8.1 Uamsho na Ugunduzi Chini ya Utawala wa Waosmani: Fiqhi ya Kiarabu ya Kiislamu ya Palestina na Kumbukumbu za Wenyeji kuhusu Filastin chini ya Waosmani (1517–1860s)
8.1 Revivalism And Rediscovery Under Ottoman Rule: The Arab Islamic Jurisprudence Of Palestine And Indigenous Memories Of Filastin Under The Ottomans (1517‒1860s)
Chini ya utawala wa Dola ya Ottoman (1517‒1917), Palestina ilitumika kama neno la jumla la kueleza nchi yenye wakazi wengi wa Kiarabu na Waislamu katika eneo la kusini la Sham, na pia kama neno la kijamii na kiutamaduni miongoni mwa wenyeji wa Palestina. Kufikia wakati huo, Palestina yenye Waislamu wengi ilikuwa imejenga mapokeo imara ya sheria ya Kiislamu ya Kiarabu, jambo mojawapo muhimu zaidi kwa taifa lolote lenye hisia za kujitawala. Kipindi kirefu cha Ottoman kiliimarisha zaidi uhusiano wa kihistoria uliokuwepo kati ya Palestina na eneo la al-Sham, neno la kijiografia la Kiislamu la Kiarabu lililobuniwa wakati wa mwanzo wa Uislamu, likirejelea maeneo ya Syria, Palestina, Jordan na kusini mwa Uturuki ya leo, ilhali al-Sham mara nyingi lilirejelea mji mkuu mahsusi wa Damascus (al-Sham).
Under the Ottoman Empire (1517‒1917), Palestine was used both as a general term to describe the predominantly Arab Muslim country in the southern Sham region, and as a social and cultural term among the indigenous people of Palestine. By this stage, Muslim-majority Palestine had developed a strong tradition of Arab Islamic jurisprudence, one of the most crucial requirements of any sense of autonomous polity. The long Ottoman period reinforced the already close historic links between Palestine and the al-Sham region, an Arab Islamic geographic term which had been coined during the early Islamic period and referred to the territories of present-day Syria, Palestine, Jordan and southern Turkey, while al-Sham often referred to the specific capital city of Damascus (al-Sham).
Palestine haikuwa jina rasmi chini ya utawala wa Waothmani, na baadhi ya Waarabu katika kipindi hiki walikuwa wakiita eneo hilo al-Sham, neno ambalo halipaswi kuunganishwa moja kwa moja au kwa pekee na Syria ya leo, wala na hadithi ya kisasa ya Suriyya al-Janubiyyah au, kama baadhi ya wasomi wa Kiarabu wanavyoendelea kudai,1 ‘Syria ya Kusini’. Neno ‘Syria ya Kusini’ lilibuniwa na kuenezwa mwaka 1919‒1920, na lilitokana na mikondo miwili ya kisasa: (a) itikadi ya kitaifa ya Kisyria (qawmi) ya mwishoni mwa karne ya 19; na (b) hali zilizozunguka kuundwa kwa utawala wa utaifa wa Pan-Kiarabu mjini Damascus, ulioongozwa na Amiri Faisal mwaka 1919‒1920 (ona hapa chini).
Palestine was not an official designation under the Ottomans and some Arabs during this period referred to the area as al-Sham, a term which should not be conflated automatically or exclusively with present-day Syria and the modern myth of Suriyya al-Janubiyyah or, as some Arab intellectuals continue to assert,1 ‘Southern Syria’. The term ‘Southern Syria’ was invented and popularised in 1919‒1920, and was derived from two modern currents: (a) a late 19th century Syrian qawmi (nationalist) ideology; and (b) the circumstances surrounding the formation of the pan-Arab nationalist regime in Damascus headed by Emir Faisal in 1919‒1920 (see below).
Ikiwa "Syria ya Kusini" pia ilihusiana na jina la kale la Kirumi Syria-Palaestina haijulikani wazi, lakini kumbukumbu za asili, zilizoshirikiwa, za Filastin ya Kiarabu-Kiislamu ya zama za kati na za Palaestina ya Kibyzantium ziliendelea kuhifadhiwa katika kipindi chote cha Ottoman, kowili huko Palestina na huko Ulaya.
