Kabla ya kuja kwa Uislamu, Wakristo Waarabu wa Palestina walichangia hatua kwa hatua kuifanya nchi kuwa ya Kiarabu, kwani sehemu zake zilibadilishwa kuwa dola ndogo za Kiarabu chini ya ushawishi wa mahakama ya Byzantium.

Before the arrival of Islam the Arab Christians of Palestine contributed to the gradual Arabisation of the country as parts of it were transformed into Arab statelets under the influence of the Byzantine court.

Mchakato huu wa muda mrefu, ulioanza mamia ya miaka kabla ya kuibuka kwa Uislamu, ulichangia kuongezeka kwa kasi ya ajabu kwa Uislamu mwanzoni mwa karne ya 7 Miladi. Mchakato huo ulianza pale Waarabu walipoanza kuhama kama watu binafsi na jamii katika mawimbi tofauti kutoka Rasi ya Arabia kuelekea eneo la Levant, pamoja na Palestina. Mawimbi haya ya uhamiaji yaliendelea na kuongezeka baada ya ushindi wa Ukristo katika karne ya 4 Miladi, wakati dini hiyo mpya ilipokubaliwa rasmi na Dola la Roma.

This protracted process, which began hundreds of years before the rise of Islam, contributed to the spectacular rise of Islam in the early 7th century. The process began when Arabs started migrating as individuals and communities in different waves from the Arabian Peninsula to the Levant region, Palestine included. These waves of migration continued and increased after the triumph of Christianity in the 4th century AD when the new religion was officially embraced by the Roman Empire.

Ujumuishwaji wa jamii za wahamiaji wa Kiarabu wa Ghassan katika jamii ya Wapalestina kwa ujumla, na katika Kanisa la Palestina hasa, ulionekana wazi sana. Katika Historia ya Kanisa ya karne ya tano Baada ya Kristo, askofu wa Gaza, Sozomen, aliyezaliwa katika eneo la Beit Lahia la sasa katika Ukanda wa Gaza na aliyehusika katika kueneza Ukristo miongoni mwa 'Wasaracen' (Waarabu), anawataja Waishmaeli (Waarabu wa Ghassan) huko Palestina, ambao walikuwa wakiwasiliana si tu na Wakristo bali pia na Wayahudi, wakijifunza kutoka kwao kuhusu asili yao ya pamoja kutoka kwa Ibrahimu (Hawting 2004: 38).

The integration of the Ghassanid Arab migrant communities into Palestinian society in general and the Palestine Church in particular was much in evidence. In the Ecclesiastical History of the 5th century AD the bishop of Gaza, Sozomen, who was born in present-day Beit Lahia in the Gaza Strip and who was involved in the introduction of Christianity among the ‘Saracens’ (Arabs), refers to the Ishmaelites (Ghassanid Arabs) in Palestine, who were coming into contact not only with Christians but also with Jews and learning from them about their common descent from Abraham (Hawting 2004: 38).

Historia ya kuzaliwa kwa Ukristo huko Palestina na kuenea kwake kwa kasi kubwa katika Enzi ya Marehemu za Kale imeandikwa kwa kiasi kikubwa na wasomi wa Magharibi, ama kutoka mtazamo wa Dola, au kwa mtazamo wa wasomi wa Kikristo (Wabyzantine).

The history of the birth of Christianity in Palestine and its massive spread in Late Antiquity has been written largely by Western academics either from the perspective of Empire or with the elite Christian (Byzantine)

Ikizingatiwa mazingira ya Kihelenistiki. Simulizi rasmi za "mwanzo" wa Ukristo huko Palestina na usahihi wa mafundisho yake ziliwekwa katika karne ya 4 hadi ya 6, na simulizi hizi zimedumishwa hadi leo na taasisi za Kanisa Katoliki na Kanisa la Kiorthodoksi la Kigiriki.

Hellenistic settings in mind. The official narratives of the ‘beginnings’ of Christianity in Palestine and its doctrinal orthodoxy were all established in the 4th‒6th centuries and these narratives have been maintained to this day by the establishments of the Catholic and Greek Orthodox churches.

Mara chache sana simulizi ya Ukristo wa mwanzo na ya Palestina iliandikwa kutoka mtazamo wa Wakristo Waarabu wenyeji wanaozungumza Kiaramu, au wa Wakristo Waarabu wa Ghassani wa Monofisiti wanaopinga Chalcedon katika Palestina kubwa zaidi. Hata hivyo, Ukristo wa mwanzo ulikuwa wa aina nyingi sana. Wakristo Waarabu na Waaramu wa Monofisiti na Mifisiti wa "Palestina Tatu", pamoja na watawala wa kikabila wa Ghassani wenye nguvu, maaskofu na washairi Wakristo Waarabu wa Palaestina Secunda, Palaestina Salutaris na Palaestina Prima, ni mfano mzuri wa hili.

Very rarely was an account of early Christianity and Palestine written from the perspective of the local Aramaic-speaking Christian Arabs or the anti-Chalcedon Christian Monophysite Ghassanid Christian Arabs of greater Palestine. Yet early Christianity was extremely diverse. The Arabicand Aramaic-speaking Christian Monophysites and Miaphysites of the ‘Three Palestines’ and the powerful Arab Christian Ghassanid tribal rulers, bishops and poets of Palaestina Secunda, Palaestina Salutaris and Palaestina Prima are a case in point.

Katika karne ya 4 hadi ya 6, mikoa mitatu ya Palestina ilipitia mchakato wa polepole wa kuwa ya Kiarabu, na sehemu kubwa zake zilibadilishwa kwa vitendo kuwa dola tegemezi za Kiarabu chini ya ushawishi wa Byzantium ya kifalme.

In the 4th‒6th centuries the three provinces of Palestine went through a gradual process of Arabisation and large parts of them were effectively transformed into Arab vassal states under imperial Byzantine influence.

