在九世纪上半叶,阿拔斯哈里发国的臣民大多是基督徒、犹太教徒、拜火教徒,甚至还有多神教徒。占少数的穆斯林统治者几乎时时面临其他生活方式与思想的威胁或诱惑,而这些生活方式与思想深深扎根于当地的风土、历史与习俗之中。他们常常感到自身处于包围之中,或屈从于诱惑也就不足为奇了:诱惑可能以应邀到邻居家做客的形式出现,可能是一次随意的恋爱或两性邂逅,也可能是不得不为一位非穆斯林父母办理丧事。无论如何,人们需要关于日常行为举止的详细指导。人们或许会到《古兰经》中寻求指引,但其中许多内容含糊不清,或并未言明。关于先知言行的传说(圣训)大量涌现,以填补这一空白。著名法学思想家沙斐仪(卒于伊历204年/公元820年)在其开创性的《法理学通信》(近期已译入“阿拉伯文学丛书”)中,极力主张圣训的权威性。

During the first half of the ninth century, most of the Abbasid Caliphate’s subjects were Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians or even pagans. The ruling minority of Muslims faced, at almost every turn, the threat—or allure—of other ways of life and thought, deeply rooted in landscape, history and custom. No wonder they often felt embattled, or succumbed to temptation: it might come in the form of an invitation to a neighbor’s house, a casual romantic or sexual encounter, or the need to bury a non-Muslim parent. There was, in any event, a need for detailed instruction about everyday deportment. Guidance might be sought in the Qurʾan, but much in it was ambiguous or left unsaid. Traditions about the Prophet’s sayings and doings (hadiths) proliferated to fill the gap. The eminent legal thinker, al-Shāfiʿī (d. 204 H/820AD), strongly advocated the authority of hadiths in his epoch-making Epistle on Legal Theory (recently translated for the Library of Arabic Literature).

在下一代人中，艾哈迈德·伊本·罕百勒（卒于公元855年，即伊历241年）赢得了一份历久不衰的声誉：他不仅是一位孜孜不倦的圣训搜集者，也是继先知ﷺ之后，践行圣训所规定之品行的最杰出典范之一。

In the next generation, Aḥmad ibn Ḥanbal (d. 241H/855AD) made a reputation that has never faded, not just as an indefatigable collector of hadiths, but also as one of the greatest exemplars, after the Prophet himself, of the conduct the hadiths prescribed.

伊本·罕百勒对虔诚穆斯林的众多询问所作的回答，生动地呈现了九世纪巴格达的日常生活图景。然而在普通民众眼中，伊本·罕百勒的声誉主要建立在他坚忍不屈地承受哈里发马蒙（在位时间为公元813至833年，即伊历198至218年）下令施加的严厉鞭笞之上。

The numerous responses Ibn Ḥanbal offered to enquiries from pious fellow Muslims present a lively picture of daily life in ninth-century Baghdad. In the eyes of ordinary people, however, Ibn Ḥanbal’s reputation rested chiefly on his unflinching endurance of a severe flogging at the command of the Caliph al-Maʾmūn (r. 198–218H/813–833AD).

这正是伊本·罕百勒为坚持《古兰经》作为真主活生生的话语、属于非受造之物这一教义所付出的代价。麦蒙哈里发则希望以另一种经典观取而代之，这种观点为人的理性解释留出了空间。麦蒙哈里发对解释经典以及一般而言伊斯兰教权威来源有着自己独特的见解；但伊本·罕百勒的抵制，对于在确定穆斯林教义方面，学术研究战胜哈里发的意志起到了决定性作用。对《古兰经》学术的执着，渐渐被理解为排斥运用推理或思辨——这些被视为哲学家的罪过。麦蒙哈里发与希腊哲学译成阿拉伯文的工作密切相关，而伊本·罕百勒则对这类著作不屑一顾，在他看来，这些书既非阿拉伯文的，也非穆斯林的著作。