Whether or not ‘Southern Syria’ was also related to the ancient Roman designation Syria-Palaestina is not clear, yet the indigenous, shared memories of medieval Arab Islamic Filastin and Byzantine Palaestina were kept alive throughout the Ottoman period both in Palestine and in Europe.
Usasa wa kisasa huko Palestina una mianzo mingi na vyanzo vingi.
Modernities in Palestine have multiple beginnings and multiple sources.
Ingawa mizizi ya kijamii na kieneo pamoja na alama za utambulisho wa kisasa wa Kipalestina zinapatikana katika kipindi cha kabla ya usasa, sifa zake tofauti za kisasa zilikua polepole, kwa makusudi na pasipo kukusudia, kuanzia mwanzo wake katika karne ya 18 hadi karne ya 19 na 20. Mageuzi haya yaliathiriwa na mkusanyiko wa alama za kijamii na kitamaduni, zikiwemo kumbukumbu za kijamii na urithi wa kitamaduni wa mkoa wa Kiarabu wa Kiislamu wa zama za kati wa Jund Filastin (Gerber 1998a, 2008).
Although the social and regional roots and markers of modern Palestinian identity are found in the pre-modern period, its distinct modern features evolved gradually, both consciously and unconsciously, from its early beginnings in the 18th century into the 19th and 20th centuries. This evolution was influenced by a range of social and cultural markers including the social memories and cultural heritage of the medieval Arab Muslim province of Jund Filastin (Gerber 1998a, 2008).
Mila ya Palestina ya kisheria ya Kiislamu ya Kiarabu yenye nguvu na mizizi ya fahamu ya kijamii, kiutamaduni na kijiografia ya kisasa ya Filastin kama dola tofauti na "utambulisho wa kieneo unaotegemea ardhi" vinaweza kufuatiliwa hadi kazi za Khair al‑Din al‑Ramli (1585, خير الدين الرملي – 1671), mmoja wa wanasheria wa ajabu zaidi wa Kipalestina wa nyakati zote na mwanasheria mashuhuri wa Kiislamu wa karne ya 17, mwanafikra wa umma na mwandishi katika Palestina ya Kiothmani (Tucker 2002; Gerber 1998b). Al-Ramli alikuwa mzaliwa wa al-Ramla, na alipewa jina kwa jina la mji ambao kwa karne nyingi ulikuwa mji mkuu wa kiutawala wa kidunia wa mkoa wa Jund Filastin na mji mkuu wa ngome katika Palestina ya Kiothmani. Al-Ramli alikuwa mmiliki wa ardhi na mkulima katika Palestina ya karne ya 17, na wazao wake, Khairis, walibaki wakulima matajiri na watu mashuhuri katika mji huo kwa karibu karne tatu hadi Nakba ya mwaka 1948.
Palestine’s strong tradition of Arab Islamic jurisprudence and the roots of the modern social, cultural and geographic consciousness of Filastin as a distinct polity and ‘regional territorially based identity’ can be traced to the works of Khair al‑Din al‑Ramli ( 1585 ,خير الدين الرملي –1671), one of the most extraordinary Palestinian jurists of all times and a prominent 17th century Islamic jurist, public intellectual and writer in Ottoman Palestine (Tucker 2002; Gerber 1998b). Al-Ramli was a native of al-Ramla, and he was named for the town which was for centuries the administrative secular capital of the province of Jund Filastin and a major garrison town in Ottoman Palestine. Al-Ramli was a landowner and farmer in 17th century Palestine, and his descendants, the Khairis, remained wealthy farmers and prominent figures in the town for nearly three centuries until the 1948 Nakba.
Wakati wa Utawala wa Kimandeti wa Uingereza, Mustafa Khairi alihudumu kwa miaka minne kama qadhi na kwa muda mrefu kama meya wa al-Ramla, na familia yake ilimiliki sinema pekee katika mji huo. Katika karne ya 17, Khair al-Din al-Ramli alijulikana sana kwa kutoa mkusanyiko wa fatwa (hukumu za kidini) unaojulikana kama al-Fatawa al-Khairiyyah ( الفتاوى الخيرية ), ambao ulikamilishwa katika umbo lake la mwisho mwaka 1670.