Palaestina Prima, Palaestina Secunda na Palaestina Tertia zote zilipata wafalme wa Kighassani, Waarabu Wakristo. Mchakato huu wa taratibu wa kuifanya sehemu za Palestina ziwe za Kiarabu ulianza katika karne ya tatu hadi ya nne, kwa kuenea kwa Ukristo katika Mashariki ya Karibu na kwa taratibu kwa Waarabu wengi kugeukia Ukristo.

Palaestina Prima, Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia all acquired Ghassanid Arab Christian kings. This process of gradual Arabisation of parts of Palestine began in the 3rd‒4th centuries with the spread of Christianity throughout the Near East and the gradual conversion of many Arabs to Christianity.

Jumuiya za Kikristo za Kiarabu zilikuwepo katika "Palestina Tatu" katika karne ya 3 hadi ya 6 (Shahid 1989). Wagassani (Kiarabu: al-Ghasasinah) walikuwa kundi kubwa zaidi la Waarabu huko Palestina. Walihama katika mawimbi tofauti mapema karne ya 3 kutoka Rasi ya Uarabuni kwenda Palestina na eneo la kusini mwa Levant (Bowersock et al. 1999). Uwepo wa Wagassani katika eneo lililojulikana rasmi kama Palaestina Salutaris katika karne ya 4 unarudi nyuma hadi karne ya 3. Wagassani wanaozungumza Kiarabu waligeukia Ukristo wa Kimonofisiti kabla na baada ya kuhamia Palaestina Tertia, na mara nyingi waliungana na jumuiya za Kikristo zinazozungumza Kigiriki za eneo hilo. Wengi wao, wakiwa wafuasi wa Umonofisiti mkali, mwanzoni walipinga Imani ya Nisea iliyotawala (“asili mbili” za Yesu) na mafundisho rasmi/ya wasomi ya Chalcedon ya Kanisa la Kiorthodoksi. Ingawa baadhi ya Wagassani waligeukia Uislamu kuanzia katikati ya karne ya 7 na kuendelea, wengi walibaki Wakristo na kujiunga na jumuiya za Kimelkite na za Kisiriaki za Kimonofisiti za Levant na Palestina kubwa zaidi. Baada ya kukaa Palaestina Tertia na Palaestina Secunda, Wagassani waliunda majimbo ya wateja (ya kati) kwa Dola ya Roma ya Mashariki (baadaye Dola ya Byzantium), na walipigana pamoja na Wabyzantini dhidi ya Wasasani wa Persia na makabila ya Kiarabu ya Lakhmid ya kusini mwa Iraq. Warumi na Wabyzantini walipata mshirika mwenye nguvu katika Wagassani wa Kiarabu, ambao walitumika kama eneo la kati na chanzo cha askari kwa jeshi la Byzantium, na walidhibiti sehemu za Palaestina Salutaris na Palaestina Secunda.

Christian Arab communities existed in the ‘Three Palestines’ throughout the 3rd‒6th centuries (Shahid 1989). The Ghassanid Arabs (Arabic: al- Ghasasinah) were the biggest Arab group in Palestine. They migrated in different waves in the early 3rd century from the Arabian Peninsula to Palestine and the southern Levant region (Bowersock et al. 1999). The presence of the Ghassanids in what became officially known as Palaestina Salutaris in the 4th century dates back to the 3rd century. The Arabicspeaking Ghassanids converted to Monophysite Christianity before and after their migration to Palaestina Tertia and frequently merged with the Greek-speaking Christian communities of the region. Many of them, adhering to austere Monophysism, were initially hostile to the dominant Nicene Creed (‘two natures’ of Jesus) and official/elite Chalcedon doctrine of the Orthodox Church. While some Ghassanids converted to Islam from the mid-7th century onwards, the majority remained Christian and joined Melkite and Syriac Monophysite communities of the Levant and greater Palestine. After settling in Palaestina Tertia and Palaestina Secunda, the Ghassanids created client (buffer) states to the eastern Roman (later Byzantine) Empire and fought alongside the Byzantines against the Persian Sassanids and Arab Lakhmid tribes of southern Iraq. Both the Romans and Byzantines found a powerful ally in the Ghassanid Arabs, who acted as a buffer zone and a source of troops for the Byzantine army and controlled parts of Palaestina Salutaris and Palaestina Secunda.

Hata hivyo, kuanzia karne ya 4 hadi mwanzoni mwa karne ya 7, Milki ya Byzantium ilijenga mfumo wa mlinzi na mteja (patron‒client), pamoja na cheo cha phylarch (φύλαρχος:

However, from the 4th to the early 7th centuries, the Byzantine Empire constructed a patron‒client system and the title phylarch (φύλαρχος:

phylarchus) walipewa wafalme wakuu washirika wa Waarabu wa Byzantium. Kwa Kigiriki maneno φυλή na φῦλον yalimaanisha kabila, ukoo au jamii. Cheo cha Byzantium phylarch (kutoka phylé, phylon na archein, ‘kutawala’) kilimaanisha ‘mtawala wa ukoo au kabila kubwa’. Cheo hiki cha kisiasa kilipewa wakuu wakuu wa Waghassani na washirika wengine wa Waarabu wa Byzantium. Makabila mengi ya Kiarabu yaliyoongozwa na phylarchs yalikuwa yamehimizwa kukaa kama foederati katika ‘Palestina Tatu’. Mwanahistoria Prokopios wa Kaisaria, anapozungumzia jamii za Kiarabu za Waghassani wa Palestina, anatumia neno Sarakēnós na anatofautisha kati ya ‘Wasarakeni katika Palestina’ na maeneo ‘yaliyo mara moja nje ya mipaka ya Palestina yaliyoshikiliwa na Wasarakeni’ (Prokopios 2005). Pia anafafanua phylarch kuwa ‘kiongozi yeyote wa Wasarakeni waliounganishwa kwa mkataba na Warumi’ (Peters 1994: 61). Awali foederati (umoja wa foederatus)

phylarchus) was granted to important Byzantine Arab allied rulers. In Greek the terms φυλή and φῦλον meant tribe, clan or race. The Byzantine title phylarch (from phylé and phylon and archein, ‘to rule’) meant ‘ruler of a large clan or tribe’. This political title was given to the leading princes of the Ghassanids and other Byzantine Arab allies. Many Arab tribes led by phylarchs had been encouraged to settle as foederati in the ‘Three Palestines’. When discussing the Ghassanid Arab communities of Palestine, historian Prokopios of Caesarea uses the expression Sarakēnós and distinguishes between the ‘Saracens in Palestine’ and territories ‘immediately beyond the boundaries of Palestine held by Saracens’ (Prokopios 2005). He also defines phylarch as ‘any leader of the Saracens federated by treaty to the Romans’ (Peters 1994: 61). Originally the foederati (sing.

