottoman period.2 The surviving monuments in Jerusalem and other parts of Palestine bear witness to the dynamism and prosperity of the Ayyubid period in Palestine.
Makundi ya Msalaba liliendelea kutishia pwani ya Palestina kupitia Bahari ya Mediterania. Muhimu zaidi, uwezo wa Makundi ya Msalaba wa kutumia mbinu za kuzingira na mbinu za kuzuia njia za kuingia ili kuteka ngome kubwa zaidi za Palestina na Shamu ulijulikana kwa watu wa wakati ule kuwa 'ulithibitisha kwamba Makundi ya Msalaba walikuwa wapiganaji waliofanikiwa na wenye kutisha katika kuzingira' (Rogers 2002: 39). Ili kuzuia mashambulizi kutoka baharini na kuzuia mapema kurudi kwa Makundi ya Msalaba na hali za kuzingirwa, Ayyubids walitaka kuelekeza upya nchi kimkakati kutoka eneo la pwani hadi maeneo ya ndani ya Palestina, na hivyo wakabomoa kuta za miji kadhaa ya pwani (pamoja na miundombinu mingi ya miji hiyo) kuanzia Tiro upande wa kaskazini hadi Gaza upande wa kusini, na kutupa vifusi vyake baharini katika jitihada za kuzuia kutua kwa aina yoyote katika bandari za miji hiyo.
The Crusaders continued to threaten coastal Palestine via the Mediterranean Sea. Crucially, the Crusaders’ abilities to utilise siege techniques and blockade methods to capture Palestine’s and Syria’s greatest fortifications ‘confirmed the crusaders to contemporaries as successful and terrifying siege warriors’ (Rogers 2002: 39). To prevent attacks from the sea and pre-empt the eventual return of the Crusaders and siege situations, the Ayyubids sought to reorient the country strategically from the coastal region to the hinterland of Palestine and consequently destroyed the walls of a number of coastal cities (and much of their infrastructure) from Tyre in the north to Gaza in the south and dumped the rubble in the water in an effort to block any possible landing in the ports of these cities:
Dhahiri, lengo lilikuwa kuzuia kutua kwa aina yoyote kutoka baharini.
Obviously, the objective was to prevent any landing from the sea.
Kwa lengo hilo, vitu vya kila aina vilitupwa baharini, na hivyo kuzuia njia za kuingia bandarini. Bandari ya Kaisaria imezuiwa na takataka hizo hadi leo. Askeloni [sic] ilikuwa mji wa kwanza kukumbana na hatima hii, amri ya kuharibiwa kwake ikitolewa na Salah al-Din mwenyewe.
To that end, material of every sort was dumped into the water, obstructing access to the ports. The port of Caesarea is blocked by the debris until today. Asqalon [sic] was the first city to suffer this fate, the order for its destruction being given by Salah al-Din himself.
Mabaki ya kuta zake yana makovu yasiyo mbali sana na mahali zilipojengwa awali. Kuta hizi, ambazo – kulingana na ushahidi wote uliopo – zilijengwa na Mafatimid, ziliendelea kutumiwa na Wakrusedi lakini zikawa waathirika wa sera ya uharibifu ya Waayyubid. (Mujir al-Din 1973:
The remains of its walls are scarred not far from where they originally stood. These walls, which – according to all existing evidence – were constructed by the Fatimids, had continued to serve the Crusaders but fell victim to the Ayyubid policy of destruction. (Mujir al-Din 1973:
422; Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 515)
422; Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 515)
Hata hivyo, si kweli kabisa kusema kwamba miji ya pwani ya Palestina iliharibiwa kabisa na Waayyubi. Kwa kweli, ushahidi unapingana na dai hili la kuwepo kwa sera ya uharibifu wa jumla.
However, it is not entirely true to suggest that Palestine’s coastal cities were completely destroyed by the Ayyubids. In fact, the evidence contradicts this claim about the existence of a wholesale policy of destruction.