During the British Mandatory period, Mustafa Khairi served for four years as qadi and a long-time mayor of al-Ramla, and his family owned the only cinema in the town. In the 17th century Khair al-Din al-Ramli became well known for issuing a collection of fatwas (religious edicts) known as al-Fatawa al-Khairiyyah ( الفتاوى الخيرية ) – compiled into final form in 1670
– ambayo ilikuja kuwa na ushawishi mkubwa katika madhehebu ya Hanafi ya Sunni ya fiqh (sheria ya Kiislamu) sio tu huko Palestina, bali kote katika eneo la Kiarabu katika karne ya 18 na 19 (Islahi 2008), na fiqh yake ilikuwa na umuhimu mkubwa kwa waqf ya familia, umiliki wa ardhi na mahusiano ya kilimo huko Palestina.
– that became highly influential in the Sunni Hanafi school of jurisprudence (fiqh) not only in Palestine but throughout the Arab region in the 18th and 19th centuries (Islahi 2008) and his jurisprudence was highly relevant to family waqf, landownership and agrarian relations in Palestine.
Filastin yenyewe ilikuwa imeendeleza mapokeo imara ya fiqhi ya Kiislamu, na mmoja wa waasisi wa madhehebu manne makuu ya fiqhi ya Kiislamu ya Sunni, Imam al-Shafi'i (767–820 BK), alizaliwa Gaza (Haddad 2007:
Filastin itself had developed a strong tradition of Islamic jurisprudence and one of the founders of the four great Sunni schools of Islamic jurisprudence, Imam al-Shafi’i (767–820 AD), was born in Gaza (Haddad 2007:
189‒190, 193). Al-Shafi’i, mwanasheria mahiri, alijulikana kuwa aliruhusiwa kutoa fatwa akiwa mdogo sana. Katika Palestina ya karne ya 17, kitabu al-Fatawa al-Khairiyyah kilikuwa na athari kubwa za kiutendaji na kinatoa rekodi ya kisasa ya kipindi hicho, kikitoa mtazamo tata wa mahusiano ya kilimo huko Palestina, kwa kuwa al-Ramli alikuwa mwanasheria, mkulima na mmiliki wa ardhi. Inajulikana kwamba alikusanya maktaba kubwa. Pia aliagiza kutoka Misri aina mbalimbali za mbegu na kuzianzisha katika wilaya ya al-Ramla (Islahi 2008). Istilahi za al-Ramli na kitabu al-Fatawa al-Khairiyyah pia zingekuwa zinafahamika kwa wasimamizi wa Mahakama za Sharia huko Jerusalem katika karne ya 18 na 19.
189‒190, 193). A brilliant jurist, al-Shafi’i was known to have been authorised to issue fatwas at very young age. In 17th century Palestine al-Fatawa al-Khairiyyah had major practical dimensions and offers a contemporary record of the period, giving a complex view of agrarian relations in Palestine, as al-Ramli was a jurist, farmer and landowner. He is known to have amassed a big library. He also imported a variety of seeds from Egypt and introduced them to the district of al-Ramla (Islahi 2008). Al-Ramli’s terminology and al-Fatawa al-Khairiyyah would also have been known to the administrators of the Sharia Courts in Jerusalem in the 18th and 19th centuries.