foederatus) walikuwa washirika Waarabu waliotambuliwa kama mmoja wa makundi au mataifa yaliyofungwa kwa mkataba (foedus); hawakuwa makoloni ya Roma wala wanufaika wa uraia wa Roma (civitas), lakini waliruhusiwa na hata kuhimizwa kukaa katika ardhi ya Roma. Pia walilazimika kutoa kikosi cha wanajeshi pale matatizo yalipotokea. Kuanzia 530 hadi 585, maphylarch Waarabu binafsi walikuwa chini ya phylarch mkuu wa Kighassani (‘phylarch wa maphylarch’) au mfalme (Kazhdan 1991). Maphylarch hawa wakuu waliteuliwa kama wafalme Waarabu wa ‘Palestina Tatu’ moja kwa moja na Maliki wa Byzantium wa Constantinople (ambaye alikuwa ‘Mfalme wa Wafalme’).

foederatus) had been Arab allies identified as one of the groups or nations bound by treaty (foedus); they were neither Roman colonies nor beneficiaries of Roman citizenship (civitas), but they had been allowed and even encouraged to settle on Roman territory. They were also obliged to provide a contingent of military men when trouble arose. From 530 to 585, the individual Arab phylarchs were subordinated to a supreme Ghassanid phylarch (‘phylarch of phylarchs’) or king (Kazhdan 1991). These supreme phylarchs were appointed as Arab kings of the ‘Three Palestines’ directly by the Byzantine Emperors of Constantinople (who were ‘King of Kings’)

Katika "Palestina Tatu": Palaestina Prima, Palaestina Secunda na Palaestina Tertia. Kupanda kwa kasi kwa wakuu wa Ghassan hadi kuwa wafalme wa Kiarabu katika "Palestina Tatu" kunaonyesha maendeleo muhimu katika Palestina na kuibuka kwa Waarabu kama wachezaji wakuu katika siasa za Palestina ya kabla ya Uislamu. Wafalme hawa wa Ghassan baadaye walicheza nafasi kubwa si tu katika Vita vya Byzantine‒Persia, bali pia katika mambo ya Kanisa la Kisiria la Mashariki la Monophysite.

in the ‘Three Palestines’: Palaestina Prima, Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia. The dramatic rise of the Ghassanid princes to Arab kings in the ‘Three Palestines’ reveals an important development in Palestine and the emergence of the Arabs as key players in the politics of pre-Islamic Palestine. These Ghassanid kings were later to play a major role not only in the Byzantine‒Persian Wars but also in the affairs of the Eastern Syriac Monophysite Church.

Uwepo wa kwanza wa wafalme wa Ghassan kuhusiana na Palestina kubwa unapatikana katika maandishi ya kaburi yaliyoandikwa kwa Kiarabu kwa herufi za Kinabataea, yaliyoanzia karne ya 4 BK. Kiaramu cha Kinabataea na Kiarabu cha Kinabataea vilikuwa vikizungumzwa kwa karne kadhaa kabla ya Uislamu (Fiema et al.

The first appearance of the Ghassanid kings in connection with greater Palestine is found in a tomb inscription written in Arabic in Nabataean script dating to the 4th century AD. Nabataean Aramaic and Nabataean Arabic had been spoken for several centuries before Islam (Fiema et al.

2015: 396‒497). Maandishi ya kaburi yanamtaja Mfalme wa Ghassani Imru al-Qais, ‘mfalme wa Waarabu wote’, ambaye alifariki akihudumu katika jeshi la Byzantium mnamo mwaka 328 (Sartre 2005: 519). Akijulikana katika vyanzo vya Kigiriki kama Amorkesos (Αμορκέσος), Imru al-Qais alitia saini mkataba na Dola ya Byzantium ukikubali hadhi yake kama foederati na kwamba alidhibiti sehemu kubwa za Provincia Palaestina.

2015: 396‒497). The tomb inscription refers to the Ghassanid King Imru al-Qais, ‘king of all the Arabs’, who died in Byzantine service in 328 (Sartre 2005: 519). Known in Greek sources as Amorkesos (Αμορκέσος), Imru al-Qais signed a treaty with the Byzantine Empire acknowledging his status as foederati and as controlling major parts of Provincia Palaestina.

Amorkesos aliteuliwa na Mfalme wa Byzantium kuwa phylarch mkuu wa kile kilichojulikana kama Palaestina Salutaris, ambacho kilijumuisha eneo la Nabataea na aliyekuwa Mkoa wa Kirumi wa Provincia Arabia. Kwa hakika, mvuto wa Palestina kubwa zaidi kwa Waarabu wa Ghassan unadhihirishwa na kazi ya kijeshi na kisiasa ya Amorkesos na kupanda kwake madarakani huko Palestina. Mafanikio haya yalifuatia ushindi wake wa kijeshi na kuanzishwa kwa kituo chake cha madaraka Arabia, na hatimaye kumpelekea kuteuliwa kuwa mfalme Mwarabu wa eneo la Palaestina Tertia. Amorkesos alikuwa ameasi huduma ya kijeshi ya Uajemi wa Sasania na kuingia katika huduma ya kisiasa ya Dola ya Byzantium. Baada ya ziara yake Constantinople na mapokezi ya kifalme kutoka kwa Mfalme Leo I (Mfalme kuanzia mwaka 457 hadi 474 BK), Imru al-Qais alirejea Palestina baada ya kuhitimisha foedus na Mfalme, ambayo ilimpa cheo cha phylarchate kwa jumla juu ya Palaestina Tertia (Shahid 1989, 2006a:

