Tsarin mulkin Musulunci ba na jamhuriya ba ne. Tsarin jamhuriya yana dogara ne akan dimokuradiyya, inda ikon mulki ake ba al'umma. Saboda haka, al'umma suna da hakkin mulki da yin doka, kuma suna da hakkin nada shugaba da cire shi. Suna da hakkin kafa kundin tsarin mulki da kafa dokoki, da kuma soke, canza ko gyara kundin tsarin mulki da dokokin.

The shape of the Islamic ruling system is not republican. The republican system is based on democracy, where sovereignty is given to the people. Thus, the people have the right of ruling and legislation, and they reserve the right to appoint the ruler and remove him. They reserve the right to lay down a constitution and enact laws and to abolish, alter or modify both the constitution and the laws.

Akasin haka, tsarin mulkin Musulunci yana ginuwa ne a kan akidar Musulunci da kuma dokokin Shari'a. Mulki yana ga Shari'ar Allah (SWT), ba ga Al'umma ba. Don haka Al'umma ba ta da hakkin yin doka, haka ma Khalifa. Shi kadai ne mai yin doka, Allah (SWT), kuma Khalifa yana da hakkin daukar hukunce-hukunce kawai domin tsara kundin tsarin mulki da dokoki wadanda aka samo daga Littafin Allah (SWT) da Sunnar Manzonsa (SWT). Haka nan Al'umma ba ta da hakkin tsige Khalifa; abin da ke tsige shi shi ne Shari'a. Sai dai Al'umma tana da hakkin nada shi, domin Musulunci ya ba ta iko da karfi, don haka an ba ta iko da karfin zabar duk wanda take so da kuma ba shi Bai'a.

In contrast, the Islamic ruling system is based on the Islamic ‘aqeedah and on the Shari’ah laws. The sovereignty is to the Shar’a of Allah (swt) and not to the Ummah. So the Ummah has no right to legislate nor does the Khaleefah. The sole legislator is Allah (swt), and the Khaleefah has the right only to adopt rulings for the constitution and cannons that are derived from the Book of Allah (swt) and the Sunnah of His Messenger (swt). Also the Ummah has no right to remove the Khaleefah; what removes him is the Shar’a. However, the Ummah has the right to appoint him, for Islam gave the authority and power to her, so she has been given the authority and power to select and give the Bay’ah to whomever she wishes.

A cikin tsarin Shugabanci na Jamhuriya, shugaban ƙasa yana riƙe da ikokin da ake buƙata na shugaban ƙasa. Ba shi da Firayim Minista a majalisarsa, sai dai sakatarorin gwamnati, kamar yadda yake a Amurka. A tsarin Majalisa kuwa, shugaban ƙasa yana da Firayim Minista, kuma ikon mulki na wajibi yana hannun majalisar ministoci ba shugaban jamhuriya ba, kamar yadda yake a Jamus.

In the Presidential form of the Republican system, the president of the republic holds the mandatory powers of the head of state. He does not have in his cabinet a prime minister, but secretaries of state, as in the United States. In the parliamentary form, the president has a prime minister, and the mandatory ruling powers are in the hands of the ministerial cabinet not the president of the republic, as in Germany.

A cikin tsarin Khilafah babu ministoci, haka kuma babu majalisar ministoci da ke aiki tare da Khaleefah, kamar yadda yake a tsarin dimokuradiyya, inda ministoci ke da takamaiman ma'aikatu da iko na musamman da suke da shi. Maimakon haka, Khaleefah yana da Mu'awinoon, waɗanda ya naɗa domin su taimaka masa wajen gudanar da ayyukan Khilafah da sauke nauyinta. Su wakilai ne da mataimakan zartarwa. Khaleefah ne ke shugabancinsu a matsayinsa na shugaban ƙasa, ba a matsayin firayim minista ba, kuma ba a matsayin shugaban wata hukumar zartarwa ba. Khaleefah ba shi da majalisar ministoci da ke aiki tare da shi, domin shi ne yake da dukkan ikon da ya rataya a wuyansa, kuma mataimakan suna taimaka masa ne kawai wajen aiwatar da ikon da ya rataya a wuyansa.