Jinsi Khair al-Din al-Ramli, Mujir al-Din al-ʿUlaymi na wanazuoni na waandishi wengine mashuhuri wa Kipalestina wa Kiislamu walivyotumia neno Filastin kumaanisha 'nchi' kama Palestina, au 'nchi yetu' (biladuna), katika karne ya 15 hadi ya 17, kunaonyesha kwamba dhana ya kieneo ya Palestina ilikuwa bado hai sana katika kumbukumbu ya kijamii na kitamaduni ya Waislamu wa Kipalestina katika kipindi chote cha Mamluk na mwanzo wa kipindi cha Ottoman. Hili pia linapinga dai lisilo na msingi kwamba neno Palestina 'lilisahauliwa kabisa na Waarabu wa huko, na kwamba lilirudishwa kwao na Wakristo Waarabu waliokuwa na mawasiliano na Ulaya' (Krämer 2011: 16). Wanazuoni kadhaa wametumia kazi za Mujir al-Din na al-Ramli (kwa mfano, Tucker 2002; Gerber 1998a, 2008:
The way Khair al-Din al-Ramli, Mujir al-Din al-ʿUlaymi and other leading Palestinian Muslim jurists and writers used the term Filastin to refer to the ‘country’ as Palestine, or to ‘our country’ (biladuna), in the 15th to 17th centuries suggests that the territorial notion of Palestine was still very much alive in Palestinian Muslim social and cultural memory throughout the Mamluk and early Ottoman periods. This also contradicts the unfounded claim that the term Palestine ‘had been entirely forgotten by local Arabs, and that it was brought back to them by Arab Christians in touch with Europe’ (Krämer 2011: 16). Several scholars used the works of Mujir al-Din and al-Ramli (for instance, Tucker 2002; Gerber 1998a, 2008:
(50–51) ili kufuatilia mizizi ya kabla ya kisasa ya kuibuka kwa fahamu changa ya kijamii na kieneo ya Kipalestina. Katika kitabu chake *Remembering and Imagining Palestine: Identity and Nationalism from the Crusades to the Present*, Haim Gerber anaeleza:
50‒51) to trace the pre-modern roots of the emergence of embryonic Palestinian social and territorial consciousness. In Remembering and Imagining Palestine: Identity and Nationalism from the Crusades to the Present Haim Gerber explains:
Neno ‘Palestina’ linaonekana tena baadaye pia. Mwandishi aliyefuata kutumia jina hilo ... aliishi miaka mia mbili na nusu baada ya Mujir al-Din. Alikuwa mufti huru na mwanachuoni wa sheria huko al-Ramla katika karne ya kumi na saba, ambaye aliacha kwa vizazi vijavyo mkusanyiko muhimu sana wa fatwa (majadiliano ya kisheria ya Kiislamu kuhusu maswali yaliyoulizwa na wanajamii). Fatwa ni hati ya umma, inayosomwa na kutumiwa (wakati mwingine mahakamani) na watu wa aina mbalimbali, pengine wanaojua kusoma na kuandika, na kwa ufahamu wangu lugha iliyotumika haikuweza kuwa ya mufti mwenyewe kuibuni. Wala Khyar al-Din al-Ramli hakuwa mtu asiyejulikana. Kinyume chake kabisa: wanasheria wote wa sheria kutoka Syria na Palestina baada ya karne ya kumi na saba walitumia nyenzo hii kwa kina na bila shaka walijua kila fatwa ndani yake kwa undani. Taarifa hizi zote zinakuwa muhimu tukikumbuka kwamba mara kadhaa Khayr al-Din al-Ramli anaiita nchi aliyokuwa akiishi Palestina, na bila shaka anadhani wasomaji wake nao wanaiita hivyo. Lililo la kushangaza zaidi ni matumizi yake ya neno ‘nchi’ na hata ‘nchi yetu’ (biladuna), jambo linaloweza kumaanisha kwamba alikuwa na akilini jumuiya fulani isiyo rasmi iliyojikita katika neno hilo. (Gerber 2008: 50; pia Gerber 1998a)