Amorkesos was appointed by the Byzantine Emperor as supreme phylarch of what became known as Palaestina Salutaris and included the Nabataean region and the former Roman Provincia Arabia. Indeed, the lure of greater Palestine for the Ghassanid Arabs is illustrated by the military and political career of Amorkesos and his rise to power in Palestine. This success followed his military achievements and his establishment of a power base in Arabia, and led to his eventual appointment as the Arab king of the region of Palaestina Tertia. Amorkesos had defected from the military service of Sassanid Persia and entered the political service of the Byzantine Empire. Following a visit to Constantinople and royal treatment by Emperor Leo I (Emperor from 457 to 474 AD), Imru al-Qais returned to Palestine having concluded a foedus with the Emperor, which endowed him with the overall phylarchate of Palaestina Tertia (Shahid 1989, 2006a:

61‒81). Amorkesos alipendelea kuhudumu huko Palestina, hatimaye akawa mfalme (phylarch mkuu) wa Palaestina Tertia, badala ya kuwa mfalme katika Rasi ya Arabia. Viongozi hawa wote wa Kiarabu wa Ghassan hawakustawi tu na kutumia madaraka makubwa chini ya Wabyzantine, bali pia walipendelea mazingira ya kijamii na kitamaduni ya Palestina kuliko hali yao ya awali huko Arabia (Shahid 1989, 2006a: 61‒81).

61‒81). Amorkesos preferred to serve in Palestine, eventually becoming king (supreme phylarch) of Palaestina Tertia, rather than be a king in the Arabian Peninsula. All these Ghassanid Arab leaders not only flourished and exercised considerable power under the Byzantines but also preferred the social and cultural environment of Palestine to their former situation in Arabia (Shahid 1989, 2006a: 61‒81).

Mfumo wa udhamini wa kifalme wa Byzantine, wa mlinzi na mteja, ulifanya kazi pande zote mbili:

The Byzantine imperial patron‒client system worked in both directions:

Ilithibitisha muungano wa Byzantine‒Ghassanid, na ulitumiwa na watawala wa Kiarabu wa Ghassanid kuimarisha utawala wao katika Palestina kubwa.

it cemented the Byzantine‒Ghassanid alliance and it was used by the Ghassanid Arab rulers to consolidate their domain in greater Palestine.

Kufikia mwishoni mwa karne ya 5, wafalme wa Ghassani walikuwa wamepanda kwa kasi kubwa na kuwa wakuu wenye nguvu, yaani phylarchs wakuu wa Palaestina Tertia na Palaestina Secunda. Kwa ufanisi, sehemu kubwa za Palestina mbili ziligeuzwa kuwa falme mbili za Kiarabu za Kipalestina zilizokuwa chini ya utawala wa wengine. Kwa jina, Palestina mbili bado zilikuwa majimbo ya kifalme, lakini kwa uhalisia, chini ya udhibiti wa kijeshi na kisiasa wa Ghassani, zilifanya kazi kama mataifa ya kifalme yaliyotegemea wengine. Zilikuwa na na kuamuru majeshi yao wenyewe ya Kiarabu, kutekeleza sheria na utulivu ndani ya mamlaka yao, kukusanya mapato na kodi kutoka biashara yenye faida kubwa inayopita katika maeneo yao, kulinda maeneo matakatifu ya Palestina, na kutuma mabalozi kwenda nchi za nje.

By the late 5th century the Ghassanid kings had dramatically risen to become the powerful supreme phylarchs of Palaestina Tertia and Palaestina Secunda, effectively transforming major parts of two Palestines into two Palestinian Arab vassal kingdoms. Nominally the two Palestines were still imperial provinces, but in reality, under Ghassanid military and political control, they functioned as client monarchical states, having and commanding their own Arab armies, enforcing law and order within their jurisdiction, raising revenue and taxes from the lucrative trade passing through their territories, providing protection to the holy places in Palestine and dispatching ambassadors to foreign countries.

Abu Karib ibn Jabalah (anayejulikana kwa Kigiriki kama Abocharabus), mkuu wa kabila wa Waghassani, alifanywa na Mfalme Justinian kuwa mkuu mkuu wa kabila wa Palaestina Tertia (Shahid 1989: 69, 89; Martindale et al.

Abu Karib ibn Jabalah (known in Greek as Abocharabus), the Ghassanid supreme phylarch, was made by Emperor Justinian the supreme phylarch of Palaestina Tertia (Shahid 1989: 69, 89; Martindale et al.

1992: 111‒112). Abu Karib alikuwa amepokea maeneo ya Palaestina Tertia, yakiwemo Negev na sehemu za kaskazini mwa Hijaz, kutoka kwa baba yake Jabalah IV (Gabalas katika vyanzo vya Kigiriki) (Peters 1994: 62), aliyetawala Palaestina Tertia kuanzia mwaka 512 hadi 529. Mwaka 529 BK, Abu Karib alipewa cheo cha phylarch wa Palaestina Tertia na Justinian kwa sababu ile ile iliyochochea kuundwa kwa jimbo jipya, Palaestina Tertia, katika karne ya nne' (Shahid 2002: 303).

1992: 111‒112). Abu Karib had received the territories of Palaestina Tertia, including the Negev and parts of the northern Hijaz, from his father Jabalah IV (Gabalas in Greek sources) (Peters 1994: 62), who ruled in Palaestina Tertia from 512 to 529. In 529 AD, Abu Karib was endowed with the phylarchate of Palaestina Tertia by Justinian for the same reason that inspired the creation of the new province, Palaestina Tertia, in the fourth century’ (Shahid 2002: 303).

