8.5 Ushuru, Mikoa ya Mpakani na Kuibuka kwa Nguvu Huru katika Palestina ya Karne ya 18 - Palestina: Historia ya Miaka Elfu Nne | Quran Course

8.5 Ushuru, Mikoa ya Mpakani na Kuibuka kwa Nguvu Huru katika Palestina ya Karne ya 18 - Palestina: Historia ya Miaka Elfu Nne | Quran Course

Iltizam, mfumo wa kodi, ulianza kutumika kwanza chini ya Wamamluk na ukaasisiwa rasmi na Waottoman katika karne ya 15. Ulitekelezwa kwa njia ya kukodisha mapato ya kodi za umma. Dola ya Ottoman ilikabidhi ukusanyaji wa kodi kwa watu wengine kwa kuuza haki za kukusanya kodi kwa mzabuni mwenye bei ya juu zaidi (multazim). Mzabuni huyo alikusanya kodi katika eneo lake, mara nyingi kwa ubadhirifu, kisha alilipa dola kiasi kilichokubaliwa kwa awamu zilizowekwa, huku akibakiza faida. Ukabidhi huu wa mfumo wa Iltizam ulihusu kodi za ardhi na kodi za mijini, uzalishaji wa bidhaa fulani kama divai na chumvi, na hata utoaji wa huduma fulani za umma. Ukabidhi wa kodi ya ardhi ya Iltizam chini ya Waottoman, ambao ulifanana na mfumo wa iqta'a wa Wafatimidi, ulizaa tabaka tajiri la watu wa eneo hilo na viongozi wenye nguvu wa kienyeji huko Palestina na katika eneo lote. Mfumo huu ulifutwa rasmi katika mageuzi ya Tanzimat ya mwaka 1856, lakini kwa kweli uliendelea hadi mwisho wa utawala wa Ottoman huko Palestina (Yazbak 1998: 72‒73). Mfumo wa iltizam ulikuwa wenye faida kubwa sana na wa unyonyaji mkubwa, na kwa karne nyingi ulinufaisha sana wasomi wenye nguvu wa kienyeji chini ya Wamamluk na Waottoman (Abdul Rahmam and Nagata 1977).

Appearing first under the Mamluks, the Iltizam taxation system was institutionalised by the Ottomans in the 15th century and was carried out by the farming of public tax revenues. The Ottoman state would outsource tax collection by auctioning taxation rights to the highest bidder (multazim), who would then profit, often profligately, from collecting the taxes locally, make payments to the state in fixed instalments, while keeping the profit. This outsourcing of the Iltizam tax system included the farming of land taxes and urban taxes, the production of certain goods such as wine and salt, and even the provision of certain public services. The outsourcing of the land Iltizam tax under the Ottomans, which resembled the iqta’a system under the Fatimids, gave rise to rich local elites and powerful local chieftains in Palestine and throughout the region. Formally abolished in the course of the reforms (Tanzimat) of 1856, but, in reality, continuing until the end of Ottoman rule in Palestine (Yazbak 1998: 72‒73), the ltizam system was very profitable and highly exploitative and was for many centuries of great benefit to powerful local elites under the Mamluks and Ottomans (Abdul Rahmam and Nagata 1977).

Karibu Palestina ilifikia karibu zaidi na kuwa taifa huru la kisasa wa mapema kutokana na mchanganyiko wa mambo mawili: nguvu ya kibiashara ya Palestina na uongozi wa kiongozi maarufu Dhaher al-ʿUmar, pamoja na kuendelea kupuuzwa kwa Waothmani. Ukoo wa Zaydani (hamulah) wa Dhaher al-ʿUmar ulitokea katika mashambani na pembezoni mwa nchi, kutoka pashalik ya Safad, mkoa wa "mpaka" chini ya Wamamluk na Waothmani, si kutoka miji mikuu ya jadi ya nchi wala kutoka tabaka la wasomi wa mijini wa Palestina waliokuwa wakiunga mkono Waothmani kwa ujumla. Akizaliwa katika kijiji cha ʿArrabah katikati ya Galilaya, al-ʿUmar hakutoka katika tabaka la jadi la wamiliki wa ardhi wa mijini wa Palestina, na tofauti na wakuu wa mitaa (ʿayan), hakudai uhalali wake kwa mamlaka kuu ya Waothmani. Wanafamilia wa al-ʿUmar walikuwa wamehudumu kama multazim (wakusanyaji wa kodi) wa ndani katika miji ya mkoa ya Tiberias na Safad katika pashalik ya Safad, na yeye mwenyewe alikuwa ameanza kazi yake kama mfanyabiashara na mkusanyaji wa kodi chini ya mfumo wa Iltizam wa Waothmani (Krämer 2011:

The closest Palestine got to early modern independent statehood was a result of both commercial dynamism of Palestine and its legendary leader Dhaher al-ʿUmar and the continued neglect of the Ottomans. The Zaydani clan (hamulah) of Dhaher al-ʿUmar emerged from the Palestinian countryside and periphery of the country, from the pashalik of Safad, a ‘frontier province’ under both the Mamluks and Ottomans, not from the traditional major urban centres of the country or the generally pro-Ottoman urban social elites of Palestine. Born in the village of ‘Arrabah in central Galilee, al-ʿUmar did not come from the traditional urban landowning aristocracy of Palestine and, unlike the local notables (‘ayan), he did not owe his legitimacy to the central Ottoman authorities. Al-ʿUmar’s family members had served as local multazims (tax collectors) in the provincial towns of Tiberias and Safad in the pashalik of Safad and he himself had begun his career as a trader and tax farmer under the Ottoman Iltizam system (Krämer 2011:

60). Lakini mfumo wa kodi ya ardhi ya Iltizam wa Kiothmani huko Palestina ulikuwa wa unyonyaji mkubwa na wa ukandamizaji kwa wakulima, na kama tutakavyoona hapa chini, mfumo mpya wa kodi wa al-ʿUmar na utawala wake wa kijamii wenye mwanga ulionekana wazi kuwa maarufu miongoni mwa wakulima wa Palestina. Alipunguza kwa kiasi kikubwa nguvu za wakuu wa mijini na 'matabaka ya kinyonyaji' ambayo yalikuwa yakinufaika kutokana na makundi dhaifu ya kijamii, hasa wakulima. Al-ʿUmar alikuwa amepata elimu rasmi kiasi, lakini inaonekana alijielimisha zaidi mwenyewe, na mwanzo wa kazi yake, umahiri wake wa kifedha na uzoefu wake wa vitendo kama mkusanyaji wa kodi mwenye ufanisi vilikuwa na thamani kubwa sana. Lakini ni umahiri wake wa kisiasa, kijeshi, kiuchumi, kidiplomasia na wa kodi ndio uliomfanya pengine kuwa kiongozi mwenye nguvu zaidi katika historia ya kisasa ya Palestina. Kupanda kwake madarakani kulianza katika mashambani ya Galilaya, na makao yake makuu ya kwanza yalikuwa Tiberia katika Galilaya ya Mashariki, si miji ya jadi ya nchi hiyo: Nablus, Yerusalemu na Gaza. Baada ya kuasi kwa mafanikio dhidi ya dola la Kiothmani na kuimarisha utawala wake, al-ʿUmar akawa kwa vitendo mtawala huru wa sehemu kubwa ya Palestina. Kufuatia ushindi wake wa kijeshi huko Marj ibn ‘Amer mwaka 1735, maelfu ya wenyeji, wakiwemo wakazi wengi wa Nazareti, walijiunga na majeshi yake. Inaonekana miongoni mwa wafuasi wake wa Galilaya kulikuwa na Wakristo wengi wa mahali hapo, wakiwemo wanawake Wakristo kutoka Nazareti waliowapa askari wake chakula na maji (Joudah 1987: 28‒31). ‘Katika miongo mitatu iliyofuata, hadhi ya Zahir al-Umar ilikua hadi akaona inawezekana kuunda ushirikiano wa muda na serikali ya Urusi na kushirikiana na Wamamluk huko Misri’ (Doumani 1995: 42).

60). But the Ottoman Iltizam land tax system in Palestine had been highly exploitative and oppressive towards the peasantry and, as we shall see below, al-ʿUmar’s new taxation system and his socially enlightened regime were evidently popular among the Palestinian peasantry. He substantially reduced the power of the urban notables and ‘predatory classes’ that had fed upon vulnerable social groups, especially the peasants. Al-ʿUmar had received some formal education but he appears to have been largely selftaught and his early career, financial competence and practical experience as an efficient tax farmer were of critical value. But it was his political, military, economic, diplomatic and taxation skills which made him perhaps the most powerful leader in modern Palestinian history. His rise to power began in the Galilee countryside and his first headquarters was Tiberias in Eastern Galilee, not the traditional urban centres of the country: Nablus, Jerusalem and Gaza. After rebelling successfully against the Ottoman state and consolidating his regime, al-ʿUmar became effectively the sovereign ruler of much of Palestine. Following his military victory at Marj ibn ‘Amer in 1735, thousands of local people, including many residents of Nazareth, joined his forces. Apparently among his Galilee supporters were many local Christians, including Christian women from Nazareth who provided his troops with food and water (Joudah 1987: 28‒31). ‘Over the next three decades Zahir al-Umar’s stature became such that he found it possible to forge temporary alliances with the Russian government and to cooperate with the Mamluks in Egypt’ (Doumani 1995: 42).