The term ‘Palestine’ appears later as well. The next writer to use the name ... lived two and half centuries after Mujir al-Din, an independent mufti and legal scholar in al-Ramla in the seventeenth century, who left for posterity a most important collection of fatwas (Islamic legal discussions of questions posed by members of the public). A fatwa is a public document, to be read and used (sometimes in courts) by all sorts of people, probably literate, and it is my understanding that the language employed could not have been invented by the mufti. Nor was Khyar al-Din al-Ramli an obscure personality. Quite the reverse: all legal jurists from Syria and Palestine after the seventeenth century used this material intensively and unquestionably knew every fatwa in it inside out. All this information becomes important if we bear in mind that on several occasions Khayr al-Din al-Ramli calls the country he was living in Palestine, and unquestionably assumes that his readers do likewise. What is even more remarkable is his use of the term ‘’the country’ and even ‘our country’ (biladuna) possibly meaning that he had in mind some sort of a loose community focused around that term. (Gerber 2008: 50; also Gerber 1998a)
Fasihi ya Fada'il al-Quds ya Kiislamu (Sifa za Yerusalemu) na kazi za Khair al-Din al-Ramli, wa al-Ramla-Filastin, na mwandishi mwingine Mpalestina Mwislamu, mwenzake wa karne ya 17, Salih ibn Ahmad al-Tumurtashi (alifariki takriban mwaka 1715), wa Gaza, huko Filastin, vinatupa mwelekeo mwingine katika mabadiliko ya dhana ya Palestina katika kipindi cha marehemu cha Dola ya Ottoman. Al-Tumurtashi aliandika katika kipindi cha kati cha Ottoman kazi ya Kiislamu ya Sifa za Yerusalemu iitwayo: Maarifa Kamili katika Kukumbuka Ardhi Takatifu na Mipaka Yake na Kukumbuka Ardhi ya Palestina na Mipaka Yake na al-Sham (Al-Khabar al-Tam kwa Dhikr al-Ard al-Muqaddasah wa-Hududiha wa-Dhikr Ard Filastin wa-Hududiha wa-Sham) (al-Tumurtashi 1695‒1696; al-Turk 1998; Anabsi 1992; Gerber 2008: 50‒51). Al-Tumurtashi hutumia maneno Filastin, ardhi ya Palestina (ard Filastin), watu wa Palestina (ahl Filastin), mipaka au mipaka ya Palestina (hudud Filastin, حدود فلسطين) na kumbukumbu ya Palestina (dhikr Filastin, ذكر فلسطين) kuelezea nchi yake mwenyewe. Al-Tumurtashi haunde maarifa mapya kuhusu Palestina. Katika hati yake – ambayo nakala nne zilizotokana na hati asili zimesalia, zikiwemo mbili katika Kituo cha Kufufua Urithi wa Kiislamu huko Ab-Dis (Yerusalemu) na moja katika Maktaba ya Süleymaniye mjini Istanbul (al-Turk 1998: 2‒4) – anatoa upya maarifa yaliyopatikana kienyeji na kumbukumbu za kijamii za Filastin ya Kiarabu ya Kiislamu. Mwishoni mwa karne ya 17 al-Tumurtashi anatumia kazi ya karne ya 15 ya mwenzake mwingine, Mujir al-Din, Al-Uns al-Jalil bi-Tarikh al-Quds wal-Khalil, katika ujenzi wake wa mipaka ya Filastin, ambayo, kulingana naye na Mujir al-Din, ilienea kutoka al-'Arish/Rafah kusini hadi al-Lajjun (katika Marj Ibn 'Amer) kaskazini. Haya yote yanaonyesha kwamba kumbukumbu za kijamii, kiutawala na kijiografia za Palestina miongoni mwa Wapalestina wenyeji zilikuwa hai sana katika karne ya 17 na 18. Katika karne ya 15 hadi ya 17, miongoni mwa Wapalestina wenyeji, kumbukumbu hai na zilizoishi za Filastin ya Kiislamu zingekuwa na nguvu zaidi kuliko kumbukumbu za kihistoria za Andalusi ya Kiislamu (al-Andalus) miongoni mwa Waarabu na Waislamu wa leo. Kumbukumbu hizi zilizoishi pia zinaonyesha kwamba neno al-Sham halikuchukua nafasi ya wazo la asili, lililokita mizizi sana, la Filastin katika kipindi chote cha Ottoman. Kwa kweli, maneno hayo mawili ya kijiografia yaliishi pamoja katika kumbukumbu za kijamii na kitamaduni za Wapalestina wenyeji, na kwa madhumuni ya kiutendaji yalikamilishana.