In the Khilafah system there are no ministers, nor a council of ministers working with the Khaleefah, as is the case in the democratic system, where ministers have special portfolios and mandatory powers of their own. Instead the Khaleefah has Mu’awinoon whom he appoints to assist him in assuming the functions of the Khilafah and discharging its duties. They are delegated and executive assistants. The Khaleefah heads them in his capacity as the head of state and not a prime minister, nor as a head of an executive body. The Khaleefah has no council of ministers working with him, since he has all the mandatory powers and the assistants merely help him in executing his mandatory powers.

Bugu da ƙari, a cikin nau'ikan tsarin jamhuriya guda biyu, na shugaban ƙasa da na majalisar dokoki, shugaba yana da alhakin al'ummarsa da wakilansu. Al'umma da wakilansu suna da haƙƙin cire shi, tun da ikon mulki a tsarin jamhuriya na al'umma ne.

Besides, in both types of the republican system, the presidential and parliamentary, the president is accountable to his people and their representatives. The people and their representatives have the right to remove him since the sovereignty in the republican system belongs to the people.

Wannan yana adawa da Imamancin muminai. Amir na muminai yana da alhaki a gaban al'umma da wakilanta, kuma yana da hisabi ga al'umma da wakilanta. Duk da haka, al'umma da wakilanta ba su da hakkin cire shi. Ana iya cire shi ne kawai idan ya keta Shari'a ta hanyar da cirewarsa ta zama wajibi, kuma Kotun Ayyukan Zalunci ita kaɗai ce take yanke hukunci a kan haka.

This is contrary to the Imarah of the believers. The Ameer of the believers is responsible before the Ummah and her representatives and is accountable to the Ummah and her representatives. Nonetheless the Ummah and her representatives have no right to remove him. He can only be removed if he violates the Shar’a in a way that his removal becomes obligatory, the Court of Unjust Acts alone is the one that decides this.

A cikin tsarin jamhuriya, ko na shugaban kasa ne ko na majalisa, wa'adin shugabanci an ƙayyade shi kuma ba a iya wuce shi ba.

In the republican system, whether it is presidential or parliamentary, the term of the presidency is fixed and cannot be exceeded.

Alhaƙiƙa, tsarin Khilafah ba ya tantance wa'adin mulkin Khalifa. Abin da ke ƙayyade shi shi ne yadda yake aiwatar da Shari'a. Muddin Khalifa yana aiwatar da dokokin Musulunci, waɗanda aka samo daga Littafin Allah da Sunnar Manzonsa ﷺ, to yana nan a matsayin Khalifa, ko da wa'adin Khilafarsa ya daɗe ko bai daɗe ba. Idan Khalifa ya saɓa wa Shari'a, ya karkata daga aiwatar da dokokin Musulunci, to wa'adin mulkinsa zai ƙare, ko da kuwa wata ɗaya ne ko yini ɗaya ne, kuma dole ne a cire shi nan take a wannan yanayin.

Whereas, the Khilafah system does not determine the Khaleefah’s term of office. This is rather determined by his implementation of Shar’a. So long as the Khaleefah is implementing the rules of Islam, that are derived from the Book of Allah, and the Sunnah of His Messenger, he remains a Khaleefah, regardless of how long his Khilafah term lasts. If the Khaleefah violated the Shar’a, and deviated from implementing the rules of Islam, his term in office would be terminated even if it were one month or one day; and he must in this instance be removed immediately.

Saboda haka, muna kammalawa da cewa akwai babban bambanci tsakanin tsarin Khilafah da tsarin jamhuriya, da kuma tsakanin Khaleefah da shugaban jamhuriya.

We conclude, therefore, that there is a great difference between the Khilafah system and the republican system and between the Khaleefah and the president of a republic.

Saboda haka, an haramta gaba ɗaya a ce tsarin Musulunci tsarin jamhuriyya ne, ko a yi amfani da kalmar ‘Jamhuriyyar Musulunci’, domin akwai babban sabani tsakanin tushen da tsarin biyu suka dogara a kansu, baya ga bambancin da ke tsakaninsu a sura da cikakkun bayanai.

It is, therefore, absolutely forbidden to claim that the Islamic system is a republican system, or to use the term ‘Islamic Republic’, for there exists a great contradiction between the foundations upon which the two systems are founded, in addition to the difference between them in there shape and details.