This was Ibn Ḥanbal’s recompense for insisting on the doctrine of the uncreatedness of the Qurʾan as God’s living word, for which al-Maʾmūn sought to substitute a view of scripture that left room for human interpretation based on reason. Al-Maʾmūn had his own distinctive ideas about interpreting scripture and in general about the sources of authority in Islam; but Ibn Ḥanbal’s resistance contributed decisively to the triumph of scholarly research over caliphal will in determining Muslim doctrine. Increasingly, an attachment to Qurʾanic scholarship was construed as excluding resort to ratiocination or speculation—these were the sins of the philosophers. Whereas al-Maʾmūn was closely associated with the translation of Greek philosophy into Arabic, Ibn Ḥanbal would have no truck with such writings, which were neither Arabic nor Muslim.

哈narbal学派以伊本·罕百里命名,到十世纪时已经蓬勃发展,尽管面临其他法学流派的竞争。此后几个世纪里,它继续自我更新,先在巴格达,后在大马士革。十六世纪初奥斯曼人征服阿拉伯地区后,该学派的发展有所减缓,因为奥斯曼人偏重哈乃斐学派。历史有时会出现一种对称,伊本·罕百里本人或许也会欣赏:正是在奥斯曼领地之外的十八世纪中部阿拉伯,该学派迎来了最令人难忘的复兴,恰如先知ﷺ曾在七世纪希贾兹相对默默无闻之中兴起,去应对并化解当时正困扰着邻近帝国——萨珊波斯,尤其是东罗马(拜占庭)——的政治与神学紧张局势。

The Ḥanbalī school—named for Ibn Ḥanbal—was already flourɍishing by the tenth century, despite competition from other schools of legal thought. It continued to renew itself during the centuries that followed, first in Baghdad, then in Damascus. It prospered less after the conquest of the Arab lands in the early sixteenth century by the Ottomans, who favored the Ḥanafī school of legal thought. By one of those symmetries of history that Ibn Ḥanbal himself would perhaps have appreciated, it was a little outside the Ottoman domains, in eighteenth-century Central Arabia, that his school experienced its most memorable revival, just as the Prophet himself had arisen in the relative obscurity of the seventh-century Hijaz, to address and resolve the political and theological tensions that were tormenting the neighboring empires of Sasanid Iran and—especially—East Rome (Byzantium).

鉴于当今沙特版本的伊斯兰教在全球的影响力，以及它对伊本·罕百勒的思想渊源，迈克尔·库珀森对伊本·孤兹《伊本·罕百勒传》所做的细致工作，其重要意义可能会在那些只将其置于阿拔斯时期的巴格达、而未将其置于阿拉伯半岛瓦哈比主义背景中加以审视的人那里被忽视。

Given the global reach of the Saudi version of Islam today, and its debt to Ibn Ḥanbal, much of the significance of Michael Cooperson’s painstaking work on Ibn al- Jawzī’s Life of Ibn Ḥanbal is in danger of being lost on those who fail to see it in the context, not just of Abbasid Baghdad, but also of Wahhabism in the Arabian Peninsula.

在他那部学识渊博、文笔优雅的《伊斯兰Hanbal学派史指南》中，迈克尔·库克（Michael Cook）在其鸿篇巨著《伊斯兰思想中的劝善戒恶》（2001）里作了一个引人注目的对比。一方面是安静克制的伊本·罕百勒（Ibn Ḥanbal），他斥责恶行，却不鼓励对作恶者使用暴力，与国家的镇压机器保持坚定的距离，也避免政治活动。另一方面则是罕百勒学派的学者穆罕默德·伊本·阿卜杜·瓦哈卜（Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb，卒于）……

In his erudite and elegantly written guide to the history of Hanbalism, the monumental Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong in Islamic Thought (2001), Michael Cook draws a striking contrast. On the one hand there is a quietist Ibn Ḥanbal who reproved wrongdoing but discouraged aggression towards its perpetrators, keeping a firm distance from the repressive apparatus of the state and eschewing political activism. On the other hand there is the Ḥanbalī scholar Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Wahhāb (d.