The Islamic Fada’il al-Quds (Merits of Jerusalem) literature and the works of Khair al-Din al-Ramli, of al-Ramla-Filastin, and another Palestinian Muslim compatriot and writer in the 17th century, Salih ibn Ahmad al-Tumurtashi (died in c. 1715), of Gaza, in Filastin, give us another dimension to the multi-linear evolution of the concept of Palestine in the course of the late Ottoman period. Al-Tumurtashi wrote during the middle Ottoman period an Islamic Merits of Jerusalem work entitled: The Complete Knowledge in Remembering the Holy Land and its Boundaries and Remembering the Land of Palestine and its Boundaries and al-Sham (Al-Khabar al-Tam for Dhikr al-Ard al-Muqaddasah wa-Hududiha wa-Dhikr Ard Filastin wa-Hududiha wa-Sham) (al-Tumurtashi 1695‒1696; al-Turk 1998; Anabsi 1992; Gerber 2008: 50‒51). Al-Tumurtashi uses the terms Filastin, the land of Palestine (ard Filastin), the people of Palestine (ahl Filastin) the boundaries or borders of Palestine (hudud Filastin, حدود فلسطين ) and memory of Palestine (dhikr Filastin, ذكر فلسطين ) to describe his own country. Al-Tumurtashi does not create new knowledge on Palestine. In his manuscript – of which four copies based on the original manuscript have survived, including two at the Centre for the Revival of Islamic Heritage in Ab-Dis (Jerusalem) and one at the Süleymaniye Library in Istanbul (al-Turk 1998: 2‒4) – he reproduces locally available knowledge and social memories of Arab Islamic Filastin. In the late 17th century al-Tumurtashi uses a 15th century work by another compatriot, Mujir al-Din, Al-Uns al-Jalil bi-Tarikh al-Quds wal-Khalil, in his reconstruction of the boundaries of Filastin, which, according to him and Mujir al-Din, extended from al-‘Arish/Rafah in the south to al-Lajjun (in Marj Ibn ‘Amer) in the north. All this demonstrates that the social, administrative and geographic memories of Palestine among indigenous Palestinians were very much alive in the 17th and 18th centuries. In the 15th‒17th centuries among local Palestinians these centuries of lived and living memories of Islamic Filastin would be far more powerful than the historical memories of Islamic Spain (al-Andalus) among Arabs and Muslims today. These lived memories also show that the term al-Sham did not displace the indigenous, deeply rooted idea of Filastin throughout the Ottoman period. In fact, the two geographical terms coexisted in indigenous Palestinian social and cultural memories, and, for practical purposes, complemented each other.
Katika Ulaya, mapinduzi ya mashine ya uchapishaji yalihakikisha kwamba neno la Kilatini Palaestina na neno la Kiingereza Palestine lilisambaa zaidi wakati wa Renaissance ya Ulaya. Mapinduzi ya uchapishaji na usambazaji yaliharakishwa wakati wa Enzi ya Mwangaza, kwa kuzingatia kwa makusudi urithi wa Kigiriki na Kirumi wa kale kwa ujumla, na urithi wa kale wa Palestina hasa. Tayari imeonyeshwa kwamba wakati wa Enzi Kuu ya Uvumbuzi wa Ulaya, kuanzia mwishoni mwa karne ya 15 hadi karne ya 18, kazi muhimu za kale (za Kigiriki na Kirumi), zilizoelezea jiografia, topografia na ethnografia ya Palaestina ya kale na ya Zama za Marehemu za Kale kama nchi iliyoanzia Foinike upande wa kaskazini hadi Misri upande wa kusini, zilisambazwa sana Ulaya. Wanafikra, wanafalsafa na wanatheolojia Wakristo wa Byzantium waliokuwa wakiiga utamaduni wa Kigiriki wa Palaestina Prima (wa Gaza, Kaisarea Maritima na Ashkeloni), pamoja na urithi wa kidini na kitamaduni wa Palaestina, pia uliwavutia waandishi wa Renaissance.
In Europe the printing press revolution made sure that the Latin term Palaestina and English term Palestine increased their circulation at the time of the European Renaissance. The printing and publication revolution accelerated during the Age of Enlightenment with conscious reference to the classical Greek and Roman heritage in general and the classical heritage of Palestine in particular. It has already been shown that during Europe’s Great Age of Exploration from the end of the 15th century to the 18th century key classical (Greek and Roman) works, which described the geography, topography and ethnography of classical and Late Antiquity Palaestina as a country from Phoenicia in the north to Egypt in the south, were circulated widely in Europe. The famous classicising Christian Byzantine intellectuals, philosophers and theologians of Palaestina Prima (of Gaza, Caesarea Maritima and Ascalon) and the religio-cultural heritage of Palaestina were also of interest to Renaissance authors.