Ufalme wa Ghassani ulifikia kilele chake chini ya ndugu yake Abu Karib, al-Harith V ibn Jabalah, Mkristo wa madhehebu ya Miaphysite (Flavios Arethas, Φλάβιος Ἀρέθας katika vyanzo vya Kigiriki) (Shahid 1995, Juz. 1: 260, 294–297), ambaye alitawala kuanzia mwaka 528.

The Ghassanids reached their peak under Abu Karib’s brother, the Miaphysite al-Harith V ibn Jabalah (Flavios Arethas, Φλάβιος Ἀρέθας in Greek sources) (Shahid 1995, Vol. 1: 260, 294–297), who reigned from 528

hadi mwaka 569 BK kama Mfalme wa Ghassanids, alipewa cheo cha patrikios na vir gloriosissimus (‘mtukufu kuliko wote’, ἐνδοξότατος), na aliwaunga mkono Wabyzantine dhidi ya Uajemi wa Sassanid. Hatua kwa hatua, chini ya ushawishi wa imani kuu ya Nicaea/Chalcedon iliyotawala Palestina Kubwa, wafalme wa Ghassanid walianza mapema karne ya 6 kuhama kutoka Umonofisiti mkali kwenda Umiafisiti, mafundisho yaliyoonekana kukubalika zaidi kwa imani rasmi. Harith V alicheza nafasi kubwa katika mambo ya makanisa ya Miaphysite na Monophysite katika Levant. Mwaka 529 BK al-Harith V alipewa na Mfalme Justinian I cheo cha juu kabisa cha kifalme kilichopatikana kwa aristokrasia ya kiseneta ya Dola ya Byzantine katika karne ya 6 (Kazhdan 1991:

to 569 AD as King of the Ghassanids, was made patrikios and vir gloriosissimus (‘most glorious’, ἐνδοξότατος) and supported the Byzantines against Sassanid Persia. Gradually, and under the impact of the dominant Nicaea/ Chalcedonian creed of greater Palestine, the Ghassanid kings had begun to shift in the early 6th century from austere Monophysitism to Miaphysitism, a doctrine that was perceived to be more amenable to the official creed. Harith V played a major role in the affairs of both Miaphysite and Monophysite churches in the Levant. In 529 AD al-Harith V was given by Emperor Justinian I the highest imperial title available to the senatorial aristocracy of the Byzantine Empire in the 6th century (Kazhdan 1991:

163). Al-Harith alikuwa Mfalme wa Ghassaniyya na phylarch mkuu wa Palaestina Secunda na Arabia Petraea karibu mwaka 528, baada ya kuongoza kampeni ya kijeshi yenye mafanikio dhidi ya watawala wa Mundhir na washirika wao Waarabu wa Kiajemi kusini mwa Iraq. Kwa maneno ya mwanahistoria Prokopios wa Kaisaria Maritima, katika Palaestina Prima, chanzo kilichokuwa kinampinga mtawala wa Ghassaniyya, al-Harith alipandishwa cheo na Justinian ‘hadi hadhi ya mfalme’, akawa kamanda mkuu wa washirika wote wa Kiarabu (foederati) wa Wabyzantini Mashariki kwa cheo cha patrikios (πατρίκιος καὶ φύλαρχος τῶν Σαρακηνῶν, ‘patrician na phylarch wa Saracens’), ingawa eneo lake halisi la udhibiti wa kisiasa na kijeshi huenda mwanzoni lilikuwa limepunguzwa kwa sehemu za Palaestina Secunda na Arabia Petraea (Shahid 1995, Vol. 1: 84‒85, 95‒109, 225‒226, 260, 282‒288, 294‒297, 337; Martindale et al. 1992: 111‒113; Kazhdan 1991: 163; Greatrex and Lieu 2002: 88, 129‒130, 135‒136).

163). Al-Harith became King of the Ghassanids and supreme phylarch of Palaestina Secunda and Arabia Petraea around 528 after leading a successful military campaign against the Mundhir rulers and their Arab Persian allies in southern Iraq. In the words of historian Prokopios of Caesarea Maritima, in Palaestina Prima, a source hostile to the Ghassanid ruler, al-Harith was promoted by Justinian ‘to the dignity of a king’, becoming the overall commander of all the Byzantines’ Arab allies (foederati) in the East with the title patrikios (πατρίκιος καὶ φύλαρχος τῶν Σαρακηνῶν, ‘patrician and phylarch of the Saracnes’), although his actual area of political and military control may initially have been limited to parts of Palaestina Secunda and Arabia Petraea (Shahid 1995, Vol. 1: 84‒85, 95‒109, 225‒226, 260, 282‒288, 294‒297, 337; Martindale et al. 1992: 111‒113; Kazhdan 1991: 163; Greatrex and Lieu 2002: 88, 129‒130, 135‒136).

Kama wafalme wakuu wa Kiarabu, maliwali wa Palaestina Secunda na Palaestina Tertia, al-Harith na Abu Karib walikuwa sawa katika hadhi, na kila mmoja wao alituma wajumbe wa dola zake za kibaraka kwa mtawala wa Kiethiopia wa Kusini mwa Arabia, Abraha (Shahid 2009, Juzuu 2, Sehemu 2: 44). Kama mtawala wa Palaestina Tertia, Abu Karib alijulikana sana na cheo chake kilipanda hadi akawa mshiriki katika kutuma wawakilishi wa kidiplomasia kwa nchi nyingine za Mashariki ya Kati (Shahid 2006b: 90).

As supreme Arab king-phylarchs of Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia, al-Harith and Abu Karib were equal in status, each of them dispatched ambassadors of their own respective vassal states to the Ethiopian ruler of south Arabia, Abraha (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44). As the phylarch of Palaestina Tertia, Abu Karib became very famous and rose in stature to the point of becoming a participant in the dispatch of diplomatic representatives to other countries in the Middle East (Shahid 2006b: 90).