Akiandika katika karne ya kumi na tatu mapema, wakati wa utawala wa Ayyubid, mwandishi wa wasifu na mwanajiografia wa Kiarabu Yaqut al-Hamawi (1179–1229) – mtumwa wa zamani mwenye elimu ya juu aliyefanya biashara kubwa na kusafiri sana katika Palestina, Misri, Shamu, Uajemi na Asia ya Kati, na aliyejulikana sana kwa maandishi yake ya kina kuhusu ulimwengu wa Kiislamu, aliyochapisha katika Kitabu Mu’jam al-Buldan (al-Hamawi 1861) – anaelezea mkoa wa Filastin na kuorodhesha miji ya pwani ya ‘Asqalan, Gaza, Arsuf na Kaisaria miongoni mwa miji bora ya Filastin, ambayo mji mkuu wake Yerusalemu ulikuwa umechukua nafasi ya al-Ramla. Yaqut anaandika:
Writing in the early 13th century during Ayyubid rule the Arab biographer and geographer Yaqut al-Hamawi (1179–1229) – a highly educated former slave who traded widely and travelled extensively in Palestine, Egypt, Syria, Persia and Central Asia and became renowned for his encyclopaedic writings on the Muslim world, published in Kitab Mu’jam al-Buldan (al-Hamawi 1861) – describes the province of Filastin and lists the coastal cities of ‘Asqalan, Gaza, Arsuf and Caesarea among the premier cities of Filastin, whose capital Jerusalem had replaced al-Ramla. Yaqut writes:
Filastin ni mkoa wa mwisho wa maeneo ya Shamu kuelekea Misri. Mji wake mkuu ni Yerusalemu. Miji mikuu ya Filastin ni ‘Askalan, Ar Ramlah, Gazzah, Arsuf, Kaisariyyah [Qaysariah; Caesarea Maritima], Nabulus, Ariha (Yeriko), ‘Amman, Yafah [Jaffa] na Beit Jibrin. (Le Strange 2014: 29)
Filastin is the last of the provinces of [al-Sham] towards Egypt. Its capital is Jerusalem. Of the principal towns are ‘Askalan, Ar Ramlah, Gazzah, Arsuf, Kaisariyyah [Qaysariah; Caesarea Maritima], Nabulus, Ariha (Jericho), ‘Amman, Yafah [Jaffa] and Beit Jibrin. (Le Strange 2014: 29)
Zaidi ya hayo, sehemu kubwa ya istilahi za kijiografia za Kiarabu za kabla ya Vita vya Msalaba kuhusu mkoa wa Palestina ziliendelea kutumiwa na wanajiografia wa Kiarabu wakati wa kipindi cha Vita vya Msalaba na baada yake. Kwa mfano, neno ‘mkoa wa Filastin’ lilitumiwa mara kwa mara na mwanajiografia wa Kiarabu Yaqut al-Hamawi (1179–1229), ambaye anaweka mji wa Sabastiyah (Sebastia) katika wilaya ya Nablus, katika mkoa wa Filastin, ambao mji mkuu wake ni Yerusalemu (Le Strange 1890: 523; angalia pia 441).
Also, crucially, much of the pre-Crusader Arab geographical terminology of the province of Palestine continued to be used by Arab geographers during and after the Crusader period. For instance, the term ‘the province of Filastin’ was repeatedly used by Arab geographer Yaqut al-Hamawi (1179–1229), who situates the town of the town of Sabastiyah (Sebastia) in the district of Nablus, in the province of Filastin, whose capital is Jerusalem (Le Strange 1890: 523; also see 441).
Hata hivyo, vita vya Msalaba na hali ya kutokuwa salama kwa ujumla katika pwani ya Palestina vilisababisha polepole kudorora kwa miji ya pwani na kuibuka kwa maeneo ya ndani ya mijini ya Palestina. Kipindi hiki pia kiliashiriwa na kudorora polepole kwa mji wa al-Ramla, ambao kwa zaidi ya karne tatu na nusu ulikuwa mji mkuu wa kisiasa na kiutawala wa mkoa wa Filastin; idadi ya watu wa al-Ramla ilipungua, na mji mkuu wa Jund Filastin uliharibiwa katika kipindi cha Wafatimidi na matetemeko mawili makubwa ya ardhi katika karne ya 11 (Mujir al-Din 1866: 416; Lev 2006: 592). Lakini miji ya pwani ya Palestina ilipata kudorora kwa kiwango kikubwa zaidi. Kwa hakika, miji ya pwani kama Acre na Jaffa ilianza kupata nafuu na kuwa na uamsho wa kijamii na kiuchumi tu katikati ya karne ya 18. Kinyume chake, mji wa ndani wa al-Quds/Yerusalemu ulirejea kuwa mji mkuu wa kimetropoli ulioendelea zaidi wa Palestina chini ya Wamamluk katika karne ya 13 hadi 15. Katika karne ya 18, biashara ya kikanda na kimataifa ya pamba, ngano na nguo iliifanya Acre na Nablus kuwa miji mikubwa na yenye ustawi zaidi nchini Palestina, na miongoni mwa miji mikubwa zaidi katika eneo la al-Sham (Doumani 1995; Philipp 2001).
However, the Crusader wars and overall insecurities of coastal Palestine brought about the slow decline of the coastal cities and the rise of Palestine’s urban hinterland. This period was also marked by the slow decline of the city of al-Ramla, which had been the political and administrative capital of the province of Filastin for over three and a half centuries; the population of al-Ramla decreased and the capital city of Jund Filastin was devastated during the Fatimid period by two major earthquakes in the 11th century (Mujir al-Din 1866: 416; Lev 2006: 592). But the coastal cities of Palestine experienced a more dramatic decline. In fact, coastal cities such as Acre and Jaffa began to recover and experience a socio-economic revival only in the middle of the 18th century. By contrast, the inland city of al-Quds/Jerusalem became once again the most developed metropolitan city of Palestine under the Mamluks throughout the 13th‒15th centuries. In the 18th century regional and global trade in cotton, wheat and textiles made Acre and Nablus the biggest and most prosperous cities in Palestine and among the largest cities in the al-Sham region (Doumani 1995; Philipp 2001).