Kwa kweli, katika kumbukumbu ya pamoja ya Ulaya ya kipindi cha awali cha kisasa, jina Palestina (katika Kilatini na lugha za Ulaya za kienyeji) lilikuja kuwa jina lililotumika zaidi kuitaja nchi hiyo (ona, kwa mfano, Plett 2004: 512). Ukweli kwamba jina Palestina liliendelea kutumika zaidi katika kipindi chote cha awali cha kisasa na cha kisasa unaonekana katika tamthilia za William Shakespeare.
In fact, in early modern European collective memory the name Palestine (both in Latin and European vernaculars) became the most common designation of the country (see, for instance, Plett 2004: 512). The fact that the name Palestine remained the most commonly used throughout the early modern and modern eras is evident in William Shakespeare’s plays.
Syntagma Musicum (Juzuu I‒III) lilikuwa kazi ya kielimu ya kina iliyoandikwa na mwanamuziki-mtafiti wa Kijerumani Michael Praetorius (1571–1621), mmoja wa watunzi na wasomi wa muziki wenye vipaji vingi zaidi wa karne ya 17. Ilichapishwa mjini Wittenberg na Wolfenbüttel katika sehemu tatu kati ya mwaka 1614 na 1620, na ni mojawapo ya vyanzo vya utafiti vinavyotumiwa sana kuhusu nadharia ya muziki wa kipindi cha mwanzo cha kisasa (Herbert 2006: 87). Kama ilivyokuwa kawaida ya kipindi chake, juzuu ya pili, De Organographia, inaeleza ala za muziki na matumizi yake, na inataja ala za kale za ‘Palestina, Asia Ndogo na Ugiriki’ (Juzuu II, fol. 4).
Syntagma Musicum (Vols. I‒III) was an encyclopaedic work by German musicologist Michael Praetorius (1571–1621), one of the most versatile composers and musical academics of the 17th century. Published in Wittenberg and Wolfenbüttel in three parts between 1614 and 1620, it is one of the most commonly used research sources for music theory of the early modern period (Herbert 2006: 87). Typical of its period, the second volume, De Organographia, describes musical instruments and their use, and refers to early instruments of ‘Palestine, Asia Minor and Greece’ (Vol. II, fol. 4).
Pointi mbili ni kuu katika ramani za kisasa za Ulaya kuhusu Palestina na katika maandishi yanayoihusu:
Two points are central to modern European mapping of and writing about Palestine:
• Mkoa wa Palaestina uliendelea kuwa sawa na dhana ya Kikristo ya Terra Santa, au Nchi Takatifu.
• Provincia Palaestina remained synonymous with the Christian notion of Terra Santa, or the Holy Land.
• Kama dhana la Warumi na Wabyzantine (lakini tofauti na dhana ya enzi za kati ya Kiislamu), dhana ya Palestina daima ilikuwa pana vya kutosha kujumuisha Galilaya na Akka. Kwa hakika, katika kipindi chote cha mapema na cha kisasa (hasa kuanzia karne ya 17 kuendelea)
• Like the Roman and Byzantine conceptualisation (but unlike the medieval Islamic idea), the conceptualisation of Palestine was always sufficiently wide to include the Galilee and Acre. Indeed, throughout the early and modern periods (especially from the 17th century onwards)
Ramani na vitabu vingi vilichapishwa na kuchapishwa barani Ulaya (katika lugha nyingi) chini ya jina "Palestine" au "Ramani ya Palestine," na katika fasihi nyingi za Ulaya hizo nchi ya Palestine ilijumuisha Akka na Galilaya. Ilikuwa dhana hii ya Ulaya ya Palestine iliyoathiri upya mawazo ya utawala wa Dola ya Ottoman katika kipindi cha mwisho, pamoja na kitabu cha kijeshi cha Ottoman kinachoitwa Filastin Risalesi (angalia hapa chini).
dozens of maps and books were printed and published in Europe (in many languages) under the designation ‘Palestine’ or ‘Map of Palestine’ and in much of this European literature the country of Palestine included Acre and the Galilee. It was this European notion of Palestine which influenced late Ottoman reconceptualisation and the Ottoman military handbook named Filastin Risalesi (see below).