Upanuzi wa Diocletian wa Palaestina Tertia ulihusisha kuongezwa kwa Negev na sehemu ya Provincia Arabia kusini mwa Mto Arnon, pamoja na Petra. Kwa upanuzi huo, phylarch wa Palaestina Tertia, Abu Karib, alipata jukumu la njia nyingi zaidi za biashara ya viungo ... Miongoni mwa bidhaa zote za kuuza nje kutoka Arabia, bidhaa muhimu zaidi kwa Dola ya Kikristo ya Kiroma ilikuwa uvumba (frankincense). Kwanza kanisa lilikataa uvumba kwa kuwa ni ishara ya ibada ya kipagani, lakini mwishowe lilikubali uvumba mwishoni mwa karne ya nne. Ukizalishwa Hadramawt pekee, Kusini mwa Arabia, ulipelekwa Byzantium na wafanyabiashara wa Kiarabu, na ulitozwa ushuru [kwa dhahabu na fedha] mpakani na maafisa wa Kiarabu kama Abu Karib.

The Diocletiantic enlargement of Palaestina Tertia entailed the addition of the Negev and the part of the Provincia Arabia south of the Arnon River, including Petra. The enlargement thus made the phylarch of Palaestina Tertia, Abu Karib, responsible for more spice route ... Of all the exports of Arabia, the item most significant to the Christian Roman Empire was Frankincense. After first disdaining it as a symbol of pagan worship, the church finally accepted Frankincense in the late fourth century. Produced only in Hadramawt in South Arabia, it was brought to Byzantium by Arab merchants and taxed [in gold and silver] at the frontier by such Arab officials as Abu Karib.

(Shahid 2009a, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44, 49)

(Shahid 2009a, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44, 49)

Wasaracen (Kigiriki: Σαρακηνός, Sarakēnós; Kilatini cha baadaye: Saracenus; huenda linatokana na Kiarabu: šarqiyyin, ‘watu wa mashariki’) wakawa, katika nyakati za kati na za kisasa, neno la kudharau la Kiulaya lililohusishwa sana na Waarabu na Waislamu. Maana hii hasi ya Kiulaya inaweza kufuatiliwa hadi katika simulizi za Prokopios, zilizokuwa na uadui fulani, kuhusu Waarabu washirika wa Warumi (foederati) na Waarabu wa Ghassan, pamoja na wafalme wao Waarabu washirika wa Warumi, ambao alawaona kuwa ni "waliojipandisha ghafla" juu ya "Palestina Tatu".

Saracens (Greek: Σαρακηνός, Sarakēnós; late Latin: Saracenus; possibly from Arabic: šarqiyyin, ‘easterners’) became in medieval and modern times a pejorative European term closely associated with Arabs and Muslims. This European negative connotation may be traced to Prokopios’ somewhat hostile accounts of the Arab foederati and Ghassanid Arabs and their ‘upstart’ foederati Arab kings of the ‘Three Palestines’.

Pia, neno la Prokopios Sarakēnós huenda lilielekezwa hasa kwa Waarabu Wakristo wasiofuata mkondo wa kawaida, Wamonofisiti, wa "Palestina Tatu".

Also, Prokopios’ term Sarakēnós may have been largely directed at the non-conformist Monophysite Christian Arabs of the ‘Three Palestines’.

Mtazamo wa Prokopios pia unaonyesha mivutano ya kitabaka kati ya wasomi wa mijini wanaozungumza Kigiriki wa Palestina na jamii za Waarabu wa Sarakēnó (ambao wengi wao walikuwa watu wa tabaka la chini) katika "Palestina Tatu", migogoro ambayo imeendelea kuisumbua Kanisa la Othodoksi la Palestina hadi enzi za kisasa. Simulizi la Prokopios pia linafichua jamii ya Mkoa wa Palestina iliyogawanyika kitabaka na yenye matabaka, pamoja na mivutano fiche ya kitabaka na chuki zilizokuwepo nchini humo. Upande mmoja walikuwepo wasomi wa mijini wanaozungumza Kigiriki pamoja na uongozi wa kanisa (Chalcedon), na upande mwingine walikuwepo wakulima wa Kipalestina wanaozungumza Kiaramu, makanisa ya Kisiria ya Mashariki yanayozungumza Kiarabu ya Monofisiti (wanaopinga Chalcedon), pamoja na makabila ya Waarabu ('Wasarakēnó') wa Palestina pana zaidi.

Prokopios’ attitude also betrays class tensions between the metropolitan (Greek-speaking) elite of Palestine and the Arab/Sarakēnó (largely subaltern) communities of the ‘Three Palestines’, conflicts which have continued to plague the Palestine Orthodox Church in the modern era. Prokopios’ account also reveals the class-ridden, stratified society of Provincia Palaestina and the latent class tensions and prejudices that existed in the country. On the one hand, there were the Greek-speaking urban social elites and ecclesiastical (Chalcedon) hierarchy, and on the other, the Aramaic-speaking Palestinian peasantry, the Eastern Arabicspeaking Monophysite (anti-Chalcedonian) Syriac churches, and the Arab (‘Saracen’) tribes of greater Palestine.

Lakini kwa kupandishwa cheo kwa al-Harith kuwa mfalme wa Wakristo Waghassani katika Palaestina II na Arabia Petraea, makabila mengi ya Kiarabu yalijiunga na ufalme wa kikabila huo, na yeye akawa mhusika maarufu sana katika historia ya kabla ya Uislamu, hadithi za kiasili na visa vya kishujaa. Waghassani waliendelea kushikilia nafasi zao zenye nguvu kama wafalme wakuu wa kikabila, au 'wafalme', katika Palaestina Secunda na Palaestina Salutaris hadi Dola ya Byzantine ilipopinduliwa na Waarabu Waislamu katika karne ya 7, baada ya Vita vya Yarmuk mwaka 636.

However, with the elevation of al-Harith to king of the Ghassanid Christians in Palaestina II and Arabia Petraea many Arab tribes joined the phylarchate and he became a very popular character in pre-Islamic history, folktales and sagas. The Ghassanids retained their powerful positions as supreme phylarchs, or ‘kings’, in Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Salutaris until the Byzantine Empire was overthrown by the Muslim Arabs in the 7th century following the Battle of Yarmuk in 636.