（1206H/1792AD），他与埃米尔穆罕默德·本·沙特（卒于）联手

1206H/1792AD), who in alliance with the Emir Muḥammad ibn Saʿūd (d.

1179H/1765AD年间,他对阿拉伯半岛中部零散绿洲中他所认为的“多神教”习俗发起了全面攻击。正如库克所言:“罕百里学派此时被赋予了一个陌生的角色:在一个几乎没有国家的部落社会中,它成为了国家构建的学说。”然而,这一学说本身——有别于其可能的政治运用——依然如故。

1179H/1765AD) launched an all-out assault on what he saw as “polytheistic” practices in the scattered oases of Central Arabia. As Cook puts it, “Hanbalism was now cast in the unfamiliar role of a doctrine of state-formation in a near-stateless tribal society.” But the doctrine, as distinct from its possible political applications, remained the same.

至于每位穆斯林都应履行的义务——“命人行善，禁人作恶”——伊本·罕百勒便是典范，而沙特国家则逐步将其制度化，由各地的埃米尔（地方长官）进行主动的调查。（伊本·罕百勒曾倾向于尽可能视而不见，只有在别无选择时才加以劝诫。）

As for the duty incumbent on every Muslim, and exemplified by Ibn Ḥanbal, of “commanding right and forbidding wrong,” the Saudi state progressively institutionalized it by having local emirs conduct active investigations (Ibn Ḥanbal had preferred to avert his gaze where possible, and reprove only when he had no choice).

Cook 认为，随着沙特人在进一步扩张和针对异教徒的圣战中再无机会，他们便将其正义的侵略性转向了内部的敌人。但当他们于1924至1925年终于征服希贾兹和圣地之后，“瓦哈比派的清教主义与穆斯林世界更为宽松的态度相并置，注定会引发麻烦”（182页）。因此，1926年成立了一个“倡善惩恶委员会”，由学者和显要人物组成，以控制贝都因执法者对利润丰厚的外国朝觐者的粗暴行为。礼拜纪律、酒类、吸烟以及男女隔离是其主要关注事项。类似的委员会在整个王国内相继设立，其影响一直延续至今。Cook 最后反思了官僚化如何有效地扼杀了这一原本“极具非政治性、属于个人层面的教义”（192页）。

Cook argues that as the Saudis ran out of opportunities for further expansion and jihad against the infidel, they turned their righteous aggression on the enemy within. But when in 1924–25 they finally conquered the Hijaz and the Holy Places, “the juxtaposition of Wahhābī Puritanism and the laxer attitudes of the wider Muslim world was a prescription for trouble” (182). Hence the setting up in 1926 of a “Committee for Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong,” populated by scholars and notables, to control the thuggish behavior of Bedouin enforcers towards the lucrative foreign pilgrims. Prayer-discipline, alcohol, smoking and segregation of women were major preoccupations. Similar committees were established throughout the kingdom, and their influence has endured. Cook concludes by reflecting on the effective strangulation, by bureaucratization, of what began as “a strongly apolitical and individual doctrine” (192).

在接下来的篇章中，读者将亲自领略这一传统最具说服力的范例。此人在先知及其同伴之后，对塑造今日所见逊尼派伊斯兰教的核心特征所做的贡献，堪称无人能及。

In the pages that follow, readers will encounter for themselves the most convincing exemplar of that tradition, who has done as much as any other human, after the Prophet and his Companions, to shape the central characteristics of Sunni Islam as we see it lived today.

加斯·福登（Garth Fowden） 剑桥大学苏丹卡布斯亚伯拉罕诸教教授

Garth Fowden Sultan Qaboos Professor of Abrahamic Faiths, University of Cambridge