Katika Mashariki ya Kati ya kale, wafalme waliendesha sera huru za kigeni na kutuma mabalozi kwa nchi jirani. Ushahidi mkubwa wa maandishi ya mawe kutoka Yemen unaonyesha kwamba wafalme wa Ghassani wa Kiarabu na maphylarch wa Palaestina Tertia na Palaestina Secunda, Abu Karib na Arithas, walifuata sera huru za kigeni kuelekea Arabia (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44).

In the ancient Middle East kings conducted autonomous foreign policies and dispatched ambassadors to neighbouring countries. Monumental epigraphic evidence from the Yemen shows that the Ghassanid Arab kings and phylarchs of Palaestina Tertia and Palaestina Secunda, Abu Karib and Arithas, pursued independent foreign policies towards Arabia (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44).

Mikakati ya kijeshi na kimkakati ya Byzantium kuhusu "Palestina Tatu" ilijikita katika jeshi lililoongozwa na Dux Palaestinae, kamanda wa kijeshi wa Palestina yote, ambaye makao yake makuu yalikuwa Kaisaria-Palaestina. Mkakati huo ulitegemea sana vikosi vya washirika wa Kighassani, ambao walitawala Palaestina Secunda na Palaestina Tertia na kuunda nguzo kuu ya mfumo wa ulinzi wa mipaka ya Byzantium. Vikosi vya washirika wa Kiarabu pia vilihusika katika kulinda maeneo matakatifu huko Palestina pamoja na njia za mahujaji wanaokwenda na kurudi Ardhi Takatifu. Hali hii iliwapa wafalme wa Kiarabu wa Kighassani, washirika wa Palaestina Secunda na Palaestina Tertia, rasilimali kubwa za kijeshi na ushawishi mkubwa wa kimkakati juu ya "Palestina Tatu", ushawishi ambao ulidumu kwa karibu karne mbili.

Byzantine military-strategic plans with regard to the ‘Three Palestines’ were centred on the army commanded by Dux Palaestinae, military commander of all Palestine, whose headquarters were in Caesarea-Palaestina, while relying heavily on Ghassanid federate forces which dominated Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia and formed a key pillar of the Byzantine frontier defence system. Arab federate troops were also involved in guarding the holy sites in Palestine and the pilgrims’ routes to and from the Holy Land. This provided the Ghassanid Arab federate kings of Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia huge military resources and strategic influence over the ‘Three Palestines’, an influence which lasted for nearly two centuries.

Waarabu wa Ghassani walicheza nafasi muhimu katika kulinda Ardhi Takatifu dhidi ya uvamizi wa Waarabu wa Lakhmi wa Iraki. Usalama wa Palestina dhidi ya uvamizi wa namna hiyo ulikuwa muhimu kwa kuendelea kwa safari za hija, ambazo uchumi wenye kustawi ulitegemea. Waarabu wa Ghassani, waliokuwa wacha Mungu kidini, walistawi kiuchumi nchini Palestina, na walistawi pia kidini na kitamaduni. Walijenga majengo mengi ya kidini na ya umma, jambo linalothibitishwa na kuenea kwa miji na kufadhili makanisa kadhaa na nyumba za watawa. Walipanda mizabibu na mazao mengine, walifuga mifugo, walichimba utajiri wa ardhini wa maeneo yao kupata dhahabu, fedha na shaba, na walifundisha ufugaji wa farasi na upandaji wake. Maafisa wao wa forodha Waarabu walikusanya kodi kutoka biashara yenye faida ya kikanda na ya kuvuka bara iliyopita katika Palaestina Tertia na Palaestina Secunda. Maisha yao ya kiuchumi, kijamii na kitamaduni yalihusiana kwa karibu na Ukristo wao wa kidini na ushiriki wao wa karibu na mahujaji wa Ardhi Takatifu.

The Ghassanid Arabs played a key role in protecting the Holy Land from raids of the Arab Lakhmids of Iraq – the security of Palestine from such raids was crucial for the continuation of the pilgrimages on which the thriving economy depended. The religiously devout Ghassanid Arabs prospered in Palestine economically and flourished religiously and culturally, and they engaged in much religious and public building, as evidenced by a spread of urbanisation and the sponsorship of several churches and monasteries. They planted vineyards and other crops, raised livestock, mined the subterranean wealth of their territories for gold, silver and copper and cultivated horsemanship. Their Arab customs officers raised taxes from the lucrative regional and trans-continental trade passing through Palaestina Tertia and Palaestina Secunda. Their economic, social and cultural lives were closely connected to their devout Christianity and close involvement with the pilgrims to the Holy Land.

Askari wao wa Kiarabu wa Kikristo huko Palestina walitoa ulinzi kwa maeneo matakatifu ya Kikristo yaliyokuwa ndani yake na kwa mahujaji wa Kikristo waliokwenda Palestina (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 45, 49, 51):

Their Christian Arab soldiers in Palestine provided security for Christian holy places in and Christian pilgrims to Palestine (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 45, 49, 51):

Muhimu zaidi kuliko ushawishi wa Byzantine katika maisha yao ya kijamii ulikuwa Ukristo wao, ambao ulidaiwa kwao mara tu walipokuwa foederat wa Byzantine. Jambo hili lilibadilisha kabisa maisha yao ya kijamii.

More important than the Byzantine influence in their social life was their Christianity, which was required of them once they became Byzantine’s foederat. This factor revolutionized their social life.

Sikukuu za kalenda ya Kikristo na mwaka wa kiliturujia zilikuwa na mambo tofauti ya kijamii. Kama Wakristo waliojitolea, Waghassani walizishika sikukuu hizi kwa makini, na wakati huo huo zikawa matukio ya kijamii; hivyo sherehe hizi zikawa sehemu ya maisha yao ya kitamaduni … Kama foederati waliopiga kambi katika Provincia Arabia, Palaestina Secunda na Palaestina Tertia, walikuwa karibu sana kimwili na Nchi Takatifu, na baadhi ya loca sancta zake waliweza hata kuziona kutoka vituo vyao vya kijeshi. [Maeneo kama hayo yalionekana hasa kutoka Palaestina Secunda, ambako Kristo alifanya mojawapo ya miujiza yake kwa mwanamke mwenye kutokwa damu (Marko 5: 25‒34). Kutoka Jabiya (katika Milima ya Golan) na mahali pengine Waghassani waliweza kuona Bahari ya Galilaya, maeneo ya pwani ya huduma ya Kristo, na Mlima Tabori, mahali pa Kugeuka Sura, pamoja na Yordani, mto wa ubatizo. Mstari mmoja katika mashairi ya mwimbaji wao wa sifa al-Nabigha unaweza kupendekeza kwamba walikuwa na uwepo hata kaskazini mwa Galilaya].

The feasts of the Christian calendar and the liturgical year had distinct social aspects. As devout Christians, the Ghassanids scrupulously observed these feasts, which at the same time became social events; thus these celebrations became part of their cultural life … As foederati encamped in the Provincia Arabia, Palaestina Secunda, and Palaestina Tertia, they were physically very close to the Holy Land, some of whose loca sancta they could even see from their military stations. [Such places were especially visible from Palaestina Secunda, where Christ performed one of his miracles on the woman with the issue of the blood (Mark 5: 25‒34). From Jabiya (in the Golan Heights) and elsewhere the Ghassanids could see the Sea of Galilee, sites of the lakeside of the ministry of Christ, and Mount Tabor, the scene of the Transfiguration, as well as the Jordan, the river of baptism. A verse in one of the poems of their panegyrist al-Nabigha may suggest they even had a presence in northern Galilee].

Zaidi ya hayo, wao, pamoja na askari wa kawaida wa Byzantine, walikuwa walinzi wa Ardhi Takatifu na maeneo yake matakatifu dhidi ya mashambulizi na uvamizi wa Lakhmids [wa al-Hirah huko Iraq] … Jukumu hili liliipa Ukristo wao sauti ya kijeshi – kwa maana halisi walikuwa milites Christi.

In addition, they, together with the Byzantine regular troops, were the protectors of the Holy Land and its holy sites from the raids and incursions of the Lakhmids [of al-Hirah in Iraq] … This role gave their Christianity a military tone – they were literally milites Christi.

Kama walivyokuwa walinzi wa kijeshi wa Nchi Takatifu, vivyo hivyo walikuwa walinzi wa kanisa la Kimonofisiti katika Oriens, ambalo walilifufua karibu mwaka 540, na waliendelea kulitetea na kulilinda hadi kuwepo kwao wenyewe kama phylarchate ya Byzantine kulipomalizika mwaka 636, baada ya Vita vya Yarmuk. (Shahid 2009, Vol. II, Part II: 63‒64)

Just as they were the military protectors of the Holy Land, so too they were the ecclesiastical protectors of the Monophysite church in Oriens, which they had resuscitated around 540, and continued to defend and protect until their own existence as Byzantine phylarchate ended in 636, after the Battle of Yarmuk. (Shahid 2009, Vol. II, Part II: 63‒64)

Katika karne ya 5, wakati wa kipindi cha Byzantine, Milima ya Golan ilikuwa sehemu ya Palaestina Secunda na ilikaliwa na Waarabu Wakristo wa kabila la Ghassanid.

In the 5th century, during the Byzantine period, the Golan Heights formed part of Palaestina Secunda and was populated by Christian Arab Ghassanids.

Mwishoni mwa karne ya 5 BK, Mfalme Anastasius alitumia Waghassani, Waarabu Wakristo wa Kimonofisiti, nao wakawa watawala wa Palaestina Secunda.

At the end of the 5th century AD, the Emperor Anastasius made use of the Ghassanids, Monophysite Christian Arabs, and they became the rulers of Palaestina Secunda.

Baada ya Vita vya Yarmuk mwaka 636, Uislamu haukuteka tu falme za Ghassani za Palestina, bali pia ulirithi dhana ya millet, ambayo ilitumika kwa jamii zinazojitegemea za makanisa ya Mashariki (ikiwemo Wamonofisiti wa Ghassani) katika Dola ya Byzantium katika karne ya 4 hadi ya 7. Hata chini ya Waothmani, neno Millet-i Rûm, yaani millet ya Wagiriki wa Kiorthodoksi (Byzantium), lilitumika hasa kwa jamii za Kikristo za Kiorthodoksi katika Dola ya Waothmani. Kiongozi wa millet – mara nyingi kiongozi wa kidini – alikuwa Patriaki wa Kigiriki wa Kiorthodoksi. Haiwezekani kwamba neno la Kiarabu la Kiislamu millah huenda lilibadilika kutoka usemi wa kiistiari milites Christi (askari wa Kristo), ambao asili yake ni Ukristo wa mwanzo na jamii za Kikristo za Kiarabu za Ghassani za Provincia Arabia na Provincia Palaestina (Prima, Secunda na Tertia) zilizokuwa zamani.

Following the Battle of Yarmuk in 636 Islam not only conquered the Ghassanid phylarchates of Palestine, it also inherited the millet concept which was used for the autonomous communities of the churches of the East (including the Monophysite Ghassanid) in the Byzantine Empire in the 4th‒7th centuries. Even under the Ottomans the term Millet-i Rûm, the Greek Orthodox (Byzantine) millet, applied specifically to the Orthodox Christian communities of the Ottoman Empire. The head of a millet – most often a religious hierarch – was the Greek Orthodox Patriarch. It is not inconceivable that the Arab Islamic word millah may have evolved from the metaphorical expression milites Christi (soldier for Christ) ,whose beginnings were in early Christianity and the Ghassanid Arab Christian communities of former Provincia Arabia and Provincia Palaestina (Prima, Secunda and Tertia).